Читать книгу Usable History? - Tia Sindbaek - Страница 23
NOTES
Оглавление1 I leave out the word ‘genocide’ from this account, not with the intention of denying that the massacres committed may have constituted acts of genocide. But since the main topic of this book is to analyse the discursive creation of a theme around the concept of genocide, I believe the use of the term here will confuse the matter.
2 For an overview of the events of the Second World War in Yugoslavia, see for example Jozo Tomasevich, ‘Yugoslavia During the Second World War’, in Wayne S. Vucinich, ed., Contemporary Yugoslavia. Twenty Years of Socialist Experiment, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969, 59-118; Stevan K. Pavlowitch’s chapter ‘The Chaotic Gap: 1941-1945’, in his Yugoslavia, London: Ernest Benn Limited, 1971, 107-172; John R. Lampe, Yugoslavia as History. Twice there was a country, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000, 201-232. For more detailed accounts, see Stevan K. Pavlowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder. The Second World War in Yugoslavia, New York: Columbia University Press, 2008; Jozo Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945. The Chetniks, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975, and Jozo Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945. Occupation and Collaboration, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001. Tomasevich’s planned third volume on the Partisans was unfortunately never finished.
3 On the Ustasha and their anti-Serbian politics, see: Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945. Occupation and collaboration, 335-415; Fikreta Jelić-Butić, Ustaše i Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, 1941-1945, Zagreb: Školska Knjiga, 1978, particularly 158-187; Aleksa Djilas, The Contested Country. Yugoslav Unity and Communist Revolution, 1919-1953, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991, 103-127; Ladislaus Hory and Martin Broszat, Der Kroatische Ustascha-Staat, 1941-1945, Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1964, particularly 93-103, 126.
4 On the events in Bosnia, see also: Enver Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Second World War, New York: Frank Cass, 2005.
5 By adopting the name of ‘Chetniks’, they drew on South Slav traditions of outlaw and guerrilla bands. Chetnik units were used by the Serbian and other Balkan armies before and during the Balkan wars, 1912-1913. In the interwar period, a Chetnik Association with many local brands was established in Serbia, from 1932 led by Kosta Pećanac. See Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945. The Chetniks, 115-126.
6 These plans for a large and ethnically clean Serbian entity were proposed initially by Stevan Moljević in the summer of 1941, before he became a central figure in the Chetnik movement. Similar suggestions were made by others, but not officially from the side of the Chetnik top military leadership. For a discussion of this, see Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945. The Chetniks, 166-178 and John R. Lampe, Yugoslavia as history, 206.
7 Attila Hoare, ‘The People’s Liberation Movement in Bosnia and Hercegovina, 1941-1945: What Did It Mean to Fight for a Multi-National State?’, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 2, 1996, 3, 415-445.
8 See also Stevan K. Pavlowitch, ‘Neither heroes nor traitors: Suggestions for a reappraisal of the Yugoslav resistance’, in B. Bond and I. Roy eds., War and Society. A Yearbook of Military History, vol. 1, 1975, 227-242.
9 On cooperation and civil war between Partisans and Chetniks, see Marko Attila Hoare, Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. The Partisans and the Chetniks 1941-1943, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006.
10 Lucian Karchmar, Draža Mihailović and the Rise of the Četnik Movement, 1941-1942, New York: Garland Publishing, 1987, 498-450.
11 Thus, the last Yugoslav anti-Partisan forces surrendered a week after the war had officially ended. For a description of the last fighting and the final surrender from a Partisan perspective, see Milan Basta, Rat je završen sedam dana kasnije, Ljubljana: Globus, 1976.
12 Venceslav Glišić, Teror i zločini nacističke Nemačke u Srbiji 1941-1945, Beograd: Rad, 1970, 60-69. The number of victims in Kragujevac remains uncertain; according to some estimates as many as 7000 were killed there. Ibid, 66. See also Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945. Occupation and collaboration, 69. For an account of the crimes based on German sources, see Walter Manoschek and Hans Safrian, ‘717./117. ID: Eine Infanterie-Division auf dem Balkan’, in Hannes Heer und Klaus Naumann, eds., Vernichtungskrieg: Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941-1944, Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 1995, 360-365.
13 Quoted from the Ustasha paper Novi List, 3rd June, 1941, in Viktor Novak, Magnum Crimen. Pola vijeka klerikalizma u Hrvatskoj, Beograd: Nova Knjiga 1986 (first published in Zagreb 1948), 606.
14 See Tomislav Dulić, ‘Mass Killing in the Independent State of Croatia, 1941-1945: a case for comparative research’, Journal of Genocide Research, 8, 2006, 3, 255-281; Jelić-Butić, Ustaše i Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, 166-167; Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945. Occupation and collaboration, 397-409, Hory and Broszat, Der Kroatische Ustascha-Staat, 100-103. For a detailed description of the massacres in Herzegovina, see Tomislav Dulić, Utopias of Nation. Local Mass Killing in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1941-1942, Uppsala: Studia Historica Uppsaliensia, 2005, 123-165.
15 Ger Duijzings, ‘World War Two’, Chapter 3 in his History and Reminders in East Bosnia, appendix 4 from the report Srebrenica. A ‘safe’ area. Reconstruction, background, consequences and analysis of the fall of a safe area, Netherlands Institute of War Documentation (NIOD), at http://www.srebrenica.nl/en/a_index.htm. See also Dulić, Utopias of Nation, 216-226; Hory and Broszat, Der Kroatische Ustascha-Staat, 126.
16 Srdja Trifkovic, Ustaša. Croatian Separatism and European Politics, 1929-1945, London: The Lord Byron Foundation for Balkan Studies, 1998, 150-156.
17 Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945. Occupation and collaboration, 397.
18 Mark Biondich, ‘Religion and Nation in Wartime Croatia: Reflections on the Ustaša Policy of Forced Religious Conversion, 1941-1942’, Slavonic and East European Review, 83, 2005, 1, 71-116.
19 On the Ustaša camps, see Mirko Peršen, Ustaški Logori (2nd revised and expanded edition), Zagreb: Globus, 1990; Ivo Goldstein, Holokaust u Zagrebu, Zagreb: Novi Liber 2001, 247-362. On Jasenovac, also Nataša Mataušić, Jasenovac 1941-1945. Logor smrti i radni logor, Zagreb: Biblioteka Kameni cvijet, 2003. On the number of Jasenovac victims, see See e.g. Vladimir Žerjavić, Opsesije i megalomanije oko Jasenovca i Bleiburga. Gubici stanovništva Jugoslavije u drugom svetskom ratu, (2nd edition), Zagreb: Globus, 1992, 69-74; Goldstein, Holokaust u Zagrebu, 338-343; Mataušić, Jasenovac, 116-122, and, for a recent overview of various estimates, see also Dragan Cvetković, ‘Stradanje civila Nezavisne Države Hrvatske u Logoru Jasenovac’, Tokovi Istorije, 2007, 4, 153-168.
20 Vladimir Dedijer and Antun Miletić, Genocid nad muslimanima 1941-1945. Zbornik dokumenata i svjedočenja, Sarajevo: Svjetlost 1990; Dulić, Utopias of Nation, 194-215; Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Second World War, 124-151; Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945. The Chetniks. 256-261. On the first wave of massacres, see also Karchmar, Draža Mihailović, 462, 473, 481.
21 Rasim Hurem, Kriza narodno-oslobodilačkog pokreta u Bosni i Hercegovini, 1941-1942, Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1972, particularly 142-162; Redžić, Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Second World War, 210-216. For an inside account, see Milovan Djilas, Wartime, London: Martin Secker and Warburg, 1977, 147-156.
22 According to Vladimir Žerjavić, the number of Croatian and Muslim victims may have been at most about 50,000, possibly less. To this should be added about 10,000 Slovenes and 2,000 Chetniks. The majority were not killed at Bleiburg, but during the following forced marches and imprisonment. See Žerjavić, Opsesije i megalomanije oko Jasenovca i Bleiburga, 77-79. For a critical discussion of the numbers of victims according to studies based on Croatian émigré sources see also Tomislav Dulić, ‘Tito’s Slaughterhouse: A Critical analysis of Rummel’s Work on Democide’, Journal of Peace Research, 41, 2004, 1, 85-102.
23 Vladimir Žerjavić, Gubici stanovništva Jugoslavije u drugom svjetskom ratu, Zagreb: Jugoslovensko viktimološko društvo, 1989, 70-75; Bogoljub Kočović, Žrtve Drugog svetskog rata u Jugoslaviji, London: Naše Delo, 1985, 130. The figures given by these two calculations are now widely accepted. For an overview of various calculations of Yugoslav Second World War victims, see also Srđan Bogosavljević, ‘The Unresolved Genocide’, in Nebojša Popov, ed., The Road to War in Serbia. Trauma and Catharsis, Budapest: CEU Press, 2000, 146-159.
24 Žerjavić, Gubici stanovništva Jugoslavije, 4.
