Читать книгу Counseling the Culturally Diverse - Laura Smith L. - Страница 22

EMOTIONAL INVALIDATION VERSUS AFFIRMATION: MARGINALIZED GROUP MEMBERS

Оглавление

It is clear that the same subject matter in CCD often arouses a different emotional response from marginalized group members; for the two students of color, for example, they felt heard, liberated, and validated. They describe the book content as “honest” and “truthful,” indicating that their lived experiences had finally been validated rather than silenced or ignored. Many People of Color describe how their thoughts and feelings about race and racism are often ignored, dismissed, negated, or seen as having no basis in fact. They are told that they are misreading things, overly sensitive, unduly suspicious, or even paranoid when they bring up issues of bias and discrimination; in other words, they are “crazy” to think or feel that way.

As can be seen from the students of color, many marginalized group members react equally strongly as their White counterparts when issues of oppression are raised, especially when their stories of discrimination and pain are minimized or neglected. Their reality of racism, sexism, and homophobia, they contend, is relatively unknown or ignored by those in power because of the discomfort that pervades such topics. Worse yet, many well‐intentioned majority persons seem disinclined to hear the personal stories of suffering, humiliation, and pain that accrue to Persons of Color and other marginalized groups in our society (Sue, 2015). The following quote gives some idea of what it is like for a Black man to live his life day in and day out in a society filled with both covert and overt racist acts that often are invisible to well‐intentioned White Americans.

I don't think white people, generally, understand the full meaning of racist discriminatory behaviors directed toward Americans of African descent. They seem to see each act of discrimination or any act of violence as an “isolated” event. As a result, most white Americans cannot understand the strong reaction manifested by blacks when such events occur … They forget that in most cases, we live lives of quiet desperation generated by a litany of daily large and small events that, whether or not by design, remind us of our “place” in American society. [Whites] ignore the personal context of the stimulus. That is, they deny the historical impact that a negative act may have on an individual. “Nigger” to a white may simply be an epithet that should be ignored. To most blacks, the term brings into sharp and current focus all kinds of acts of racism—murder, rape, torture, denial of constitutional rights, insults, limited opportunity structure, economic problems, unequal justice under the law and a myriad of … other racist and discriminatory acts that occur daily in the lives of most Americans of African descent. (Feagin & Sikes, 1994, pp. 23–24)

The lived experience of People of Color is generally invisible to most White Americans, as this quotation portrays. As we will discuss in Chapter 4, racial, gender, and sexual orientation microaggressions are experienced frequently by People of Color, women, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) persons in their day‐to‐day interactions with well‐intentioned members of the dominant society (Nadal, Griffin, Wong, Davidoff, & Davis, 2017; Sue & Spanierman, 2020). Microaggressions are the everyday slights, put‐downs, invalidations, and insults directed to socially devalued group members by well‐intentioned people who often are unaware that they have engaged in such biased and harmful behaviors. A lifetime of microaggressions can have a major harmful impact on the psychological well‐being of victims. Note the following narratives provided by American Indians as they describe day‐to‐day experiences with microaggressions that serve to undermine their humanity through exposure to racial hostility and assumptions of inferiority.

I know my dad has a lot of white friends, and they get comfortable with him and they say really insulting things. They call us wagon burners, dirty Indians. And, it's, it's, it's when they get, when they start getting out of line ‘cause my dad wouldn't say anything. I would, start saying stuff and then they'd come back to my dad and be like “oh, what's wrong with your son? Can't he take a joke?” Well it's not funny when, when someone insults you to your face and then they just expect you to laugh at it like they do. (name withheld)

…so I filled out the little form and I took it up to the girl behind the glass and said “I've got this thing for the parking permit” [at the local university] And she looked at it and looked at me, and she said “So are you delivering this for Dr. X?” and I said “No, actually I am Dr. X.” And she got really red and embarrassed, you know, but I don't really know what was in her mind. You know, maybe I just don't look professorial or something like that. (Senter & Ling, 2017, pp. 266, 269)

Here, it is important to note the emotional toll of having to listen to racially hostile name calling among “so‐called” friends or to have to continually prove your legitimacy as a professional. These narratives are part of a larger study on racial microaggressions against American Indians (Senter & Ling, 2017). People retold stories of being assumed to be poor, addicted to alcohol or drugs, lazy, and dirty. Narrators described costs associated with microaggressions including being followed, receiving poor service, and getting overcharged. Over time, these experiences left people with hurt and anger; some people coped by distancing themselves from non‐Natives or trying to hide. But, People of Color are also strong. Like so many others who experience racial microaggressions, many used these moments as an opportunity to educate others.

Given the fact that the majority of People of Color have experienced microaggressions in their lifetime, covering these topics in class can serve to validate their lived realities (Sue & Spanierman, 2020). Dr. Le Ondra Clark, now an African American psychologist in California, describes her experiences of being one of the few Black students in a graduate program and the feeling of affirmation that flooded her when taking a multicultural counseling course and using CCD as the textbook.

I, a native of Southern California, arrived at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, and was eager to learn. I remember the harsh reality I experienced as I confronted the Midwest culture. I felt like I stood out, and I learned quickly that I did. As I walked around the campus and surrounding area, I remember counting on one hand the number of racial and ethnic minorities I saw. I was not completely surprised about this, as I had done some research and was aware that there would be a lack of racial and ethnic diversity on and around campus. However, I was baffled by the paucity of exposure that the 25 members of my master's cohort had to racial and ethnic minority individuals. I assumed that because I was traveling across the country to attend this top‐ranked program focused on social justice, everyone else must have been as well. I was wrong…

I did not begin to feel comfortable until I attended the Multicultural Counseling course later that week. Students were assigned a number of textbooks as part of this course, including CCD … I never imagined a textbook would bring me so much comfort. I vividly remember reading each chapter and vigorously taking notes in the margins. I also remember the energy I felt as I wrote about my reactions to the readings each week. I felt like the book legitimized the experiences of racial and ethnic minorities and helped me understand what I was encountering in my Midwest surroundings. It became a platform from which I could explain my own experience as a racial and ethnic minority from Southern California who was transplanted to the Midwest. The personal stories, concepts, and theories illustrated in CCD resonated with me and ultimately helped me overcome my feelings of isolation. CCD provided me with the language to engage in intellectual discourse about race, ethnicity, social class, privilege, and disparities. I remember the awareness that swept over the class as we progressed through the textbook … I felt that they were beginning to view things through my cultural lens, and I through theirs. We were gaining greater understanding of how our differing cultural realities had shaped us and would impact the work we conducted as therapists. (Sue & Sue, 2013, pp. 17–18)

Le Ondra's story voices a continuing saga of how Persons of Color and many marginalized individuals must function in an ethnocentric society that unintentionally invalidates their experiences and enforces silence upon them. She talks about how the text provided a language for her to explain her experiences and how she resonated with its content and meaning. To her, the content of the book tapped into her experiential reality and expressed a worldview that is too often ignored or not even discussed in graduate‐level programs. Le Ondra found comfort and solace in the book, and she has been fortunate in finding significant others in her life that have validated her thoughts, feelings, and aspirations and allowed her to pursue a social justice direction in counseling. As a Person of Color, Le Ondra has been able to overcome great odds and to obtain her doctorate in the field and become Chief Executive Officer of the California Council of Community Behavioral Health Agencies and the Executive Director of the California Access Coalition without losing her sense of integrity or racial/cultural identity.

Counseling the Culturally Diverse

Подняться наверх