Читать книгу Ningyo - Alan Scott Pate - Страница 10

A CELEBRATION OF YOUTH

Dolls the world over are largely seen to be the province of children, toys to be played with, forms to be dressed and preened, and endowed with imaginary lives re-enacted in imitation of the adult world. Following a seemingly universal impulse, children mimic the society around them through the use of dolls cobbled together from found materials: wood, clay, stone, string, and cloth. Such is the basic nature of the doll and even play—an imitation of life, a parody of the larger world, a socialization process developing the skills and aptitudes required for functioning in general society. But in a striking inversion of this pattern, a certain category of Japanese doll takes as its focus children, carefree and innocent, acting out these mimicking roles. Instead of playthings intended for children, they are dolls traditionally designed for and admired by adults, creating an interesting circle of adults admiring dolls depicting children pretending to be adults. Such is the basic nature of the gosho-ningyō or "palace doll," a celebration of youth and innocence. Gosho-ningyō are at their core dolls depicting children. Whether elaborately costumed or nearly naked, they depict young, generally male, children doing what children do—playing, discovering the world around them. The particular love of the Japanese for the gosho-ningyō reflects an appreciation of the innocence of childhood and an attempt to continue to view the world through the child's eye long after the eye has matured into adulthood.

Gosho-ningyō art perhaps the most lovable of all Japanese dolls, with their chubby bodies, childish expressions, and friendly faces staring candidly at the viewer. Gosho are distinctive in their depiction of young boys between the ages of three and five years old. Structurally, their bodies are generally carved in their entirety out of wood, frequently sexed, and covered overall in a brilliant white gofun (a lacquer-like substance made from a crushed oyster shell powder mixed with an animal-based glue termed nikowa). Their hairstyles are arranged in fashions appropriate to their age. Often they are depicted wearing nothing more than a simple bib known as a haragake. Their heads are exceptionally large and round, their facial features usually small and centered, and their bodies corpulent, signifying health.

Popular in imperial court circles beginning in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, gosho-ningyō were frequently exchanged as gifts on a variety of occasions. As their popularity grew and expanded beyond the intimate court circles that birthed them, gosho-ningyō began to be depicted in a variety of ways, drawing not only upon court traditions and attire, but also presenting parodies (mitate) of popular legends, Noh and Kabuki performances, as well as genre scenes, all the while maintaining their youthful countenance and fleshy bodies even when clothed in layers of rich silk brocades. Tracing the history of the gosho-ningyō over the 250-year course of the Edo period is to plot the course of Edo culture itself. Each piece when examined carefully contains many layers of meaning specific to the time it was produced. From opulent to minimalist, gosho-ningyō reflect the full panoply of Edo society, all in the guise of an innocent child.

Seated gosho-ningyō with harukoma

Edo period, 19th century

Height 11 inches

Rauch Collection

Saga-ningyō

Edo period, 17th century

Height 10 inches

Ayervais Collection

As will be seen below, within each category of Japanese doll explored there exist subtypes within subtypes, a seemingly infinite parceling within narrower and narrower forms, all expressed in a surprisingly rich and revealing vocabulary Regarding the form we generally call "gosho" today, there are over twenty different names that have been applied over time, corresponding to differences in function, position, construction, region, and maker. Like the old axiom about North American Eskimos and their rich vocabulary for describing snow, gosho-ningyō, much beloved, and very much a part of Edo culture, claim the same degree of verbal diversity: zudai-ningyō (big head doll), shiragiku-ningyō (white chrysanthemum doll), shiraniku-ningyō (white flesh doll), omiyage-ningyō (gift doll), Izukura-ningyō (named for the celebrated Osaka-based doll maker Izukura Kihei), hairyo-ningyō (emperor's gift), to name only a few

This chapter will explore the origins and uses of gosho-ningyō in the imperial court, tracing some of their early formative steps and influences, including the opulent Saga-ningyō, with its richly textured lacquer surface, and the transitional hadaka Saga or "naked Saga," with its attenuated limbs and more natural proportions. The growth in their popularity, first among the samurai classes and eventually the merchant classes, the shifts in construction techniques and the thematic presentation will also be covered. By examining the images produced and their echoes in other media, such as woodblock prints, Noh, Kabuki, puppet theater, and popular literature, we can see how gosho-ningyō, far from being the elite preserve of the imperial court, were very much a product of popular culture, though imbued with auspicious symbolism.

First a story: Asahara Kakuyo, a well-known second-generation ningyō collector and owner of the (sadly) now-closed Hozukiya doll shop in Tokyo, loves to tell of a gosho-ningyō her father acquired before the war while she was still a young girl. This particular gosho was considered to be especially important, whether for size or rarity she no longer recalls, but she remembers feeling that it was worth more than the value of the home they lived in. The whole family was caught up in the enthusiasm over this new addition. Her younger brother, however, thought that the doll did not at all look important, as its white gofun was soiled. In a burst of youthful inspiration and a genuine desire to please, the young boy carried the treasure with him into the bath and carefully cleaned the doll. Of course, in the process he stripped away the centuries-old gofun, the small painted eyes, the red of the lips. What emerged from the bath was essentially a well-carved block of wood which the young boy proudly presented to his father: a young child, naked from his bath, holding an object of which he was proud. A doll holding a doll. A living gosho-ningyō.

Before we plunge into the history and details of this rich and engaging form of ningyō, it is important to remember that, above all, these were personal objects, embraced by family, loved by their owners, admired, valued, and extremely fragile—a fugitive beauty Their continued existence today in any number is a miracle given the often violent nature of Japan's history, both pre-modern and modern, as well as a testament to their importance in the culture and psyche of the Japanese.

Wakagimi-himegimi

(young prince and princess pair) Edo period, 19th century

Height 18 1/2 inches

Ayervais Collection

Saga-ningyō

Edo period, 17th century

Height 10 1/2 inches

Asahara Collection

EXAMPLES OF GOSHO-NINGYŌ

Saga-ningyō

The Saga-ningyō occupy a unique space within the topography of Japanese ningyō. Based on extant examples, Saga reached the peak of their popularity during the late seventeenth to early eighteenth century, though their production is thought to have begun as early as the late sixteenth century and continued intermittently through the end of the Edo period. Although their exact origins are obscure, it is generally assumed that they were carved by Kyoto-based busshi (Buddhist sculptors) as a sideline to their craft. The Buddhist influence is readily visible in many of these figures, particularly in the mode of decorating the clothing with a raised lacquer technique called moriage, a technique commonly found on Buddhist sculptures of the period.

The faces and hands of these figures were typically covered in a highly burnished white gofun, but unlike many of the other ningyō forms presented here, Saga-ningyō were not typically clothed with actual textiles, either draped or applied. Their rich clothing effects, for which they were celebrated, were achieved through a sophisticated application of pigments combined with gold powder. To achieve this effect, layers of gofun would be applied over the entire base wood sculpture. The intricate textile patterning was then developed through the use of a thicker bead of gofun, marking out various designs and symbols. To make them more vivid, a moriage technique was then used which involved the application of a gold powder paste to the raised line of gofun. The rich hues for which Saga are known were achieved through the further application of gold leaf and the use of vibrant pigments, a bright red in imitation of beni (scarlet red), so popular in textile dyes of the period, and a copper-based green being the principal palette.

The term "Saga" as with many ningyō appellations, is a Meiji-period invention. The name is borrowed from the Saga area outside of Kyoto where these figures are believed to have been originally made. The Saga area itself was celebrated for its Saga-bon (books from Saga). These were lavishly illustrated books designed and executed in part by such celebrated artists and calligraphers as Hon'ami Kōetsu (1558-1637) and Tawaraya Sōtatsu (d. 1640). The press, founded by Suminokura Soan (1571-1632), the son of a wealthy merchant whose family held a coveted franchise for trade with Tonkin (North Vietnam), focused on deluxe editions of Japanese classics such as the Genji monogatari (Tale of Genji) and the Ise monogatari (Tales of Ise) as well as the librettos of Noh plays. Some of its more distinguishing characteristics included the use of mica and skilled carving which made it difficult to discern whether the text was printed or actual calligraphy. Though operating for a relatively brief period during the opening decades of the seventeenth century, the popularity of the Saga-bon among certain sectors of society is seen as a partial catalyst for the revival of the "courtly aesthetic" synonymous with much of Kyoto art. The similarly lavish nature of Saga-bon and the Saga-ningyō, combined with the fact that ningyō makers and busshi were reputed to have lived in this section of Kyoto, seem to be the basis for the "Saga" name attribution.

Although with the information currently available it is impossible to verify, initial distribution of Saga-ningyō may have been effected through Sōtatsus Kyoto shop, the Tawaraya. Sōtatsu was a principal figure in the founding of the celebrated Rimpa School of painting. Though largely known for the large-scale screens and smaller album-sized paintings sold there, the Tarawaya was also a purveyor of a variety of other goods, including painted fans, lantern paper, seashells and containers for the shell-matching game, in addition to ningyō.

Subject matter for the Saga is traditionally divided into four distinct categories. The first, and most celebrated, is seated Chinese-style children called karako, kara-huzoku, or dōji. Frequently, they are depicted holding some animal such as a bird or a dog under their right arm with their left hand resting on their lap. They also often have a nodding head with a protruding tongue. These have the most overt Buddhist flavor, reminding one of young Buddhist acolytes called dōji that appear frequently in religious paintings and sculpture. The example shown on page 20 is from this first category The second category includes a range of figures drawn from Noh, popular religion, and folk beliefs, typically rendered standing with no movable elements. The third category, called hadaka-Saga or "naked Saga," is seen as a transitional form between the classic seated dōji-type Saga and the gosho-ningyō which was to overshadow Saga in terms of popularity within the eighteenth century The final category of classically recognized Saga-ningyō is that of ordinary townsfolk. These figures, though typically not as large as the seated dōji forms, are wonderful works, filled with delightful sensitivity, movement, and whimsy.

Noh libretto for the play Michinari Sagabon, press of Suminokura Soan (1571-1632), woodblock print, ink on colored paper with mica

printed details, 9 1/2 x 7 inches.

Spencer Collection, New York

Public Library

The popularity of the Saga-ningyō eventually led to their manufacture in other areas as well. While Saga-ningyō manufactured in Kyoto tended to focus most closely on religious subject matter such as the karako mentioned above, Edo Saga or Saga-ningyō fabricated in Edo centered around themes and images similar to that found in woodblock prints. Tanzen (dandies), bijin (beautiful women), yako (male servants), and wakashu (young princes) were among the most popular of Edo Saga. Stylistically, they were given a more heavily painted treatment and were sometimes called ōkiase-ningyō (thickly painted dolls).

The only artist for which we have a reasonable attribution to Saga-style ningyō is for Shimizu Ryūkei (1659- 1720), also known as Hogan Ryūkei. In Kyōho 2 (1717) Ryūkei, a celebrated busshi, created a series of a hundred ningyō depicting various passersby and street scenes of townspeople. Carved from single pieces of wood, decorated with gofun and other pigments, each represents individuals that Ryūkei may have encountered in his daily walk: monks, merchants, courtesans, minstrels, priests, children. All were displayed on a six-level stand. He even documented members of the nobility, though they were judiciously arranged on a separate level with a verandah-like background. Their accessories, such as umbrellas, packages, walking sticks, and weapons, were all carved separately.

The Saga-ningyō on page 20 is a particularly fine example. It is done in the dōji style depicting a young seated acolyte. His hair is closely cropped, and the side knots typical of dōji are simulated here through the use of flat leather panels which were originally painted black (one is now missing). The features of his face are finely painted in black charcoal-based sumi ink over the white gofun, and his mouth is slightly open. He is constructed in the nodder style known as kubifuri, so that his head pivots back and forth on a pin driven through the neck. As he bobs his head, his tongue appears and disappears out of his open mouth.

His clothing is depicted in a Chinese style, with the design elements all executed in rich tones of red and green with gold highlights. He wears a high belt as well as a waist sash. His vest bears a cloud pattern floating over a repeat floral pattern, and the sleeves of his coat are decorated with roundels bearing the Chinese endless knot or "treasure knot" (takara-musubi). All of these design elements are executed in a raised moriage. Though he carries no particular attribute at his side, his hands are artfully executed, with the index finder of his right hand slightly extended as the hand itself rests on his raised knee.

Hadaka-Saga-ningyō

The hadaka-Saga or "naked" Saga-ningyō represent the earliest stages in the development of what are now called gosho-ningyō. Felt to be a derivative form of the highly prized Saga-ningyō, these pieces are distinctive and quite rare. Comparisons with the Saga might be somewhat confusing at first, for the Saga are much fuller figures sculpturally, typically fully clothed, with a minimal use of the signature white gofun. Like later ishō-ningyō (fashion dolls), the Saga also frequently portrayed well-dressed courtesans or entertainers, townsfolk and peddlers with their textiles elaborately portrayed with rich and vivid hues of painted and lacquered color. However, one category of Saga depicted karako (Chinese children) either seated or kneeling and holding on to an object such as a bird or a dog. As one begins to examine this category of Saga, the connections with latter-day gosho and the transitional hadaka-Saga become more readily apparent, both in the overall positions they assume as well as the frequent use of attributes.

Yet, the hadaka-Saga can be seen as a distinct, intermediary stop in the development between Saga and gosho. When compared with "overstuffed" gosha, with their three-part construction where head, body and arms, and legs form three relatively equal units, the arms, legs, and head size of a hadaka-Saga are much more proportionate and life-like Although the gosho form would ultimately prove more popular, the hadaka-Saga represented a Significant step in the development of Japanese ningyō.

Like the gosha, hadaka-Saga typically wear nothing but a simple haragake bib. Frequently, they are sexed, and exclusively male. The overall lack of clothing necessarily gave greater prominence to the gofun used to cover the rest of the body. Facially, they feature very narrow eyes with parallel arching upper and lower lids, diminutive noses and small mouths, a characteristic referred to as hikime kagihana (line eyes-dash nose). It is possible that the austere and brilliant white of the gofun contrasted with the jet black painted hair and the colorful embroidered red of the textiles, touched upon a simpler aesthetic note that may have accounted for its increased popularity as time went by.

Girl carrying a hadaka-Saga-ningyō, from Ehon kiku gasane, Kitao Sekkōsai (1716-80) woodblock printed book. Yoshitoku Doll Company

Hadaka-Saga-ningyō

Edo period, 18th century

Height 9 inches

Ayervais Collection

Although an exact timeline cannot be determined for the transition from Saga to hadaka-Saga to gosho, in broadest terms the seventeenth century belonged to the Saga, its earliest origins perhaps extending into the Keichō era (1596-1615), peaking during the mid- to late 1600s, and finally giving way to the hadaka-Saga in the early 1700s. The hadaka-Saga itself enjoyed a much shorter reign of popularity, fading in favor of the more classic gosho by the middle of the century The gosho form continues to be popular to this day, and in many respects is emblematic of the whole of Japanese ningyō, possessing an indefinable quality that continues to attract and compel some 300 years after their maturation.

The hadaka-Saga illustrated above is a delightful example, with classically long, attenuated legs and arms. His face is turned slightly upwards, gazing back at the viewer. His position is unusual, with his legs drawn up and his left arm resting on his knee as his hands point inward. In marked contrast to the Saga-ningyō, he is clothed only in a simple bib with kinran (gold-backed paper thread brocade) decorations of flowers. The belt and border are executed in chirimen (silk crepe). The minimal bib allows us to enjoy the brilliant white of the gofun covering his entire body. He is a sexed figure, indicating a tradition which was to continue in later periods, even after gosho forms began to be depicted fully clothed.

Haihai Gosho-ningyō

The aesthetic appeal elicited by children is referred to as way obi. It was strongly rooted in Heian-period literature where authors such as Lady Murasaki and Sei Shōnagon make frequent comment on the beauty of young children. Sei Shōnagon (b. 965) in her tenth-century memoir Makura no sōshi (The Pillow Book) spoke of many personal things, her likes and dislikes, and objects that evoked specific moods, both positive and negative. Frequently, they were recorded in the form of lists (monozukushi), such as "Depressing Things," "Things That Make One's Heart Beat Faster," or "Things That Cannot Be Compared." In a section entitled "Adorable Things," she praises the beauty created when "an extremely plump baby, who is about a year old, and has lovely white skin, comes crawling towards one, dressed in a long gauze robe of violet with the sleeves tucked up." Edo society, with its social turmoil, looked backed to the Heian period in a romanticized way, and the aesthetics expressed by Shōnagon and others seemed to have a strong resonance. Passages such as this appear to have been the ningyō artists' recipe book for the figures they created.

The form of the haihai (crawling baby) itself appears to have been drawn from the earlier form called the hōko. These were simple stuffed silk figures with a rudimentary face and attached real or silk fiber hair. Made to coincide with the birth of a new child, they were seen as protective talismans and kept close to the children, absorbing evil influences. One theory, promoted by Yamada Tokubei in his Nihon ningyō shi (History of Japanese Dolls) is that the auspicious and beneficial aspects of the hōko led them to be given as gifts, resulting in an increased sophistication of the form, moving from largely abstract to a more realistic depiction of a young, crawling baby. This theory posits the haihai as the original gosho from which all other gosho forms developed.

Hōko-ningyō, from Amagatsu otogihōko tsutsumamori ekitori, Hinuki Hachizaemon (fl. ca. 1821), Bunka 7 (1810), hand copy of a 17th-century

manuscript, 6 1/2 x 11 inches.

Author's Collection

Haihai gosho-ningyō

Edo period, 19th century

Length 5 inches

Ayervais Collection

Regardless of their origins, the haihai, like other gosho forms, were a popular and important gift within the Edo period. Court documents from the late Edo period indicate that haihai were given as gifts to young children both at New Year as well on their first festival (hatsu-sekku). Like hōko, they were frequently carried along in palanquins while traveling, to serve as a protective force. At home, they were often included in the Hina-matsuri display.

Like many ningyō forms, the popularity of the haihai led to a wide variety of shapes, all based on the simple theme of a crawling baby. Some wear the trailing silks described by Sei Shōnagon, others only a simple bib. They are found crafted of wood, papier mâché, as well as clay. Some are quite small, only an inch or two in length, although other examples can approach life size.

The figure shown on page 24, though small, is exceptionally well made. Clothed in a long red chirimen robe, his entire body, though fully rendered, is invisible to the viewer, with only the head peering out from the folds of his silk robe and bib. A small patch of velvet is placed at the top of his head, illustrating a young baby's hairstyle, and two small dots of sumi ink on his forehead symbolize the okimayu ("skybrows") of the aristocratic classes. A small pouch called a mamori-bukuro that traditionally would have contained a small amulet for a baby's protection is also part of the outfit.

Seated Gosho-ningyō with Battle Fan

Murasaki Shikibu, in Genji monogatari, makes the following observation: "The wood-carver can fashion whatever he will. Yet his products are but toys of the moment, to be glanced at in jest, not fashioned to any precept or law. When times change, the carver too will change his style and make new trifles to hit the fancy of the passing day. But there is another kind of artist, who sets more soberly about his work striving to give beauty to the things which men actually use and to give to them shapes which tradition has ordained. The maker of real things must not for a moment be confused with the carver of idle toys."

In the Western tradition, dolls are largely considered "idle toys," frivolous objects to be enjoyed only momentarily Within the Japanese tradition, ningyō often carry a far greater weight of tradition and purpose. Forms developed centuries ago, vested with meaning and in many cases specific function, continue to be made in much the same way, possessing much the same form. In the Japanese sense, they are "real things."

Early in their development, gosho-ningyō fulfilled a very specific function. Visiting daimyō to the imperial court were required by custom to bring gifts of tribute. Rather than physically presenting these individual objects in person, a catalog or listing of these gifts, called a mokuroku, was delivered instead and, in exchange, ningyō were frequently given as gifts of recognition and gratitude. The forms of these ningyō were codified as well: they almost invariably depicted seated or kneeling boys of approximately three years of age, with full, rounded faces and fat arms, legs, and belly They wore either a simple bib, or in more sophisticated forms were clothed in rich and luxurious textiles. Their hair was either real human hair, composed of silk fiber, or simply painted. An auspicious object was either held at their side fashioned as an integral part of the figure, or held separately in the hands. The giving of these gosho-ningyō was not only meant as a gesture of gratitude but intended to convey good wishes upon the recipient, the attribute held giving an indication of the nature of those good wishes: longevity, health, fertility, success for a son, martial prowess, etc. The paired attributes touched on nearly all aspects of society: spiritual beliefs, toys, sports, animals, seasonal festivals, Noh subjects, and commercial products, to name but a few.

Referred to as gosho since only the early part of the twentieth century, this ningyō form has been known by many names over the two and a half centuries it has been produced: omiyage-ningyō expressing its gift-giving function, hairyō-ningyō or "emperor's gift," ōuchi-ningyō relating to the court environment which first produced it, or onobori-ningyō or "going up" from the ningyō maker to the court. When wearing only a bib, it is also referred to as otsubone-ningyō in reference to court ladies in good standing, and reflecting the popularity of these figures amongst the ladies of the court. The names used also imply that they were popular gifts within the court as well, rather than exclusively gifts for visiting daimyō.

(Detail) Seated gosho-ningyō with battle fan

Edo period, 19th century

Height 23 1/2 inches

Ayervais Collection

Gosho-ningyō can also be seen as belonging to a larger court tradition of giving ningyō as gifts for specific and auspicious occasions. The sandai-chigo (see page 265) depicting a young prince wearing his hair in the distinctive binboku or chigowa butterfly knot with two broad looping coils on top of his head, and white hahama trousers with distinctive black "pompom"-like decorations (kikutoji) on the front, were given to young princes when they left their nursemaids and more actively joined their parents in society. On the occasion of a young Noh or kyōgen performer's first appearance at the imperial palace, he received a ningyō depicting a seated musician figure referred to as a uizan-ningyō. Like the gosho, these forms carried auspicious meanings and were treasured as gifts.

The seated figure shown here is particularly fine and impressive. At just over twenty-three and a half inches high, it is exceptionally large for the genre. In keeping with the classic gosho-ningyō form, he is depicted seated with both legs pointed forward in a child-like pose. A small, incised chin accentuates the fullness of his face that is framed by long silk fiber hair. He is clothed in rich silk brocades with a repeated hōō (phoenix) design. On his head rests a tall lacquered eboshi court headdress. In his right hand he holds a Chinese-style battle fan called a gumbai decorated with images of the sun and moon symbolizing the gods of Shintō and Buddhism. Articles such as gumbai, helmets, or folding fans emblazoned with the sun were direct references to the military. In the hands of gosho-ningyō, these articles were designed to convey wishes of military prowess or, as the period progressed and warfare and the warrior ethic became more of a distant memory, evoke nostalgia for the military glory of days gone by.

Seated gosho-ningyō with battle fan

Edo period, 19th century

Height 23 1/2 inches

Ayervais Collection

Seated gosho-ningyō with box

Edo period, late 18th to early 19th century

Height 9 1/2 inches

Rosen Collection

Seated Gosho-ningyō with Box

Ningyō in all of their forms were intensely personal objects. Fashioned as gifts and kept as talismans, they were intimately connected to those who owned them. How individuals actually felt about these figures can only be surmised through their enduring popularity and the fact that these fragile remnants of a bygone day are still available for us to admire today, a strong testament to their cultural and personal importance. The aesthetics they embody and the emotions they were intended to invoke can be gleaned from diaries and commentaries that date back to the tenth century which show that ningyō, even from this early date, were an important part of the personal culture of the Japanese.

Sei Shōnagon, in one of her many diary entries commenting on her daily life, lists in a section entitled "Things That Arouse Fond Memories of the Past" the "objects used during the Display of Dolls (hina asobi)" Hina asobi, which can be literally translated as "playing with dolls," is used here to evoke memories of a happy and carefree youth when time was spent playing house and children arranged dolls based on the life viewed around them. Later, in a particularly long and sensitive list entitled "Adorable Things," she again mentions objects used during hina asobi. Here, she also includes the wonderful visual of a baby, fat and healthy, "crawling rapidly along the ground. With his sharp eyes he catches sight of a tiny object, and picking it up with his pretty little fingers, takes it to show a grown up person."

The essence of gosho-ningyō is their ability to delight the viewer, to capture that aspect of youth, its innocence and wonderment, which we look back upon with such nostalgia. In the image of the gosho-ningyō shown here, we see a young boy holding up with obvious joy a box that he has found. Seated squarely on the floor with both legs extended in front, he looks not at the box in his hand but at the viewer, seeking approval. The gofun has been worn from the big toe on his right foot, and the kiri (paulownia) wood beneath is visible, darkened with a rich patina from being handled over the years. He is clothed in a simple red silk open-sleeved kimono with a white silk layer beneath. His silk fiber hair is divided into five sections: two side locks, a forelock tied up high, a simple knot on top of his head, and a very small lock at the nape of his neck.

Woodblock print imagery from the Edo period depicting children reveals an almost bewildering array of hairstyles. They range from completely shaved heads to small round patches of closely cropped hair, to shoulder length hair tied in a variety of fashions. The Japanese have traditionally held many beliefs surrounding hair in general, and children's hair in particular, with numerous customs and rituals associated with its growth, cutting, and styling. The hair itself was seen in many respects as a nexus of one's life force, and many of a child's steps towards adulthood were marked by haircutting rituals of various descriptions. During the Heian period, a hair-cutting ritual called the ubuzori was held generally a week after a child's birth. Garlanded with auspicious objects, the child's head was turned towards the east and three locks were cut by an officiant before the nurse finished off the job, thus completing the child's first haircut. The most common rite was the kamioki held at the age of three for both boys and girls. This rite marked the end of a probationary period of sorts. Before this time, a child's grip on this world was considered weak and tentative, and because of this children could be easily transported back to the other world to which they remained partially connected. By age three, the life expectancy of children greatly improved, and the kamioki ritual marked a point in which a child's hair would be allowed to grow long for the first time, rather than extensive head-shaving which marked a child's early years. Up to the age of seven or eight, male and female children sported much the same kinds of hairstyles.

A mother tying up her son's hair,

Suzuki Harunobu (17257-70),

woodblock print, ink and color on paper, ca. 1768-9, 10 x 7 1/2 inches.

Royal Ontario Museum

Other rituals, such as the hakama-gi when a boy sported hakama trousers for the first time around the age of five, or the obitoki when a girl first began to wear an obi tie belt around the age of seven, were age-based festivals that began to define not only a child's progress towards adulthood, but also clearer differentiation by sex. During the Edo period, these three rites— kamioki at age three, hakama-gi at age five, and obitoki at age seven—formed an integral part of the shichi-go-san (seven-five-three) ceremonies in which children were presented to local shrines to receive blessings for health and longevity.

Gosho-ningyō, with their varying costumes and hairstyles, are reflective of the importance that each of these elements held in the life of Edo-period children. Though far removed from the time and culture that created them, gosho-ningyō serve as valuable historical records, providing greater insights into the values of the period as well as the intrinsic delight with which they provide the viewer.

Seated Gosho-ningyō with Treasure Ship

The takarabune (treasure ship) is a distinctive image in the art vocabulary of Japan. It is aboard the takarabune that the Seven Gods of Good Fortune come sailing into port on New Year's Eve. Apart from the Seven Gods, the image of the takarabune itself is said to bring good fortune. Popular tradition holds that if an image of the ship is kept under your pillow on that night and you dream of the takarabune, then you will enjoy good fortune for the rest of the year. Such a scene opens the celebrated Kabuki play Yanone, when Soga no Gōrō, while sleeping with his head on a treasure ship image, has a vision which tells him of the danger confronting his brother, setting the play's events in motion. A waka poem that is also a palindrome traditionally accompanies the image:

Naga hi yo no	From the faraway sleep
Too no ne muri no	of a long night
Mina me za me	Everyone awakens
Nami no ri fune	The sound of the ship's wake
No oto no yo	Is comforting
Kika na

The ship itself is said to be laden with treasures such as rare books and scrolls, the tama or hōju (sacred wish-fulfilling gem), rolls of silk brocade, a key to the storage house, a magic cape to make one invisible, and a magic hat to keep off the rain, among others. Collectively, these symbols were called takaramono and served as a popular motif in textile design as well. The concept of treasure in Japan, unlike the Western sense of pirate's booty, also had strong religious, particularly Buddhist, overtones; it was symbolic of both spiritual and temporal authority, and focused less on monetary value than spiritual potency.

In popular tradition, the treasure ship imagery also ties into stories of recaptured treasure, such as Momotarō the Peach Boy, who, after his successful raid of the island of the ogres, sails triumphantly back on a ship loaded with booty. In ningyō form, this treasure is usually represented, not with monetary symbols such as gold coins, but of hōju and red coral, which was closely associated with the untold wealth of the undersea dragon god, Ryūjin.

The giving of a gosho-ningyō itself was originally designed to convey auspicious (kisshō) wishes on the recipient. Even the basic color combination of the stark white body, the dark shank of hair, and the bright red of the textile was seen as being kisshō. The inclusion of positive symbols, many of which were layered with rich cultural associations and meanings by the ningyō artists, greatly enhanced this effect.

The deeply auspicious nature of the takarabune made it a natural accompaniment for gosho-ningyō, and examples oigosho paired with this symbol of wealth and prosperity are common. Frequently, the treasure ship is presented separately, resting on a wheeled chassis, and connected to the gosho-ningyō by a silken cord. Here, the takarabune is depicted in a jewel-like fashion, resting in the outstretched palm of the seated gosho figure. The ship itself is replete with fringed sails topped by the tama or hōju, which also appears on the prow and in the hull of the ship. Other featured takaramono include the weight and coin. His front is covered in a red silk crepe haragake bib bearing the orange (tachibana) flower in gold-wrapped thread embroidery. Though closely associated with the powerful Tachibana family, sprigs of wild orange flower (Ardisia japonica, yama-tachibana) were traditionally believed to ward against disease, and the crest itself was a popular and auspicious symbol.

Seated gosho-ningyō with treasure ship

Edo period, 19th century

Height 8 inches

Ayervais Collection

Standing Gosho-ningyō with Hobbyhorse

The original nature of the gosho was as a gift designed to convey auspicious wishes upon the recipient. In reference to this aspect, they were frequently called omiyage-ningyō (gift dolls). The positive symbols employed were drawn from a rich image tradition, behind which lay centuries of layering. Each image could serve as a quick referent to any number of stories, historical events, and religious elements, or any number of social apercus.

The horse itself is a potent image in Japanese art. Live horses were once donated to Shintō shrines as offerings. The expense and burden of this type of gift-giving led to the practice of donating painted images of horses called ema. The horse had a long association with the military classes, and skill on a horse was one of the defining characteristics of the early samurai, codified in the expression "way of the horse and bow" The tradition of young boys being led on a horse to a shrine for their first visit was later replaced by a ride on a wheeled horse, at least part of the way Later versions of these wheeled horses had spring mechanisms mounted within to provide a more comfortable ride. An image of a horse emerging out of a gourd connoted something unexpectedly delightful.

The hobbyhorse is referred to in Japanese as either harukoma (spring horse) or as takeuma (bamboo horse). As a children's toy, it developed out of a riding game using bamboo stalks as play horses. A bamboo stalk would be stripped of most of its branches and leaves, leaving only a cluster at the end to simulate the tail. A string would be attached to the front in an approximation of reins. References to takeuma appear as early as the tenth century. A popular pastime, their construction gradually grew more sophisticated. The bamboo stalk was eventually replaced by a wooden dowel, heads fashioned of paper gave added realism, cloth was attached at the neck, and a small wheel was placed on the end of the dowel.

Harukoma were also an integral part of New Year festivities, where itinerant performers would travel from house to house carrying a harukoma to usher in good luck for the coming year. This good-luck talisman was also employed in hōsō-e imagery to help dispel the smallpox god (hōsō-gami). Images of harukoma in red would be pasted on the front door or on bedroom screens (mukura byōbu). After the illness left the patient, these images would then be burned or set adrift, carrying away with them the smallpox god. Often pictured in woodblock prints depicting activities around the gogatsu festival of Boy's Day, the hobbyhorse itself was also perceived as a symbol of fertility Smaller paper hobbyhorses were sold at temples in reference to one of the six primary manifestations of Kannon, the Goddess of Mercy, called Bato Kannon (Horse-headed Kannon), who serves as both a protector of animals, and in popular belief, an expeller of evil spirits.

Standing gosho-ningyō with hobbyhorse

Edo period, 19th century

Height 15 inches

Rosen Collection

Seated gosho-ningyō with drum

Edo period, 19th century

Height 15 1/2 inches

Ayervais Collection

Gosho holding such a horse were referred to as harukoma mochi gosho, or "spring horse holder." They represent a multi-textural image that held many different associations during the Edo period.

The example on page 30 is an exceptionally elegant rendition. The standing figure is clothed in a rare satin weave kosode kimono with bold embroidered floral images. His hair is executed in a binboku or chigowa style with two broad loops. The horse itself is crafted of papier mâché with inset glass eyes and an embroidered silk crepe neck cloak. His hands are particularly well formed, with unusually long, tapering fingers. The arms are connected to the body by a cloth-padded wire, allowing for shifts in arm position.

Seated Gosho-ningyō with Drum

Children and drums seem to have a universal connection, the urge to make noise irresistible. Hand-held drums in Japan have a long tradition. Their earliest historical documentation is connected with Nara period (710-94) bugaku (religious dance) performances. Structurally very different from Western snare-type drums, Japanese "bean drums" are mounted to a long post with beans attached by strings to the side of the drum. As the drum is twirled back and forth between the hands, the beans strike the drum face. By the Heian period (794-1185), these drums had evolved into children's toys and are referenced in the diaries of the time. By the Muromachi period (1392-1573), they had become quite widespread with a multitude of forms and regional variations and distributed across all classes of society

Simple in form and structure, these drums were known by many different names: furi-tsuzumi, buriburi taiko, garagara. Most were double-faced drums with glue-fortified paper tympanums. More elaborate versions had leather faces with copper wire reinforcement. The denden-taiko was particular in its structure, with two or three drums stacked in alternating positions, each with a string and striking bead attached, tripling the noise potential.

The denden-taiko appears to have been a particularly popular children's toy in the urban centers of Edo, Osaka, and Kyoto and features prominently in many woodblock prints depicting children and their pastimes. A Horeki-era (1751-63) lullaby goes:

Nenne no omori wa dokoe itta	Where did the babysitter go?
Ano yama koete sato e itta	Over the mountain to visit her home.
Sato no omiyagi nani moratta	What did she bring back as a souvenir?
A Denden-taiko ni shō nojue	A denden-taiko and a flute,
Oki agari kobōshi ni furizutsumi	round Daruma doll and a hand drum.
Tataite kikasuni nenne shina	I will play it for you.
Nennen nen nen koroi	Go to sleep, go to sleep.

As with many Japanese toys, the denden-taiko and other drum forms had close associations with shrines and were held to have special protective powers. During the Meiji era, it became common for a child to receive a clay dog with a denden-taiko attached to its back during his or her first visit to a shrine. In Fukuoka Prefecture, for example, a toy drum called a batabata (an onomatopoeic name) is decorated with the images of popular children's heroes. It is sold at shrine and temple fairs around New Year and is seen as a charm against illness and misfortune. In Tochigi Prefecture, a simple bean drum with a small paper figure attached to the top is derived from a local rain drum tradition.

The gosho-ningyō on page 31 holds aloft in his left hand a three-tiered denden-taiko. Though seated, his form is slightly twisted, with his upper body moving to the left and his head looking to the right. The top of his hair is bare, exposing a small, oblong patch of gofun in imitation of a nakasori hairstyle. The bib bears embroidered takaramono (treasure) images, including the tama (wish-fulfilling gem), the money mallet, crossed rhinoceros horn prized for their fertility, a market weight, and a coin.

Mizuhiki-de Gosho

One of the particular characteristics of the gosho form when compared to other ningyō genres is its three-part construction (mitsuwari), where the head, the legs, and the arms form almost three equal sections of the overall piece. Compared to real life, this makes the head much larger than what would be considered "normal," hence the name zudai or "large head" ningyō, which was a common name for gosho-ningyō during the Edo period. This aspect is further strengthened by the relatively small facial features placed close together at the center of the broad expanse of the face.

Beginning in the late eighteenth century, gosho-ningyō that were crafted and presented as formal or celebratory gifts (iwaimono) were frequently executed with a presentation ribbon painted on the forehead. Called a mizuhiki ("water drawing"), these ribbons were executed in such a way as to appear tied to the forelock of the gosho's hair. Even when silk fiber or real hair was employed for the side hair, topknot, or back locks, the portions of the hair depicted with a presentation ribbon remain painted. Gosho-ningyō with these ribbons are referred to as mizuhiki-de gosho. This design was based on the practice of tying red and white paper tie cords around gifts for formal occasions. The phrase "water drawing" symbolizes an element of purification, or that the gifts have been blessed before presentation. Some authors have traced this tradition in ningyō to the Kyoto-based gosho-ningyō maker Omokichi, who was active during the Bunka-Bunsei eras, corresponding to the years 1804-29. However, a number of figures which have been reliably dated to the late eighteenth century also bear the mizuhiki mark which calls into question this early nineteenth-century date. Interestingly, the use of mizuhiki appears to have been restricted to the gosho and inu-bako (dog box) forms and rarely appears in other ningyō genres.

Mizuhiki-de gosho

Edo period, 19th century

Height 14 inches

Rosen Collection

The seated gosho-ningyō depicted on pages 32-3 is constructed of a dense wood. Its weight suggests that it might be fashioned out of something other than the classic kiri (paulownia) wood typically employed in ningyō construction. Its large head, heavy arms, and full legs give it the quintessential mitsuwari feel described above. The head is tilted slightly upward and is topped by an elaborately painted mizuhiki presentation ribbon. A small lock of hair also tied with a ribbon is present at the nape of his neck. Unlike most gosho-ningyō, this particular image is not sexed. Rather, the haragake bib functions as a padded codpiece, with no sculptural form beneath. His sleeveless outer jacket is executed in a green chirimen silk crepe with a resist-dyed shōchikubai ("three friends of winter") motif of bamboo, pine, and plum. Additional gold-wrapped thread embroidery is used to highlight the leaves and blossoms as well as the snow-covered bamboo fence design. Following a trend that became quite common during the early nineteenth century, his fingernails and toenails are edged in red. His attribute is missing, so it is impossible to know what symbol he might have carried in his hands. The shōchikubai motif so elegantly depicted on his outer jacket and repeated in gold-wrapped thread embroidery on his haragake was generally used in the Edo period to convey a sense of auspiciousness rather than a specific theme, which might help us to deduce the missing element.

Seated Gosho-ningyō with Dog

As is true in many cultures around the world, the dog holds a special place in traditional Japanese society Protector, hunting partner, companion, the dog has fulfilled many roles throughout Japanese history. Symbolically, dogs have long been linked to fertility. They have also functioned as a protective spirit for the home and as a talisman against illness for children. Folk tales surrounding dogs abound, from the dog that aided Momotarō in his campaign against the ogres, to the tale of Hanasaka-jiji and the dog that led him to untold treasures. In the political realm, dogs even received special status under Tokugawa Tsunayoshi (1646-1709). Nicknamed the "Dog Shogun," Tsunayoshi, under the influence of a Buddhist monk who strongly impressed upon him the Buddhist proscription against killing, enacted laws in 1694 forbidding the killing of any animal, including dogs. As a result, stray dogs multiplied rapidly, and totaled nearly 50,000 in Edo alone before Tsunayoshi's death in 1709 when the decree was rescinded.

The dog has also left a strong imprint on Japanese material culture. Dogs in sculptural form date back as far as the Jōmon period (12000-250 BC), where simple clay images of dogs and the presence of dog burial sites indicate their importance to this early culture. Beginning in the Heian period, the entrances to Buddhist temples were often flanked by koma-inu (Korean lion-dogs) which served to protect them from the approach of evil. In popular culture, paper images of dogs were placed on doors to ward off fire and theft. Similarly, an ideograph for dog was frequently placed on a child's head or attached to his clothing to protect him from evil. Spirit dogs (inugami) were said to aid individuals in achieving their goals, functioning as a familiar. At Hokkeji in Nara, the oldest continuously produced Buddhist charm is a clay dog (omamori-inu), said to help in childbirth, a custom believed to date from the time of Empress Kōmyō (701-60).

Within ningyō, the dog was frequently depicted in Saga form, seated beside a small boy, or, in one famous example, as an independent subject. Records indicate that in 1595, Tokugawa leyasu (1542-1616), founder of the Tokugawa shōgunate, commissioned two dolls from Eya Utanosuke, who delivered a mechanical drummer and a boy with a dog on a leash. Dogs also featured prominently among elegant papier mâché figures called goten gangu (palace toys), used as playthings within court circles. Usually depicting a standing puppy with a tightly curled tail and short floppy ears, the figure would be covered in gofun with painted designs on the sides. Similar construction techniques were employed in making another class of dog-shaped objects traditionally used within court culture: the inu-bako or inu-hariko. Inu-bako (lit. "dog box") were executed in pairs and depicted a reclining dog. Fashioned as a box, inu-bako functioned on multiple levels as fertility symbol, protective talisman, guardian for children, and display object used in conjunction with the Hina-matsuri Girl's Day celebrations.

The seated gosho-ningyō on page 35 wears an elaborately embroidered silk crepe haragake bib. On his head is a lacquered eboshi court-style hat. Next to him stands a small dog, swathed in a large silk crepe kerchief (kiribuse). Domestic animals in Japanese prints often received similar treatment, with dogs and cats depicted with large bibs around their necks. The dog here is crafted of papier mâché and covered in white gofun with finely modeled and painted features. Unlike goten gangu of dogs, which were largely stylized, the dog image here is quite naturalistically rendered with subtle modeling of its facial features and a sophisticated painting treatment for its fur.

Saga-ningyō of a dog Wood with gofun and raised lacquer designs

Edo period, 18th century

Height 14 inches

Kyoto National Museum

Seated gosho-ningyō with dog

Edo period, 19th century

Height 13 inches

Ayervais Collection

Dressed only in a bib, the gosho-ningyō's physiognomy is clearly visible. The arms have an almost inflated feel, puffing out just below the wrists. Incised lines around the elbow, at the knee, and along the soles of the feet contribute to this healthily corpulent effect. Interestingly, the bellies of the gosho-ningyō are rarely overly large or distended. The sex of the figure is chastely covered by the haragake. Rather than being a fashion element restricted to gosho-ningyō, woodblock prints frequently depict children clothed in just such a bib, with open backs, tied at the neck and secured around the middle by a cord. The embroidery treatment typically found on the haragake, however, tended towards the ornate and was more decorative than a child's daily wear bib would actually have been.

Karakuri Gosho-ningyō with Fox Mask

It was a great honor when the minister Tachibana no Michinari asked Kokaji Munechika (938-1014) to create a sword for the young Emperor Ichijō (980-1011). Michinari was acting on behalf of Ichijō who had dreamt that Kokaji had created for him the perfect blade, comparable even to the divine Heavenly Cloud Mass Sword, one of the three imperial symbols. Historically, Kokaji is reputed to be one of the greatest swordsmiths of the Heian period and founder of an important swordsmithing lineage. But he despaired of making a blade suitable for the emperor without the right assistant, one who equaled Kokajis own skill.

The swordsmith decided to seek divine assistance and went to pray to Inari Myojin, God of the Harvest, asking for help in creating the perfect blade. While at the shrine, a young boy approached him and told him not to worry that Kokaji would succeed in his efforts if he only had faith. He was instructed to prepare a sacred space in which to create the blade, to ring the area with sacred cord, and to attach images of the gods. Later that night, while Kokaji prepared to work on the blade, a fox, a manifestation of Inari, appeared. With this divine assistance, Kokaji succeeded in creating the perfect blade, a gift worthy of Emperor Ichijō. On the handle he imprinted "Munechika, swordsmith," and on the reverse "Foxling" in recognition of Inaris favorable intervention.

Historically, Kokaji was one of the most celebrated of all sword-smiths. This legend, ascribing supernatural aid in the creation of some of his swords, entered into popular lore and became the subject of Noh and karakuri-ningyō (mechanical doll) performances. The eighteenth-century Ōkarakuri ezukushi, which illustrates some of the more popular performances at the celebrated Takeda-za mechanical puppet theater in Osaka, has a picture of a karakuriningyō tableau depicting Kokaji. The minister Michinari is shown looking on as Kokaji Munechika works the blade diligently. Inari, in the guise of a fox, shown in the lower right, aids in the crucial work of pounding the blade in a precise syncopated rhythm. The complexity of the scene helps us understand why the Takeda-za was such a success during the mid-Edo period, its performances rivaling Kabuki and ningyō jōruri (puppet theater) in popularity. The story of Kokaji is also depicted in gosho-ningyō and Takeda-ningyō forms with some frequency as well.

The rice goddess Inari is most frequently symbolized by a kitsune (fox). Within the Shintō tradition, the fox serves as a messenger to the gods, conveying the wishes of mortals in this world to the other world of the gods. Shrines dedicated to Inari often have foxes flanking their closed doors behind which lies the principal deity.

While the image of the deity is rarely seen, the kitsune are accessible to everyone. In standard representations, the male figure rests his paw on the tama or wish-fulfilling jewel, while the female holds in her mouth the key to the rice storage chest, both symbols of their abilities to successfully convey and grant wishes.

Partially due to their connection with the gods through Inari, and partly due to the uncanny cleverness exhibited by natural foxes, kitsune also play a large role in Japanese folklore. As pranksters and as mischievous entities, stories abound describing the many ways kitsune can bedevil humans. Able to take the form of a man or woman, kitsune were believed to be able to enter the lives of the unsuspecting, sometimes for good, other times for ill.

One of the most famous of these transformations occurs in the celebrated jōruri puppet drama Yoshitsune senbon zakura (Yoshitsune and the Thousand Cherry Trees), a historical play (jidaimono) which premiered at the Takemoto Theater in Osaka in November 1747. Based on the life of the twelfth-century warrior Minamoto no Yoshitsune (1159-89) and his quest to subdue the Taira, the play also contains a haunting subtale. In this segment, Yoshitsune entrusts his mistress Shizuka Gozen to the care of Sado Tadanobu (1161-86) and asks him to bring her to his mansion at Kawazura. As a keepsake, Yoshitsune gives Shizuka a drum named Hatsune. When Tadanobu appears before Yoshitsune at Kawazura without Shizuka, Yoshitsune demands to know what has happened to his mistress. Confused, Tadanobu explains that he has been attending to his ailing mother and has not seen Shizuka. Just at that moment, Shizuka arrives with another Tadanobu. Confronted, the second Tadanobu reveals that he is really a fox and that the tympanum of the drum Hatsune is made from the skin of his parents, magical foxes, which had been slaughtered years ago to make drums to pray for rain. In gratitude for keeping Shizuka safe during their journey, and in recognition of his deep filial piety that has kept him pursuing this drum all these years, Yoshitsune bestows upon him the name Genkurō Kitsune, "Genkurō the Fox." Kabuki adopted this segment of Yoshitsune as well in a play entitled Kawazura hogan yakata no ba (At Kawazura Hogans Mansion).

Karakuri gosho-ningyō with fox mask

Edo period, 19th century

Height 10 1/2 inches

Ayervais Collection

Performance of Kokaji at the Takedaza mechanical puppet theater, from Okarakuri ezukushi, Nishimura

Shigenaga (1697-1756), woodblock printed book, 18th century.

C. V. Starr East Asian Library,

Columbia University

The layering of kitsune myth and lore is so deep and rich that it is impossible to know what associations were brought to mind when viewing the diminutive karakuri gosho presented here: whether people saw Genkurō Kitsune aiding Shizuka through their journey to Kawazura or other figures such as Kokaji creating his famous sword when the mask of the fox came up, hiding the face of the gosho behind.

Karakuri gosho tend to be simple in their mechanisms and intent. The arms, joined through a hollow body and attached to a small turn lever that is exposed on the back, allow the figure to raise and lower whatever object is held in its hand. If the arms rise together, then typically a mask is attached, whether of a god such as Daikoku, or Okame, or of another image. When a mask is employed, these figures are called menkaburi gosho and were a specialty of Kyoto ningyō makers. The raising of the mask to the face "transforms" the gosho into the character depicted by the mask, much as a Noh actor becomes a deity through the mask he wears in a performance. Alternative mechanisms have the arms rising and lowering independently, at which point a suzu rattle may be inserted for a depiction of Sambasō, or a hand-held shishi-mai mask and peonies for a depiction of Shakkyō.

In order to accommodate the mechanism, most karakuri gosho are executed in papier-mâché as opposed to solid wood. Called hariko gosho, these forms are lighter and enabled the craftsman to install more elaborate mechanisms for the karakuri element than a solid wood form would have afforded. The number and variety of extant examples indicates that these forms were quite popular during the Edo period.

The example on pages 36 and 37 is in a classic seated pose with legs stretched out in front. His head is very large with narrow eyes, and a small incised line to help delineate the chin. Silk fiber hair extends in two side locks tied with small ribbons close to his temples. Strapped to his head by chirimen tie cords, and partially covering his forelock bearing a mizuhiki (presentation ribbon design) is a small eboshi-style cap done in a green silk brocade with kinran elements that matches his haragake bib. Over his bib he wears a sleeveless coat embellished with satin stitch embroidered blossoms that hides the seams where his movable arms are joined at the corners. His two hands hold the strings which pull the mask to his face. In relation to other gosho-ningyō, the face of this particular figure has certain distinctive characteristics. Although the figure is of nineteenth-century origin, the eye shape is similar to that found most commonly on earlier pieces, narrow and attenuated with both the top and bottom lid rising and falling in a parallel arc. The wide spacing of the eyes, combined with the relatively compact structure of the face, is almost identical to a number of other karakuri gosho examples found in both US and Japanese collections, suggesting a common maker. The kitsune mask itself is made of papier mâché, with sharply pointed ears with rounded outside edges.

The fox Genkuro disguised as Tadanobu in the play Yoshitsune senbon zakura (Yoshitsune and the Thousand Cherry Trees),

Katsukawa Shunsho (1726-92), woodblock print, ink and color on paper, 1774, 13 x 6 inches.

Anne Van Biema Collection,

Arthur M. Sackler Gallery

Karakuri gosho-ningyō with Okame mask

Edo period, 19th century

Height 12 inches

Ayervais Collection

Karakuri Gosho-ningyō with Okame Mask

One of the earliest foundation legends dealing with Japans Age of the Gods describes how Amaterasu, the sun goddess, distressed at her brother's behavior, hid herself in a cave, taking the sunlight with her. The other gods became anxious as days passed with no light and they began to fear that she might never come out and the world would remain in darkness. One by one they cajoled, berated, begged, and pleaded for her to emerge, but all to no avail. Then the goddess Ama no Uzume began a ribald and humorous dance in front of the cave, much to the delight and merriment of the other gods. Curious as to what could be causing the laughter after so many days of haranguing, Amaterasu peered out from the mouth of the cave, and seeing Ama no Uzume's outrageous performance emerged laughing from the cave, thus restoring light to this world and securing Ama no Uzume's place in Japanese culture.

On a religious level, this event is said to be the prototype for all sacred shrine dances done in offering to the kami. Culturally, Ama no Uzume is credited with the invention of the flute and the koto (zither). Although her name literally means "terrible female of heaven," due to her dance and the laughter she provoked from the gods, she subsequently became known as the Goddess of Mirth. She is known more popularly by the name Okame (tortoise) or Otafuku (great fortune). Her lovable face, with its large, protruding cheeks and small features is immediately recognizable, and appears in many art and cultural forms.

Okame appears frequently in ningyō form. Clay ningyō of Okame often depict her kneeling in long robes, her hands clasped together in her lap, apparently chaste and demure. But when the figure is turned upside down, she is revealed to be wearing nothing underneath. Within the Hina-matsuri, the face of Okame is sometimes found on one of the sari ran banjo (three ladies-in-waiting), adding an element of whimsy to the setting. Here, she appears in karakuri gosho form. The seated, and ironically, male figure holds the strings to the Okame mask. The simple turn handle in back raises the mask, transforming the young boy into the ribald Goddess of Mirth. The mask itself is crafted of papier mâché and covered in layers of a highly burnished gofun. Her teeth are blackened as a beauty mark and her shaved eyebrows are replaced with high painted smudges referred to as okimayu ("skybrows"), another beauty mark dating to the Heian period. The gosho-ningyō is also entirely crafted of papier mâché, covered in bright white gofun with painted features and silk fiber hair. In keeping with karakuri gosho construction techniques, the figure is completely hollow. He wears a green silk haragake bib decorated with kinran designs as well as a lightly embroidered red chirimen sleeveless vest.

Mitate gosho-ningyō

Meiji period, early 20th century

Height 19 inches

Prince Collection

Mitate Gosho-ningyō: Ebisu, the God of Daily Provision

The ever-expanding popularity of gosho-ningyō over the course of the Edo period led artists to continually attempt new variations on established themes and discover fresh avenues of expression. During the late eighteenth century, the tradition of pairing gosho-ningyō with specific, frequently auspicious, symbols or attributes evolved into the mitate gosho form. Mitate, as noted earlier, can be translated as "parody" or "imitation." Images of gosho-ningyō holding objects closely associated with characters drawn from Japanese history legend, literature, or theater, became mitate-ningyō (parody dolls) of those individuals or characters. This development paved the way for artists to take on any number of themes drawn from Japan's rich cultural, religious, and historical traditions.

The Shichifukujin (Seven Gods of Good Fortune) were a popular subject for ningyō in all forms. A mixture of Buddhist, Hindu, Shintō, Taoist, and locally derived gods, the seven consisted of Bishamon, a martial figure considered the God of Prosperity; Ebisu, the God of Daily Food or Provision; Jurojin, the God of Wisdom; Benzaiten, the sole female in the pantheon, the Goddess of the Arts; Daikoku, the God of Wealth; Fukurokuju, the God of Longevity, and Hotei, the God of Mirth and Happiness. Combining the power attributed to these gods to help and augment the quality of everyday life with the beauty and desirability of the gosho form, mitate gosho depicting individual members of the seven gods or even groups were especially popular during the Edo period.

Ebisu, the God of Daily Provision, symbolized by the giant sea bream he carried or dangled from his fishing pole, was particularly popular. As a local divinity of non-Buddhist origin, Ebisu appealed to all segments of society. Ebisu worship was traditionally centered on Nishinomiya Shrine in Osaka. Itinerant puppet performers connected with this shrine, called kugutsu or Ebisu-haki, traveled throughout Japan giving special house-blessing performances with puppets said to represent the god of Nishinomiya, Ebisu. On a popular level, when paired with Daikoku, the God of Daily Wealth, Ebisu was one of the "kitchen deities" and was considered an important protector/provider for the home. Sculptural representations of these two gods would have been found in nearly every home. On a deeper, and, in some ways, darker level, Ebisu is often depicted with a slight deformity or as extraordinarily ugly, connecting him to the more marginal elements of society and the forces of chaos, and, therefore, to be greatly respected.

Throughout the Edo period, in response to market demands and competition between studios and individual makers, ningyō of all descriptions frequently reached impressive dimensions, both in terms of the quality of materials and textiles employed, as well as the sheer size of the figures themselves. The Kyōho-bina within the Girl's Day hina tradition are famed for the immense sizes they could reach. But gosho as well occasionally received such treatment.

An interesting surimono (special edition New Year's woodblock print) series dated 1802 by Sori Hishikawa II depicting workmen refashioned as the Thirty-six Immortal Poets, shows a ningyō maker seated with his tools scattered at his feet. He holds aloft a large seated gosho of Ebisu. Behind him is an empress done in the Kyōho style, nearly as large as the maker himself.

Like the image in the above-mentioned print, the gosho-ningyō shown at left is of exceptional size and workmanship. Though somewhat later in date than the majority of other figures presented here, it captures with extraordinary vitality the figure of Ebisu. Rather than clasping the sea bream to his side, here the elaborately rendered fish is shown at the end of the line of Ebisu's bamboo fishing pole, resting high on his lacquered fins. Ebisu himself sits very erect with his left hand indicating his captured fish, or in a gesture of offering to the viewer. His thick black hair is done in a tea whisk style with a partially shaven pate (nakasori), typical of youth of the warrior class. Though almost completely hidden behind the rich textiles (which have been replaced), the body is skillfully rendered with well-proportioned arms and legs and slightly bent feet.

(Detail) Shokunin Sanjūrokkasen (Workers from various trades cast as the Thirty-six Immortal Poets), Sori Hishikawa II (act. late 18th to early 19th century),

surimono (special edition New Year's woodblock print), ink and color on paper, 1802, 6 x 7 inches.

Herring Collection

Standing gosho-ningyō

Edo period, 18th century

Height 16 inches

Carabet Collection

Standing Gosho-ningyō

The emergence of gosho-ningyō as a distinct form is traditionally dated to the Kyōho era (1716-36). Unlike the Saga-ningyō which had dominated the seventeenth century, gosho-ningyō were marked by their extensive use of the brilliant white gofun and the use of actual textiles as opposed to the layered lacquer clothing treatment which so clearly defined the Saga-ningyō. Although the new gosho form was distinct in many ways, many of the Saga's features carried over into this new ningyō style. Like the Saga, the earliest gosho-ningyō, called igiui-ningyō, were generally depicted seated. Like the Saga, the hair, if depicted at all, was generally painted in black sumi ink. Although by the early eighteenth century real and silk fiber hair had made its appearance in the Genroku and Kyōho-bina forms for the Hina-matsuri (Girls Day Display), based on extant examples and woodblock print imagery, it was not until the early Meiwa era (1764-72) that gosho-ningyō began receiving this same treatment.

It was also around this time that standing gosho-ningyō made their appearance. The earliest of these standing gosho, referred to as tachiguri-ningyō, were relatively static in their appearance. Their legs were generally depicted close together, their arms bent at the elbow and extending straight forward, with their hands shaped as if holding on to some object(s). Their bodies continued to be carved entirely out of wood, with gently formed and rounded con tours. They also remained sexed. Eventually, however, these standing forms introduced a new era in gosho artistry, allowing ningyō artists to expand their range far beyond the single seated figures holding attributes. Clothed in increasingly elaborate textiles, the tachiguri forms, whether depicted singly, in pairs, or eventually in groups, allowed ningyō artists of the period to explore a wide variety of themes drawn from history, Noh, Kabuki, jōruri puppet drama, as well as other aspects of popular culture.

Over the course of this development, however, some of the features that had marked the basic gosho-ningyō were lost. Evidently, in order to create a properly balanced, freestanding figure, it was difficult to maintain the three-part (mitsuwari) conformation that had characterized many of the seated forms. Standing gosho began to resemble in many ways other ishō-ningyō forms. In fact, it is not uncommon to hear collectors today referring to these forms as "ishō gosho" ningyō. The single enduring trait that was to unify all of these new shapes was the overly round face that for many is the true hallmark and most singularly defining feature of the gosho-ningyō.

The standing gosho-ningyō shown here is an excellent example of the early Meiwa-era form. He stands bolt upright, with little overall movement. His legs are placed close together with the feet pointed forward, providing a stable base. His body is well carved and covered entirely in a highly burnished gofun. His arms are bent at the elbow and project directly out front from the body His hands are lightly cupped, with a hole passing through allowing for the placement of some object. The textiles here are of a red chirimen silk crepe with a padded hem and kosode-style narrow sleeve openings. The garment is covered with a variety of flowers and long-tailed birds executed in satin stitch embroidery with the use of gold-wrapped thread for highlights in the birds' tails. The garment is closed at the waist by a relatively narrow tie belt, also decorated with embroidered flowers, in keeping with the style of the period. He also wears an unlined inner kimono of white plain-weave silk. His hair is painted, in keeping with the earlier style, with a nakasori treatment leaving a bare spot on the top of his head.

Standing gosho-ningyō

Edo period, 19th century

Height 14 inches

Carabet Collection

Standing Gosho-ningyō: Red as Color and Symbol

Although the earliest gosho-ningyō forms, and some would say the "classic" gosho, were basically nude except for a small haragake bib, a large number of gosho-ningyō also sport beautiful textiles. Some are rich silk brocades with flashes of gold-backed paper thread, others are dramatically dyed in rich and varied colors with supplementary embroidered patterns done in metallic gold thread. But frequently the textiles themselves are simple silk crepe (chirimeri) dyed red or what was referred to as iro ari or garments "with color."

Beni-dyed fabrics or red-colored clothes have long been held to have strong protective or healing properties in traditional Japan. The red color was seen as exerting a particularly strong talismanic effect for such illnesses as measles and smallpox (hōsō) and many toy and ningyō forms with a predominantly red palette were employed to protect children from these devastating diseases. This association dates back as far as the fifth century when the benihana (safflower) was first introduced from China into Japan. The medicinal uses of benibana were emphasized and it came to be used as a palliative against fever and a cure for menstrual pains.

The use of red dyes in Japanese fabric dates back at least to the Nara period when the use of benibana scarlet came into use as a principal dyeing agent. During the Heian period, beni-dyed fabrics along with murasaki (gromwell) purple were tightly restricted to the imperial classes. With the decline of the central government's power, the use of beni became more popular and was very much in vogue among the warrior class. The use of beni-red reached its peak during the Momoyama period (1573-1615) when its strong hues accorded well with the lavish decorative impulses of the times. It remained quite popular throughout the succeeding Edo period as well, although it was more stringently regulated by the status-conscious Tokugawa government. Directly reflecting this popularity many ningyō presented here use red as either the predominant color or as a strong accent element. With time, this color, quite sensitive to light, fades to an orange brown or tan color as is evident in many of the examples shown in this volume.

This large standing figure here has lost his attribute, but stands proudly with his right foot forward and his right hand slightly raised as if pointing to the sky. His left hand is clenched as if holding something. He is clothed in a loosely fitting red chirimen kimono with full, open sleeves, wrapped at the waist, with a faded red inner lining. Kirihata Ken, former textile curator at the Kyoto National Museum, has written eloquently of the dramatic combination of the thick black hair, the brilliant white of the gofun, and the vibrant red of the textiles as forming a fundamental ningyō aesthetic. Such a dramatic counter-positioning of colors was seen as particularly auspicious (kisshō) and added to the overall gift-giving aspect that was inherent in the gosho form.

Gosho-ningyō: Daimyō Youth

Yanagisawa Nobutoki (1724-92) was a daimyō from Koriyama fief in Yamato Prefecture who, following his retirement, spent extended periods of time in Edo. Yanagisawa is noted for his remarkably detailed diary, the En'yū nikki (Diary of Banquets and Amusements), recording his daily life in Edo. Through his writings we can follow his trips to various spots in Edo, solo or accompanied by his wife and children, giving us a rare first-hand glimpse of Edo life during the late eighteenth century as well as insights into the interests and activities of a retired daimyō. In addition to his passion for wood-block prints, Yanagisawa was also a ningyō enthusiast, frequenting the doll markets along Nihonbashi Street, known as the Jukken-dana. An avid supporter of the hina-ningyō artist Hara Shūgetsu 1, Yanagisawa was known to have purchased a number of pieces between 1782 and 1784. Some of the pieces appear to have been purchased for his own family's use and enjoyment; others were gifts. His comments regarding his activities at the Jukkendana, though brief, are one of the few explicit records regarding direct patronage by daimyō of Edo ningyō makers and retailers.

It was good to be a daimyō. Power. Wealth. Prestige. And, with the peace that prevailed during the Edo period came the time and leisure to enjoy all three. Exactly who were the daimyō? A largely hereditary segment of Edo society, they were descended from hardened warriors who had, through military prowess, managed to obtain and hold on to land, power, and respect during periods of war and intense social upheaval. Although not a few had risen from the ranks of impoverished farmers, lowly retainers, or even merchants, they represented a nobility of sorts and exercised a significant economic and cultural force during the Edo period. By definition, daimyō were feudal lords commanding domains worth more than 10,000 koku (one koku was approximately equal to five bushels of rice) in annual production. During the Edo period, there were approximately 250 such lords. As a group, they represented the elite of the military class (buke). Ultimately subject to the whims of the shōgun, the daimyō of the Edo period occupied their station not only through the accumulated gains of military conflict and the spoils of war, but also by dint of the pleasure of the shōgun who had the authority to confiscate lands and reshuffle the deck.

Although much attention has been paid to the rise of the merchant class during the Edo period as a principal economic locomotive, the daimyō, with their patterns of conspicuous consumption dictated by both social and political realities as well as personal tastes and predilections, also influenced both economic and cultural trends. With the establishment of peace, the success of a daimyō and his domain came not through the ability to muster arms and take to the battlefield, but through the ability to administer his domains judiciously and navigate the corridors of power effectively within the new political structure established by the Tokugawa shōguns. The hallmark martial ruthlessness had to be tempered by other more mundane skills, political savvy and the ability to effectively wield the cultural symbols of the day.

Like the imperial aristocracy (kuge), the military houses (buke) and the daimyō, in particular, used the material objects of culture to lend authority to their station. Like the courtier nobility in a previous age, the daimyō set the tone and standards in many artistic fields. It was through their patronage that the great painting schools of the Kano and Tosa came into existence, establishing acceptable themes and manners of depiction that greatly shaped the visual culture of Edo-period Japan. The selection of subject matter depicted in folding screens and hanging scrolls; the choice of architectural styles employed in the construction of the daimyō residences in Edo, Kyoto, as well as their home territories; the practice of Noh and the tea ceremony; the use of finery in daily life, including gold and silver metal work and beautifully wrought lacquer pieces; the connoisseurship of Chinese ceramics, or the ability to compose poetry, were not only cultural pursuits, they were also status declarations and indicators of legitimacy Daimyo culture has long been noted for its opulence, artistic refinement, and sophistication. Their tastes and their preferred visual vocabulary influenced many of the decorative arts of Edo Japan.

The connection between daimyō culture and ningyō was particularly close. Gosho-ningyō, initially the preserve of the imperial and noble classes, first came to the attention of a wider audience through their use as gifts by the emperor to visiting daimyō, who in turn embraced them as their own. Wakagimi-himegimi (prince and princess dolls) depict youth from the warrior houses. Nō-ningyō also found their most receptive audience among the samurai elite who were the most avid supporters of Noh, delighting in the depiction of characters and scenes from this high theater form far removed from the more burlesque elements of Kabuki. Uizan-ningyō were gift dolls given by daimyō to Noh and kyōgen entertainers performing for the first time, mimicking in some ways the gosho-ningyō which the daimyō received on their visits to the emperor. The hina-ningyō of Girl's Day also played an important role in the annual round of festivals within the court-like settings of their private lives, marked by the creation of particularly luxurious sets with extensive accessories (dōgu). Daimyo such as Yanagisawa Nobutoki were known to frequent the hina market in Edo, commissioning large sets and quickly embracing the newest developments. The musha-ningyō of Boy's Day were also an important part of the ningyō culture surrounding the daimyō and buke classes, with these martial figures designed to portray the very values and standards of conduct for which the daimyō and samurai stood.

Gosho-ningyō: Daimyo youth

Edo period, late 18th century

Height 19 inches

Author's Collection

Ningyō made for the daimyō of the Edo period, regardless of category, are usually characterized by a particularly high level of quality in all of their aspects. In terms of carving, textiles, and often scale, they are exceptional works of art befitting this class of consumer. Because of this reputation for high quality, it is common among collectors in Japan to refer to certain exceptional pieces as simply daimyō-mono (daimyō objects). Given the market mechanisms in Japan today, it is a rare exception that the specific provenance of a piece dating directly back to the Edo period is known, directly linking a specific ningyō with a specific daimyō or daimyō family. Rather than a term denoting verifiable origins, daimyō-mono must be seen as a qualitative term referring to works of particularly fine craftsmanship and artistry.

The standing gosho-ningyō example shown here of a buke youth is a superlative example of what is considered daimyō-mono. The figure is clothed in an extraordinarily rich osode (open-sleeved) kimono of a light blue green silk with a striking purple bamboo and plum blossom design and a thickly padded hem. Over this he sports a sleeveless outer coat with a ruffled chirimen (silk crepe) fringe and lining featuring a double butterfly and floral motif of plum and peony blossoms executed in subdued reds and greens on a brown silk ground. The front is held closed with a thick twisted silk and gold metallic thread cord. Two swords, symbolic of his status as a samurai, are tucked into the kinran brocade obi. The figure itself stands a respectable nineteen inches high and is constructed of wood covered in a finely burnished gofun. The upper arms are of padded fabric covering a flexible metal rod, allowing the arms to be moved. The hands are well articulated, with the right hand in a loosely closed fist as if holding an object and the left hand open, but both are hidden deep within the billowing folds of the kimono. It is a sexed figure. His hair is made out of human hair as opposed to silk fiber, with front bangs and a bald nakasori on top of his head, indicative of his youthful age. Somewhat unusually, the hair is cut out around the ears revealing well-carved lobes. When the figure is viewed from directly in front, the head is depicted turned slightly to the figures right, with a slight tilt to the head conveying a particularly animated expression and indicative of the sensitivity with which the entire figure is rendered.

Nō-ningyō Trio

The term gosho-ningyō is a twentieth-century coinage, referring to their origins within the imperial palace (gosho). Prior to this, they went by many different names, such as "white chrysanthemum" doll (shiragiku) and "white flesh" doll (shiraniku), a reference to both their imperial lineage and the brilliant white of their bodies covered in a highly burnished gofun; omiyage-ningyō to denote their status as gifts; zudai-ningyō referring to their disproportionately large heads; and kurui (crazy) ningyō because of the unusual and childlike positions they sometimes assumed. In the mid-eighteenth century, one manufacturer in the Korai Bashi section of western Osaka became so well known for his gosho-style ningyō that his name, Izukura Kihei, became directly connected with this form as well. Many people today still refer to gosho-ningyō as Izukura-ningyō.

In the late eighteenth century, mitate gosho-ningyō based directly on Noh themes and plays became popular. Known simply as noningyō (Noh dolls), these figures displayed a particularly high level of artistry and sensitivity. Figures nearly as tall as a small child, two feet in height and larger, were created, elaborately costumed in textiles closely approximating those worn on the Noh stage. Noningyō, however, were rarely, if ever, created with masks, a signature element of the Noh drama itself. Karakuri (mechanical) gosho frequently have masks attached depicting the faces of Okina or some other highly recognizable figure, but nō-ningyō relied on the intimate knowledge of the viewer to reveal their identities: tableau images re-enacting scenes from famous plays were created, figures grouped in telling ways, with their accessories and textiles giving a name to the unspoken drama presented.

As a dramatic form, Noh had its origins early in Japanese history, in ritual dances held at Shintō shrines designed to entertain the gods and to invite blessings. Buddhist priests from certain esoteric sects also used performance to educate and convey their religious ideals to the public. Lay itinerant performers traveled the countryside as well, using shrine and temple precincts in which to showcase their talents that included brief skits, dance, and acrobatics. Called sarugaku (monkey music), these performances gradually became more sophisticated, frequently taking on some of the more sacred elements of their religious counterparts. The chronology of this early development is unclear, but by the end of the Heian period, certain Noh dances that we recognize today, such as Okina, were already established pieces with a highly cultured patronage and a rapidly developing material culture.

It was during the Muromachi period (1392-1573), however, under the influence of the great Noh playwrights Kan'ami (d. 1384) and Zeami (1364-1433) that Noh was elevated to an art form of unparalleled sophistication. Beautifully written poetry, highly minimalist and stylized dance, accompanied by a rich but codified instrumentation, transformed loosely structured skits into highly emotive theatrical productions. Works such as Atsumori, Matsukaze, and Takasago drew from a rich heritage of courtly and martial traditions to create characters and worlds mysteriously remote and inscrutable, yet intimately familiar to the noble and military classes. These two authors and their disciples established a tradition of performance rigor and lyrical beauty that became the standard by which all future playwrights would be measured. They also re-affirmed a cultural patronage among the Ashikaga shōguns and the nobility ensconced in their Kyoto palaces that was to set Noh apart from all other performing art forms. During the Edo period, Noh itself remained in many respects the private playground of the huge (noble) and buke (military) classes. Government edicts issued throughout the period sought to maintain this distinction between elite and plebian arts. The common man had their Kabuki, jōruri puppet dramas, street fairs, and corner raconteurs. The ruling classes had Noh. Gosho-ningyō featuring Noh subject matter therefore had a particular appeal for members of the ruling class and were particularly well patronized by this group.

Noh plays are generally divided into five distinct categories: god plays, warrior plays, women plays, realistic (or mad) plays, and demon plays. The celebrated masks worn in many roles were important in identifying the nature of the character. Costuming also played an essential role in the Noh tradition, helping to establish mood and provide insight into the character's psyche. Additional accessories such as headgear and held objects further specified the roles and character identities of nō-ningyō.

The group of three figures shown here depicts a nō-ningyō trio from an unidentified Noh drama. They are each clothed in identical green silk brocade kariginu-style coats with a repeated pattern of butterflies surrounding a hanabishi diamond flower with scattered peony blossoms, a purple inner lining, and purple and white sleeve tie cords. Their coats are worn over nagabakama (long trousers) executed in a kani-arare white checkerboard pattern with a mokkō (melon) crest design. Each figure sports a lacquered eboshi-style court cap. The standing figure holds a fan in his right hand. This positioning suggests that he is the principal of the three dolls.

This particular set was once in the Nishizawa Tekiho collection and has been published frequently since 1955. Since that time, no definitive identification for the set has been put forth as to which Noh drama might be presented here. Records in the possession of the Nishizawa family indicate that the set dates from Tenmei 1, corresponding to the year 1781, but nothing appears to exist to create a secure identity for the figures themselves. Clues drawn from their attire can only help to narrow the range of possibilities, but do not present us with a clear-cut identity. The kariginu robes, for example, were appropriate for a number of different roles, ranging from gods to demons. But when paired with the eboshi cap, they would likely be limited to courtiers or ministers, placing them in the fourth category of realistic plays. This, combined with the egalitarian nature of their attire, might tempt one to suggest the courtier Narahira and his traveling companions from the play Kakitsubata, for example, but without documentation it is only speculation.

Nō-ningyō trio

Edo period, 18th century

Dated First Year of Tenmei (1781)

Standing height 15 inches

Seated height 12 inches

Carabet Collection

Nō-ningyō: Yōkihi

The Chinese poem The Tale of Everlasting Sorrow by Po Chu-i (772-846) established Yang Kuei-fei (Jp. Yōkihi) as one of the great tragic beauties of history. Po Chu-i's original tale chronicles the rise of a beautiful young woman named Yang from modest origins to her role as the principal concubine to the Chinese Tang emperor, Xuanzong (Jp. Gensō, r. 713-56). Her tragic death at the hands of the emperors soldiers and his grief over her death soon became a source for classic references in China as well as Japan. Po Chu-i was one of the most popular Chinese authors in Japan during the Heian period. The oldest extant Japanese version of the tale is included in the Konjaku monogatari-shu (Tales of Times Now Past) compiled in 1120. Yokihi and the tragedy of her situation are also mentioned in the opening paragraph of the Genji monogatari (Tale of Genji) by Murasaki Shikubu written ca. 1008-15, and her beauty is extolled in Sei Shōnagons Makura no soshi (The Pillow Book) ca. 996.

In the tale, Gensō, unable to be consoled, sends a Taoist adept to search the other realms to find the emperors lost love. He finds Yokihi on Horai, the Island of the Immortals. In a heart-rending exchange, Yokihi laments a life and love now lost to her forever. To furnish proof of her unfailing love for Genso, she offers the adept a jeweled hairpin. When pressed for something more conclusive as evidence of their meeting, she shares these words which the two lovers had repeated to each other in the garden one moonlit evening: "In heaven may we be twin birds that share a wing; On Earth may we be twin trees with branches intertwined." The pain of her loss and the eloquence of her expression captured perfectly the Japanese sense of yūgen, variously rendered as "depth and mystery," or somewhere between "graceful elegance" and "subtle mystery," a quality that came to define much of Japanese Noh drama.

In the fifteenth century Yokihi was given a more purely "Japanese" form when it was transformed into a Noh drama by Komparu Zenchiku (1405-68). Although he borrowed liberally from Po's original, Zenchiku dispensed entirely with Yokihi's early life and death, focusing exclusively on the interchange between the Taoist adept and Yokihi, already lost and suffering alone on the Island of the Immortals. Yokihi articulates the pain of remembering exquisite moments of the life she can never reclaim. In a slow, mesmerizing dance, she sings:

All, all is a play of fantasy and dreams

When I think upon the far, far past gone long ago,

I cannot tell when these countless lives began.

Yet of all the twenty-five existences,

Which escapes the unalterable principle

That he who is born must die?

How much more wretched the boundaries

Of uncertain fate!

And yet, how it rankles when I recall

Dance of the Robe and Feathers!

While she dances, Zenchiku's chorus tells of Yōkihis great love once shared with the emperor, their life together, and their pledge of eternal love that would even transcend death.

The gosho-ningyō pair here show Yokihi meeting with the Taoist adept on the island of Horai. Yokihi stands luxuriously clothed in a green silk robe with a figured diamond ground, the front of which is decorated with a large and dramatic hōō (phoenix) design executed in satin stitch embroidery. A scattering of botan (peony) blossoms, which were closely associated with China and the imperial court, also decorate the robe. A nineteenth-century Noh robe in the Eisei Bunko Collection used for the role of Yokihi shows a similar patterning of hōō and botan blossoms on a diamond ground. The adept is shown in a red kariginu-style robe with a tortoiseshell ground with cloud and hōō designs. While Yokihi's hair is full, falling past her shoulders, the youth of the adept is emphasized by the shaven pate left bare except for two short side locks and a round patch of black velvet at the crown. The bodies are executed in classic gosho style, carved of wood and covered in gofun. While the male adept is sexed, the Yokihi figure is not.

Nō-ningyō: Yokihi

Edo period, 19th century

Height 13 1/2 inches

Ayervais Collection

Noh robe used in the role of Yokihi Figured silk with phoenix and peony designs

Edo period, 19th century

Length 58 inches

Eisei Bunko Collection

Gosho-ningyō mainly depicted young boys. Through the exploration of Noh themes, however, gosho-ningyō artists could more readily transcend this sexual boundary, creating elegant female figures in a gosho form. This treatment was furthered in the development of the wakagimi-himegimi (young prince and princess) gosho style.

Nō-ningyō: Tsurukame

Edo period, 19th century

Height 12 inches

Rosen Collection

Nō-ningyō: Tsurukame

Noh, Kabuki, and jōruri puppet performances provided rich subject matter for ningyō artists. Mitate gosho and ishō-ningyō were frequently based on important figures drawn from these popular dramatic forms. The crane and turtle dance from the Noh drama Tsurukame was frequently replicated in gosho form. The story is a simple one describing the visit of the Chinese Tang emperor to the Moon Pavilion (Gekkyūden). Here he is entertained by two courtiers who dance in the guise of the spirits of the crane and the turtle. The courtiers are soon joined by the emperor himself who dances before returning to his own palace.

Both the crane and the turtle are important symbols of longevity in many Asian societies. In Japan, the pine, the turtle, and the crane are frequently grouped as design elements signifying auspicious wishes in general, and hope for longevity in particular. Part of the text of Tsurukame reads: "How numerous the examples of things that last a thousand ages. What should we begin with? First, the tortoise, green as the small princess pine. When it dances, so does the red-crested crane. They give one thousand years of long life to our lord."

Plays and imagery incorporating longevity were often featured during the various New Year's celebrations. Images connoting these symbols were also popular in Japanese culture and could be found in textile design, architectural elements, and ornamental designs on many different applied arts as well as in Noh and popular theatrical staging, its meaning and symbolism lost on no one.

Based on extant examples, gosho-ningyō interpretations of Tsurukame were particularly popular from the late eighteenth century. Most often depicted in sets of three, the grouping consisted of two courtier figures, each wearing a rounded metal crown, one topped with the image of a crane and the other a tortoise, and an emperor figure which would traditionally be placed in the center, wearing the winged cap of a Chinese nobleman.

The figure shown here is an isolated emperor figure from a mitate gosho set depicting the Tsurukame. He is dressed in a rich silk kariginu-style nobleman's coat with a rounded neck and sleeve openings at the shoulder. His robe is decorated with various floral motifs with a large embroidered botan blossom in the center and on each sleeve. His undergarment is done in a tortoiseshell pattern with dragon roundels. In terms of construction, his head, torso, and legs are carved of wood and covered in gofun. The forearms and hands are separately carved and are attached to the body with a wire covered by a padded chirimen silk crepe sleeve. This allowed the arms to be moved and set in different positions. It also facilitated the removal of the outer sleeves of the jacket so that they could be thrown back to reveal the richly decorated under-garments, much like a true Noh costume. The use of metal wiring in the arms developed early in the ishō-ningyō tradition. An example of a hijin in the Tokyo National Museum, dated to the early eighteenth century, features this element. However, the technique was not widely applied to gosho-ningyō until the early nineteenth century. It can be seen as a structural precursor to the mitsuore triple-jointed dolls that became so popular later in the century.

Nō-ningyō: Shakkyō

One of the most powerful images drawn from Noh theater is that of the lion cavorting amidst the peonies, from the play Shakkyō (The Stone Bridge). The play itself unfolds in two parts. It begins with the pilgrimage of a Buddhist priest, Jakushō, to the sacred mountain Godai. There he finds a stone bridge, the other side of which leads to the Paradise of Monju, dwelling place of the Buddha of Wisdom. Jakushō encounters a young woodcutter who tells the priest in vivid detail the horrors that await him if he crosses the bridge too soon. The young boy (actually a manifestation of Monju) advises the priest to sit and wait for a miracle, a sign that indicates that it is safe for him to proceed across the bridge. In the second scene, a ferocious red-headed lion appears on the bridge amidst a riotous growth of red and white peony blossoms. The lion cavorts and frolics amidst the peonies. This is taken by the priest to be the sign he has been waiting for.

This particular dance number, known as the shishi-mai (lion dance), was very popular and was broadly borrowed by Kabuki. In the Noh version of Shakkyō, the dancer wore what was called a shishiguchi (lion-mouthed) mask, which was more stylized and demonic as opposed to lion-like. In Kabuki, the shishi-mai masks took on more lion-like features with hinged jaws, a large row of teeth, and a furry mane.

Although today the lion dance is most famous in its theatrical renditions, historically it has long been an integral element in many Japanese religious, folk, and court dances. Related dances can be found in almost every Asian country. However, the lion dance originally entered Japan from China where it had been used as a ritualized dance to drive away evil. During the Nara period (710-94) in Japan, it was used as part of gyōdō (temple processions). As performed since at least the twelfth century, two or three individuals dressed in a lion costume capped by a ferocious mask were led along by attendants and musicians, creating quite a spectacle.

The Shakkyō nō-ningyō depicted here wears a lion mask on his head and holds in his outstretched arms bundles of peonies. Across his silk crepe haragake bib is gold metallic thread embroidered in an image of white peonies over water, underscoring his identity as the shishi-mai from Shakkyō. His seated posture is a common variant in gosho forms, with one leg thrust forward revealing the sole of the foot, frequently with a strong contour line running along the foot-pad, and with his large toe slightly extended back.

Nō-ningyō: Shakkyō

Edo period, 19th century

Height 11 inches

Ayervais Collection

Nō-ningyō: Ataka/Kanjinchō

Edo period, 19th century

Height 19 inches

Rosen Collection

Nō-ningyō: Ataka/Kanjinchō

Nchningyō, like all mitate (parody) forms, frequently held layers of meaning that escape the modern viewer, tied as they were to issues and themes that were directly of the moment. Dolls in their traditional Western sense seldom contained elements of cultural commentary or social satire. Historically, Western doll makers rarely faced government censure or arrest for their creations. However, in the tightly wound political climate of the Edo period, violations of the strict sumptuary laws governing ningyō could lead to stiff fines, arrest, or banishment of ningyō artists and shop owners, and seemingly benign ningyō forms could well contain subversive elements, tying into contemporary scandals or hinting at taboo subjects.

Such is the case with the gosho-ningyō shown here depicting the indomitable warrior-monk Benkei (Musashibō Benkei, d. 1189). Stories dating as far back as the thirteenth century telling of his martial prowess and fantastic exploits with his lord Minamoto no Yoshitsune (1159-89) were known to virtually all. However, in 1840, with the premiere of the Kabuki play Kanjinchō (The Subscription List), the image of Benkei took on a stronger political note, challenging the status quo in unexpected ways, and becoming inexorably connected with the political scandal surrounding the celebrated Kabuki actor Ichikawa Danjūrō VII (1791-1859).

In the play, Yoshitsune is fleeing the capital after being condemned by his elder brother Yoritomo (1147-99). Disguised as yamabushi (mountain ascetics), Yoshitsune and Benkei and their entourage are working their way north to seek shelter from Yoritomo's pursuing troops. They are stopped at the Ataka barrier and questioned by the barrier guard Togashi Saemon. Using his quick wits, Benkei improvises a story to explain their journey. He states that they are traveling the country soliciting funds for the reconstruction of the great Todaiji Temple at Nara. The suspicious Togashi demands to see, as proof, the kanjincho (subscription list) of donors that have responded thus far to their call. Benkei retrieves a blank scroll and begins to dramatically recite the names of virtuous donors from the scroll. Togashi then presses Benkei on several esoteric points about Buddhism in an effort to trick Benkei into revealing himself. Togashi sees through the charade but is so sympathetic to Benkei and moved by his loyalty that he announces the party free to pass. However, as they are moving through the barrier one of the guards spots Yoshitsune posing as a porter near the rear and challenges him. In an effort to prevent Yoshitsune's identity from being revealed, Benkei berates and beats Yoshitsune for causing so much trouble. Again, moved by Benkei's unfailing loyalty, Togashi allows them to pass unhindered.

Kanjinchō opened to great acclaim in March of 1840 at the Kawarazaki Theater in Edo. Added notoriety came from the fact that Danjūrō had adapted the piece from the revered Noh play Ataka, written by one of the great Noh playwrights of the fifteenth century, Kanze Kojiro Nobumitsu (1435-1516). In the late Edo period, Noh was still held to be the particular purview of the noble and samurai classes, a rarefied realm not meant for the common masses. For Danjūrō to attempt a direct adaptation, in both content and style of performance, was quite a controversial maneuver, one which the government was not inclined to overlook. Although Kanjinchō went on to become one of the classics of the Kabuki theater, it resulted in Danjūrō's immediate expulsion from Edo as punishment for his audacity. His crime: perverting a classical form, mocking his betters by co-opting their cultural symbols.

Mitate gosho-ningyō: Mōsō

Edo period, 19th century

Height 20 inches

Ayervais Collection

With this in mind, the nō-ningyō of Benkei on pages 52-3 takes on a different cast and potential meaning. His identity as Benkei in Kanjinchō is clearly evident from his attire as a yamabushi complete with tohin (cap), oi (traveling pack/shrine), the tasseled staff of a traveling monk, and the scroll in his outstretched hand. The date of manufacture, based on the textiles used and the physical characteristics of the ningyō itself, would likely be sometime in the early 1840s, coinciding closely with the Danjūrō/Kanjinchō scandal. By creating such a notable piece of impressive scale and quality, depicting what was most certainly a politically sensitive topic, the ningyō artist was either capitalizing on the scandal du jour, or making a statement in his own right.

Like Noh, gosho-ningyō were traditionally associated with the nobility As such, they were well suited to the interpretation of Noh subject matter, while ishō-ningyō and other plebian forms were used for Kabuki and more pedestrian themes. Just as Danjūrō flouted convention, so too did the creator of this Benkei tweak the socially segregated mores of the time by taking an essentially imperial form and applying it to Danjūrō's controversial Benkei.

Mitate Gosho-ningyō: Mōsō

During the Edo period, Chinese studies, or more specifically Confucianism, were used consciously by the government to legitimize its rule, establish social parameters, and moderate public behavior. The stringent control measures that the government placed upon society at large, generally through the issue of magisterial edicts referred to variously as ofuregaki or ken'yaku, were largely predicated on a Confucian sense of propriety and an individual's place in society, and played a strong role in setting the moral tone and defining relationships during this period. Perceived challenges to public authority or attacks on public morality were usually met with stern morally reasoned legislation. In 1842, for example, in an effort to curtail the "negative" influence of wood-block prints on public mores, the following edict was issued: "To make woodblock prints of Kabuki actors, courtesan, and geisha is detrimental to public morals. Henceforth the publication of new works [of this kind] as well as the sale of previously procured stocks is strictly forbidden. In the future you are to select designs that are based on loyalty and filial piety and which serve to educate women and children. And you must ensure that they are not luxurious." In this way, the government strived to channel art and creativity into more appropriate and constructive directions. "Loyalty" and "filial piety" are words heavily steeped in Confucian moral doctrine, and Confucian-based themes were strongly evident in many Edo art forms. Respect for ones parents was held as a cardinal virtue and considered a basic building block of society. Partially through government directives and partially through the genuine popularity of these themes, Confucian-derived subject matter pervaded Edo culture, both elite and popular.

The Twenty-four Paragons of Filial Piety (Jp. Nijūshiku-dōji, Ch. Ershisi xiao) are Chinese in origin and were illustrative of ideal forms of respect towards lord and ruler and self-sacrifice in honoring ones parents. The original list was compiled by the Yuan dynasty (1279-1368) scholar and poet Guo Jujing as an act of devotion following the passing of his own father. Guo searched back through the early histories to identify individuals, male and female, young and old, who had exemplified loyalty and devotion to their parents. Guo's paragons ranged from individuals who suffered great hardships but never complained, to a clever son who adopted comic poses and wore outrageous costumes to entertain his aged parents and distract them from their advancing years. It included stories of a son risking death at the claws of a ferocious tiger to save his father, and a young boy who exposed his skin to mosquitoes to protect his poor parents who could not afford mosquito netting. Within Chinese society, these became oft-repeated stories and were a basic part of a child's socialization process. The date of their transmission to Japan is uncertain, but by the Edo period they had become as iconic as they were in China, forming a readily recognizable visual reference in Edo popular culture.

Of the twenty-four exemplars, one in particular seemed to capture the Japanese imagination: the tale of Moso (Ch. Mengzong), a young man who sought bamboo shoots in the dead of winter to aid his ailing mother. As the story goes, Moso's mother was grievously stricken with a mysterious ailment and desperately craved bamboo shoot broth to help soothe her pains. Though the countryside was covered in snow, and the spring-growing shoots were not likely to be found, Moso dutifully took his shovel and headed into the bamboo groves to search for bamboo shoots. Long he travailed finding nothing but packed ice and snow. Moso never relented. Nearly overcome with grief at the thought of disappointing his ailing mother and with tears pouring down his cheeks, he poked and prodded the frozen ground. But like a miracle, with his tears forming puddles in the ice, he noticed a bamboo shoot poking its head up through the snow where his tears had fallen. As he dug, he found a bed of newly formed and exquisitely tender bamboo shoots. The broth he made on his triumphant return quickly cured his ailing mother. Guo appended this verse to the tale:

His teardrops transformed winter at the roots;

Up from the ice crept tender bamboo shoots.

Instantly, the winter-sprouts matured;

Heaven's will: a happy, peaceful world.

The popularity of Nijūshiku-dōji in Edo culture is evident in the inclusion of two of these tales in the yamaboho floats employed in the Gion Matsuri celebrations in Kyoto: Katsukyo and Moso. An illustrated list of floats entitled Kyoto gion-e: Kodai yamaboho zuju shows the float depicting Moso (Mosoyama) as it would have been seen in the mid-eighteenth century It depicts Moso in Chinese costume with a round farmer's hat, a hoe held over his shoulder, and a long bamboo shoot grasped in his right hand. Behind him lies a giant mound of snow at the base of a pine tree through which poke the heads of numerous shoots.

This extraordinary example of a mitate gosho on page 54 shows the young Mōsō proudly holding a large bamboo shoot in his left hand. In his right hand, he holds a hoe over his shoulder. He wears the simple sedge hat of a farmer, dotted with cotton balls, possibly simulating snow. His elaborately embroidered chirimen silk crepe haragake bib is partially covered by a similarly embroidered sleeveless coat with black velvet trim. The fact that his costuming does nothing to betray his Chinese origins, lacking the ruffled trim or other exotic elements used to symbolize Chinese or foreign figures, speaks of how thoroughly Moso had been absorbed into Japanese culture by this time. His scale is particularly large and the figure well balanced, with his left leg thrust forward and the weight resting principally on his slightly flexed back leg.

(Detail) Mōsōyama, in Kyoto gion-e: Kodai yamaboho zuju (Kyoto's Gion Festival: Pictures of Yamaboko from Early Times), based on Gion goryo-e saiki (Full Account of the Gion Festival to Meet the August Spirit), woodblock printed book, 1757. Iwazaki Publishing Company

Mitate Gosho-ningyō: Daimyō Gyōretsu

When the first Tokugawa Shogun, Ieyasu, decreed in 1603 that Edo become the administrative capital of the new era, little could he have realized the drastic reshaping of Japanese economics and culture he had put into motion. In order to maintain tighter supervision over the newly subdued feudal lords (daimyō) and stymie future war-making capabilities, a formalized system was enacted in 1635 which mandated that each of the 260 to 270 daimyō spend every other year in Edo, alternating residence between their home domain and the capital. At the end of the year in residence, specific permission (oitoma) had to be obtained before they and their retinue could return to their home territories. To further insure compliance, it was also mandated that wives and heirs remain in Edo on a full-time basis, functioning in every respect as hostages. Residences had to be maintained in the capital as well as facilities to accommodate the number of vassals, servants, and support staff required to run these operations and suitably attend the daimyō while in residence. This bold and extremely controversial system was termed sankin-kōtai (alternate residence).

The result of these regulations was a dramatic population shift from all across the country towards the new capital of Edo. Workers required to construct and maintain the new residences, merchants to supply the material and foodstuffs for the new capital, migrant labor attracted to the opportunities in any number of fields but most importantly the massive canal and earthworks projects required to drain the marshy area around the bay in which Edo was situated, monks to populate the new temples being constructed to insure the safety of the capital and the longevity of the Tokugawa, entertainers to provide diversions, courtesans to provide other diversions, all led to a demographic explosion which resulted in a population of over one million by the early eighteenth century.

The economic results were staggering as well. The new system required the development and maintenance of an extensive infrastructure of roads, canals, and coastal transport that did much to bring together the disparate areas of the country With international trade strategically limited during the whole of the Tokugawa reign, the sankin-kōtai system functioned as the principal economic engine of the regime, stimulating internal trade, furthering the development of a cash economy, facilitating the transfer of goods and services and dissemination of technology and learning, as well as accelerating the formation of a national language and identity With the flow of people, goods, and services from all over the country to and from Edo, the economic benefits were felt nationally. Osaka, the central entrepôt for the rice market, where merchants converted tax tribute rice from the various domains into the cash required to keep the system running, reasserted its position as the hub of national commerce. Kyoto, recovering from the devastations of the civil war period, and with the support of the Tokugawa government, was upheld as the source of tradition and continuity, the home of the emperor, the spiritual wellspring of the nation. Due to the continued importance of these two locales, daimyō generally maintained residences of varying scales, furthering the economies and cultural mix of these two cities.

The most visual symbol of the sankin-kōtai system was the annual processions (gyōretsu) of daimyō to and from the capital. The size of these processions varied depending on the power, prestige, and economic wherewithal of the daimyō and his domain. Gyōretsu for domains such as the powerful Tosa clan could number up to 2,700 official members, with additional retainers of the domain traveling on unofficial business. Smaller domains such as Hachinohe would have as few as fifty in their retinue. These processions were staggered. Usually, domains whose turn it was to attend in Edo (Edō-zume) would begin their trip in the fourth month, and those returning to their domains would depart in the sixth month. Exceptions were made for daimyō who were permanently in the governments administrative, who made return trips much less frequently as well as members of the three branch families of the Tokugawa clan (go-sanke) who made their rotation in March.

The daimyō processions were often grand affairs, with retainers and supporters joining in large, parade-like movements with heralds and banners. These included mounted riders, standard bearers, palanquins hefted on shoulders, and a seemingly endless line of foot soldiers and supply porters. Utilizing the elaborate road system that surpassed any European equivalent of the age, the transition process could take up to a month or more, depending on the size of the retinue and the distance from capital to domain. Towns along the routes experienced swollen coffers and depleted supplies as the processions moved back and forth along one of the many national highways. The gyōretsu were frequently spectacular affairs that captivated the local inhabitants of the towns and villages through which they passed.

Painted images of these processions provide invaluable insight into the pomp and majesty of the largest of these processions. A hand scroll in the collection of the Tokugawa Art Museum in Nagoya (see page 57) illustrates the procession of the Owari Tokugawa, one of the go-sanke traveling from Nagoya to Edo. Measuring just under twelve inches high and eighty-five feet long, in it we see the proud display of the Tokugawa hollyhock crest on the side of supply cases and emblazoned on the outer cloaks of many of the attendants. We see pack horses, mounted soldiers, archers, and ordered lines of retainers wearing straw traveling sandals and sporting round jingasa helmets and swords at their hips, lancers with tall spears, the blades protected with a variety of covers adding to the color and glamor of the event. Higher ranked members of the procession were carried in enclosed palanquins carried on the shoulders of four retainers.

(Detail) Procession of an Owari Tokugawa Daimyo to Edo, Odagiri Shunko (1810-80), hand scroll,

ink and color on paper, Edo period,

19th century, 111/2 inches x 85 feet.

Tokugawa Art Museum

Mitate gosho-ningyō: Sankin-kotai

Edo period, 19th century

Height of figures 4 inches

Overall length 12 ft

Ayervais Collection

Similar processions occurred periodically with the arrival of envoys from Korea and the Ryukyu Islands, who came to pay respects to the shōgun in Edo. Western officials stationed on the trade island of Deshima also participated in this tradition. In 1818, Jan Cock Blomhoff, chief of the Dutch trading post on Deshima from 1817 to 1823, made the journey to Edo as part of the official embassy presenting gifts to the shōgun, an event which occurred every four years. The round trip took about three months to complete, and even though at times only four Dutchmen were part of the retinue, the trip required on the whole fifty horses, an escort of over a hundred men, plus additional security, interpreters, porters, and bearers. Blomhoff was an avid documenter of many of the day-to-day aspects of his life while in Japan and he purchased in Nagasaki a set of ningyō depicting a procession to Edo.

The sankin-kōtai processions were a symbol of the age, and as such were depicted in painting and woodblock print, described in popular fiction, and executed in ningyō form. The gyōretsu-ningyō set purchased by Blomhoff in 1822 and now in the National Museum of Ethnology in Leiden, consists of forty-two male figures each with two swords tucked at their waists, and a palanquin carried by two porters. Each figure is mounted on an individual base and is shown with the shaved pate and topknot of the samurai and wearing clothing much as that illustrated in the Owari Tokugawa painting, which would have been executed about the same time. The popularity of this subject matter for ningyō artists is evident in the number of extent examples executed in a wide variety of styles.

The gosho gyōretsu-ningyō set featured here consists of fifty-two individual gosho-ningyō serving as retainers, carrying their lord's possessions, holding aloft banners and arms heralding his passage. The mounted retainers are shown riding harukoma hobbyhorses. Each is costumed in an embroidered silk crepe bib and short outer jacket. Their hairstyles vary from the short side pompoms of the karako (Chinese child) style, to full side and forelocks with the top-knot done in a chasen-mage (tea whisk) style. The tall spear carriers hold their shafts vertically, with the blades covered in a variety of felt, lacquer, and silk fiber covers known as yari-zaya. Other interesting elements not necessarily a traditional part of the gyōretsu procession include Shintō paper streamers called nusa and a New Year's-style decoration with a miniature mask of Okame (the Goddess of Mirth) attached on center.

The nature of these gyōretsu-ningyō sets varied dramatically, ranging from large-scale renditions complete with accurately detailed palanquins, banners, and heraldry to mitate forms showing women emulating the daimyō processions, the various porters, attendants, and powerful samurai replaced with ladies in elegant kimono, elaborate coiffures, and delicate features (see page 182). Full sets done in the kesi-bina (seed hina) style, each figure measuring less than one inch, with painted details and practically microscopic accessories, were also popular. Or in even more whimsical examples, the entire procession was replaced by an entourage of insects, praying mantises, and bugs of varying descriptions, creating an entomological version of the proud daimyō gyorestu.

Mitate Gosho-ningyō: Chōsenjin

Ningyō forms, particularly those of the ishō or "fashion" type, were very much pieces of the moment. They reflected current trends in clothing, the popularity of a hit play on the Kabuki stage, and fads brought on by a novel or biography published by one of the active printing houses. Jokes and rumors, love stories and scandals, and even politics all worked their way into this popular medium.

For much of the Edo period, Japan practiced a policy of self-seclusion termed sakoku (closed country). As part of a concerted strategy of tight social and political control over all aspects of society, active interchange between the continent and Japan came to a near standstill following the establishment of the Tokugawa shogunate in the early 1600s. With foreign contacts limited almost entirely to Dutch and Chinese traders at the port of Nagasaki, the outside world became largely an imaginary space within the public consciousness. Authors and artists of the period, drawing with only limited knowledge upon the foreign, created narrative and visual works catering to the public's thirst for this larger world, filling the public imagination with exotic people and places which frequently bore little resemblance to reality.

One notable exception to this hermetic policy was the Korean mission to Edo. This diplomatic embassy was effectuated, as a rule, in conjunction with the accession of a new shōgun. A total of fourteen embassies were sent between the years 1604 and 1811. Though further embassies were proposed, none actually came to Edo. For the Japanese shōgunal government in Edo, it was an opportunity to display its opulence and munificent rule to its Asian neighbor and, in return, the new government was given an added gloss of strength and authority through the visits of representatives from foreign governments. For the Japanese people, it was an opportunity to catch a glimpse of the world beyond, with all its wonder and strangeness. In addition to the sheer marvel of watching a parade of up to 400 foreigners plus escorts pass through their towns, replete with standard bearers, exotic costumes, and novel habits, the Koreans also provided unusual entertainment. Prints from the seventeenth century depict exhibitions of Korean mounted trick riders engaging in acrobatic feats and equestrian displays— unheard of in Edo society—and indicate that such displays were a part of the 1655 mission.

Chōsenjin Ukie (1748 Korean Mission to Edo), Hanegawa Toei (fl. ca. 1748), hanging scroll,

ink and color on paper, Edo period

late 18th century, 271/2 x 36 inches.

Kobe City Museum

Mitate gosho-ningyō: Chōsenjin

Edo period, 18th century

Height 16 inches

Rauch Collection

The government for its part did much to improve travel conditions along the Tokaido and other roads along which the embassy would travel, repairing bridges, securing fords, and at times erecting inns especially for the envoys and their entourages. A special route called the Chōsen-jin kaido ("Korean Highway") was followed which eschewed the more direct route of the Tokaido and swung on a more northerly circuit to pass through the towns of Hikone, Ōgaki, and Nagoya, all the better to show off the visiting dignitaries and capitalize on the spectacle provided. Upon reaching the capital, the 1748 Korean embassy was routed through town along the most advantageous route possible as they made their way to and from their temporary lodgings at Higashi Hoganji, part of the Asakusa Sensoji complex. This path led them along sections of Nihonbashi Street, and, coincidentally through the middle of the celebrated doll market referred to as the Jukkendana where ningyō artists and merchants alike would have had ringside seats to the display People along these routes, in anticipation of the exciting event, would be swept over with Korean fever, adopting "foreign" clothing styles with long silk outer coats and broad-rimmed hats.

Long after the embassies themselves had passed by, the towns continued to commemorate these events with parades and floats (Chōsen-yama) in the Korean mode at their annual round of festivals. Residents of the Takeshima-cho section of Ōgaki, one of the principal cities along the Chōsen-jin kaido, were particularly noted for their annual re-creation of the Korean embassy, going so far as to order special textiles from the Nishijin section of Kyoto based on sketches of Korean costumes that the residents had made during the passing of actual embassies. Similarly in Edo, during the San'nō Festival, residents of the Kojimachi area adjacent to Hie-jinja Shrine where the San'nō deity is housed, reformulated the Korean embassies, complete with pennants and sedan chairs, but with the added novelty of a giant elephant float. Although the elephant bore no direct relationship to the embassy, its inclusion by the residents of Kojimachi insured fame and notoriety for their contribution to the San'nō festivities.

The standing figure on page 59, while very much a gosho-ningyō in terms of its round face and small, centered features, including a mizuhiki presentation ribbon elaborately painted on its forehead, is very much an ishō-ningyō in terms of its intent and execution. The long-sleeved outer coat decorated with a dark ribbon-like fringe and long trailing front tie belt evoke a feeling of "foreign-ness." Not based on any actual country's fashion, attire such as this captured what the public thought a foreigner might wear. The broad-rimmed cap, painted with abstract designs and topped by a small chirimen silk crepe-covered knob, is the artists interpretation of a Korean kat, a wide-rimmed horsehair woven hat that was worn by Korean dignitaries and members of the Korean mission to Japan. Although large-scale standing ningyō of this subject are very rare, smaller seated versions depicting gosho clad only in a haragake bib, but wearing this signature cap, appear with some frequency, indicating a certain popularity of this form among ningyō makers and the buying public at the time.

In addition to the textiles, the physical elements of the figure itself cleverly point to its origins in the parade of Chōsenjin. The left leg is slightly forward, creating an impression of forward movement. This sense of movement is further accentuated by the slight bend at the waist. The display base, rather than being of finished lacquer, is made of sand and dirt sprinkled over glue on a plain wooden base, the gravel-like effect deftly simulating the surface of the Chōsen-jin kaido itself. The right hand, though empty now, possibly originally held aloft the dragon flag (hiyōngmyonggi) of the Korean emperor or the Chōsenjins signature banner that read in Korean "ch'ongdo" (Jp. seidō), literally meaning "clear the way." Both of these figure prominently in many of the painted images of the Korean missions to Japan executed during the Edo period, such as the celebrated hanging scroll by Hanegawa Tōei in the Kobe City Museum commemorating the 1748 Korean mission to Edo.

Mitate Gosho-ningyō: Matsuo Bashō

In 1689, the haiku poet Matsuo Bashō (1644-94) began his celebrated thirty-month journey to explore the oku or "deep beyond" of Japan. His poems and recollections of his travels were compiled in journals and published under the title Oku no hosomichi (The Narrow Road to the Deep North). This was not his first traveling experience, but the last of five and his most celebrated. Basho found the sights seen and the individuals encountered inspiring to his poetry, evoking deep feelings and poignant sentiments.

Historically, many of Japan's most famous poems were linked to specific places. So intertwined did these places (uta-makura) become with the poems associated with them, that the physicality of the locale was often secondary to the memory of the poem it originally elicited. Basho's travels into the remoteness of Japan were actual, but they were also symbolic of his own spiritual journey. The journals he kept on each of his travels, with significant later amendments, and the poems he composed en route indicate the power of his experiences.

Bashō's writings also captured the imaginations of Japanese who longed to travel and see their country but were unable to do so for various reasons, including the physical difficulties involved, the financial hardships such travel entailed, and the governmental permission required to undertake such a journey, crossing from one territory to the next, each separated by security posts.

Interestingly, the first haiku poem included in Oku no hosomichi makes reference to ningyō, or specifically hina.

kusa no to mo	Even a thatched hut
sumikawam yo zo	May change with a new owner
hina no ie	Into a doll's house

The "thatched hut" refers to Basho's own humble cottage in Edo, planted in front with a banana tree from which he took his sobriquet "Bashō." Leaving his own home for the rigors of the road, life inside the banana hut would undoubtedly change as a new family moved in, perhaps one with daughters who would decorate the interior with hina-ningyō for the third month Hina-matsuri doll festival.

Bashō is something of an unusual subject for mitate gosho and I am unaware of any other example. The mitate gosho of Basho depicted at right has him attired in the clothes of a well-dressed Edoite. His sleeveless jacket is made from a green satin weave with figured dragon roundels. His kimono is a rich plaid with black velvet trim. On his feet are black velvet tabi socks. On his head rests his signature cap made of purple silk. Dangling from the obi tie belt at his waist is a lacquered inro medicine box secured with a round manjū-style netsuke. A fan with lacquered ends is tucked into the front of his kimono, rounding out his accessories. The staff in his right hand is replaced, but evokes the walking stick that would have most assuredly accompanied him on his lengthy journey undertaken largely on foot. His eyes are very highly rounded on the top and flat on the bottom, indicating an early to mid-nineteenth century date of manufacture. He is carved out of solid wood with no flexibility to the arms and legs.

Mitate gosho-ningyō: Matsuo Bashō

Edo period, 19th century

Height 141/2 inches

Ayervais Collection

Mitate gosho-ningyō:

Sumō wrestler pair

Edo period, 19th century

Height 111/2 inches

Ayervais Collection

Mitate Gosho-ningyō: Sumō Wrestler Pair

Two men coming together in close combat to resolve conflicts and establish the right to rule, such are the origins of sumō. The eighth-century Kojiki (Records of Ancient Matters), the earliest official history of Japan compiled in 712, states that possession of the land by the gods was determined through a test of strength held on the shores of Izumo next to the Japan Sea between Takemikazuchi-no kami and Takeminakata-no-kami: "Takeminakata came bearing a tremendous boulder on his fingertips, and said: 'Who is come to our land and is talking so furtively? Come, let us test our strength; I will first take your arm.' When [Takemikazuchi] allowed him to take his arm, he changed it into a column of ice, then again changed it into a sword blade. At this point [Takeminakata] was afraid and drew back."

When Takemikazuchi demanded the right to grasp Takeminakata's arm, the record states that it was "like taking hold of a young reed," easily crushed. In fear, Takeminakata tried to flee. When pursued and captured, he cried, "I will yield this Central Land of the Reed Plains in accordance with the commands of the offspring of the heavenly deities." The gods, represented by Takemikazuchi, were victorious. In a bloodless rite, hegemony by the divine race was established, initiating at the same time the divine lineage of the emperor, which traces its origins back to the victorious Takemikazuchi.

Although the contest bore little resemblance to the sumō of today, this mythical combat has been taken as the origins of sumō, defining its divine origin and its historical place within Japan. Thus, from time immemorial, sumō has been considered in Japan a sport and a rite of national importance. Performed at times of harvest, it was seen as a propitiating ritual designed to please the gods and insure a bountiful harvest.

During the Edo period, sumō became a popular exhibition sport, drawing massive crowds and creating a type of celebrity status for its successful athletes. The center of the sumō world had shifted from Osaka to Edo by the late 1700s and had been warmly embraced by the Edo public. The ukiyo-e artist Katsukawa Shunsho (1726-92) elevated these men by making them the focus of a new genre of print, closely mimicking the actor prints from the world of Kabuki. Sumo rankings were frequently posted, allowing the public to keep track of their favorite stars. The traditional ten-day tournaments held in open areas around shrines and temples gradually became more localized at Eko-in Temple across the Sumida River.

The close connection between sumō and certain Shintō rituals inevitably led to the subject matter being portrayed in sculptural form. Images dating from the medieval period of wrestlers locked in combat officiated over by a gyōji priest are found in various shrines across Japan. Clay ningyō crafted in varying degrees of refinement of sumō wrestlers from many regions of Japan attest to a widespread popularity of this subject matter among the common people. The social importance that sumō held during the Edo period made it natural for ningyō artists to explore this subject and a number of finely crafted gosho-ningyō depicting the theme have come down to us today. A famous example in the Kyoto National Museum collection presents a complete tableau featuring two wrestlers accompanied by the officiating gyōji in a circular arena bounded by a shimenawa rope made of silk crepe. The wrestlers themselves are shown doing ritual exercises before the match.

The pair shown here represent two wrestlers pulling on a rope. They are executed in mirrored poses, leaning in towards each other with only slight differences in the position of their hands and the angle of their heads. Their hairstyles differ as well, the figure on the right bearing two long side braids, while the figure on the left has a full head of hair with only the top section shaved in nakasori style. Both sport complementary, though not identical, keishō mawashi (wrestler aprons) that are decorated with embroidered cherry blossoms. The bottom hemline is further decorated with metal appliqués of blossom just above the fringe.

Sumō wrestlers Fudenoumi Kin'emon (left) and Nijigadake Somaemon (right), Katsukawa Shuncho (1726-92), woodblock print, ink and color on paper, ca. 1782-3, 15 x 10 inches.

Frederick W. Gookin Collection,

Art Institute of Chicago

Mitate Gosho-ningyō: Sumō Wrestler

Nomi no Sukune is considered the historical founder of sumō-tori (sumō wrestling). A potter from Izumo who possessed enormous strength, Sukune was invited by the Emperor Suinin (r. 31 BC-AD 70) in 22 BC to fight Taima no Kehaya from Nara. In a fierce combat not limited to grappling and throwing, Sukune defeated Kehaya and proceeded to trample him to death. Suinin, in recognition of his victory invited Sukune to court as an advisor.

Sukune is purported to have played a significant role in ningyō history as well. Historic funerary practices had called for the interment of live individuals along with the deceased, arranged vertically in the ground in a hedge-like row around the tumulus—a horrific, not to mention expensive, practice.

With the death of Suinin's brother, Yamato-hiko-no-mikoto, the Nihongi (compiled in 720) states that "thereupon his personal attendants were assembled and were buried alive upright... for several days they died not, but wailed day and night. At last they died and rotted. Dogs and crows gathered and ate them." Deeply disturbed by this, the Emperor Suinin sought advice from his council on how to rectify this problem, to establish a new method that would still appease the gods, but avoid the needless suffering.

The Nihongi states that it was Nomi no Sukune, the potter from Izumo, who devised a solution. Calling down clay workers from Izumo, Sukune instructed them to "take clay and form therewith shapes of men, horses, and various objects which he presented to the emperor saying, 'Hence forward let it be the law for future ages to substitute things of clay for living men, and to set them up at tumuli.'" The emperor was reportedly delighted with the suggestion and implemented Sukunes plan. These clay figures, called haniwa (lit. "circle of clay"), replaced the human hedgerow (see page 9-10). Within the timeline of ningyō history, they are seen as some of the earliest of ningyō forms, clay human shapes (ningyō) acting as substitutes for actual humans.

The popularity of sumō during the Edo period also led to a large output of sumō-related art. Paintings and woodblock prints of celebrated sumō athletes were sought after by aficionados of the sport. A wide variety of ningyō forms were also created during this time. Though somewhat later in date, a particularly interesting example is a pair of life-sized iki-ningyō (living dolls) made by the celebrated artist Yasumoto Kamehachi. The two combatants are shown in an intense grappling match, muscles flexed, eyes bulging. Created for an exhibition (misemono) in Tokyo in 1890, Kamehachi's creation presents what appears to be more of a life-and-death struggle than a ritualized sporting event. However, it was the gosho-ningyō, with its full-bodied corpulence, that proved to be the most natural medium for the depiction of sumō in ningyō form. Extant examples show a wide variety of treatments for this popular subject. Ningyō artists had a chance to place their figures in some dynamic compositions: wrestlers facing each other in the circular arena and the officiating figure all well depicted. The keishō mawashi aprons were an easy adaptation from the traditional haragake bibs.

The delightful gosho image below is an exceptional example. It shows a well-fed wrestler resting on his knuckles, staring directly into the eyes of his opponent in the moment before they hurl themselves at each other. Though sumō wrestlers traditionally have worn their hair long and tied into a topknot, which is cut only upon retirement, the figure here is depicted with a child's side locks which are particularly bushy. The three-part division of the gosho is easily seen, with equal weight given to head, body, and legs. The modeling here, while in no way realistic, is very sensitive, showing creases in the arms and knees and well-delineated toes, ears, and clenched fists. Perhaps in order to convey an added level of intensity, the eyes are executed in an unusually open oval shape, and the pupils, rather than being flat, are slightly convex. Instead of the classic enigmatic smile, the mouth is in a compressed, tight-lipped expression unusual in gosho-ningyō. The bib is decorated on the front with a large embroidered design of a butterfly. The thick tie cords are knotted across the wrestlers back with the tassels partially covering his exposed flanks.

Mitate gosho-ningyō: Sumo wrestler

Edo period, 19th century

Length 9 inches

Carabet Collection

Sumo wrestlers, iki-ningyō (living dolls), Yasumoto Kamehachi I (act. 1870), kiri wood, gofun, pigments, textiles, 1890, height 7 feet.

Detroit Institute of the Arts

Fuzokū Gosho-ningyō: Merchant, Nobleman, and Samurai

Although gosho-ningyō had their origins as very exclusive gifts exchanged within the imperial household, as gifts to visiting daimyō, or as gifts of special recognition to members of the lower classes, such as entertainers or artists, they gradually became known to the larger population. Manufacturers outside the imperial ateliers, such as Izukura Kihei in Osaka, also began to make gosho-style ningyō. By the nineteenth century the range of gosho-ningyō had expanded dramatically, covering a seemingly infinite variety of subjects, and were well patronized by the three economically advantaged segments of traditional Japanese society: the nobility (huge), the samurai (buke), and the merchant class (chōnin).

Fuzokū is a term that refers to prevailing manners and customs and is often used to describe ishō-ningyō and other ningyō forms that emphasize costume and dress. The unusual set of gosho at right shows these three classes clothed in typical fashions of the late Edo period. The standing noble figure is dressed in a green silk gauze kariginu. The kariginu coat was defined by its open sleeves with silk draw cords and the loose attachment of the sleeves at the shoulders. Initially considered a hunting coat and informal attire, the kariginu had come to be regarded as more formal by the nineteenth century. His trousers bear the classic tatewaku undulating line pattern. Standing next to him is a townsman merchant or chōnin wearing a brocade haori surcoat over a simple kosode kimono. The kosode, evolved from simple commoner's dress, became the defining garment of the period and received an impressive array of decorative treatments that elevated it far above its humble origins. It was a garment that appealed to all three classes, but was in many ways the particular preserve of the newly affluent chōnin merchants. The figure seated in front is of the samurai class and wears the very distinctive winged coat and trousers combination known as the naga-kamishimo, executed here in an unusual ginran (silver-leaf backed paper thread) brocade. The coat and trousers bear the kiri (paulownia) crest, virtually synonymous with the Tokugawa regime. This is worn over a silk crepe kosode with silver thread embroidered sleeves covered with water designs. Additional, fashionable details are conveyed by the netsuke, inro, and tobacco pouch attached to the belt.

These three different classes are unified in their depiction here through their distinctive gosho-style faces and their tea whisk hair-styles. The long forelocks indicate that they are all youthful members of their respective classes. It was the tradition for men to shave their locks when they came of age. Though obviously carved by the same hand, each of the faces bears an individualized expression, from the wide smiling face of the samurai figure to the more somber demeanor of the nobleman. The hands are all well carved, with finely separated fingers. Although wire elements in the upper arms allow for a change in position, the clothes are fixed, indicating that they were not meant to be removed, making these a form of kitsuke-ningyō (dressed-up) dolls.

Fuzokū gosho-ningyō: Merchant, nobleman, and samurai

Edo period, 19th century

Height 14 1/2 inches

Carabet Collection

Wakagimi (young prince) gosho-ningyō group

Edo period, late 18th and early 19th century

Height of dolls: left 20 1/2 inches,

middle (dated 1793) 14 inches,

right 16 inches

Rosen Collection

Mitsuore wakagimi-himegimi (triple-jointed young prince and princess)

Edo period, 19th century

Height of prince 22 inches

Height of princess 20 1/2 inches

Rosen Collection

Wakagimi Gosho-ningyō Group

Woodblock print imagery from throughout the eighteenth century indicates that gosho-ningyō were popular playthings among the children of the upper classes. Unlike similar prints from the period depicting ningyō for the Hina-matsuri display, which largely show adults handling, arranging, and occupying themselves with the hina-ningyō, gosho-related prints show children excitedly sharing their pieces with each other. A typical example is shown in a print taken from the book Ehon kikugasane by Kitao Sekkōsai (1716-80), showing a group of young boys and girls playing inside a room. The sliding doors are pushed back to reveal the garden outside. A boy balances a figure mounted on a long pole atop his nose while a delighted younger boy dances excitedly at his feet. A group of young girls in the innermost part of the room occupy themselves with ningyō of various descriptions. One turns at the approach of another young girl entering the room, holding in her hands a large seated gosho-like figure dressed in a simple haragake bib, evidently intent on showing her doll to the other young girls. The atmosphere is informal, children simply at play with their dolls.

Due to their expense and the culture that created them, gosho-ningyō were closely connected with the huge (nobility) and buke (samurai) classes, their clothing and attitudes more reflective of this segment of society than that of the merchant commoner. One sub- genre of gosho-ningyō that particularly reflects this class division is that of the wakagimi (young prince) gosho. This style of gosho-ningyō invariably depicts a standing young boy of either the huge or buke class. To indicate youth, the front locks are usually left in long bangs. The hair is then done in either the style of a court page (chigowa), with the hair gathered together at the top and terminating in two large loops, or in youthful variations of adult styles called wakashu-mage or warawa-mage. The young prince is attired in either a combination of the long pleated hakama trousers over a kosode kimono, or in the martial kamishimo. The kamishimo was the formal audience wear for most samurai of rank, consisting of the wide-shouldered kataginu paired with either matching (mizukamishimo) or contrasting (tsugi-kamishimo) pleated hakama over a kosode kimono. The materials ranged from silk to hemp. Family crests were frequently placed on the shoulders and back to aid in identification of the wearer.

Structurally, the wakagimi gosho vary dramatically, ranging anywhere from ten inches to over twenty-five inches in height, with some extraordinary examples cresting thirty inches. Unlike the kurui (crazy) poses of some other standing gosho forms, the wakagime gosho reflect a stately dignity. They are depicted erect, with a small fan in their right hand. Their legs are placed together, with feet pointed forward. Generally, they are sexed. The upper arms frequently have a metal wire core surrounded by thickly padded chirimen silk crepe, plain weave silk, or occasionally soft leather. This allowed for the shifting of the arm position and enabled the clothing to be put on and taken off as desired.

The wakagimi gosho appear to have been designed for the youth of the upper classes. Although they are generally considered to have largely been created as a play toy, it is possible that wakagimi gosho were also given as gifts in conjunction with the hakama-gi ceremony held in the child's fifth year. Part of the shichi-go-san (seven-five-three) celebrations which punctuated a child's progression from infancy to adulthood, the hakama-gi (Assumption of the Trousers) witnessed a child's shedding of more childish clothes and the wearing of adult hakama-style trousers for the first time. This event was traditionally celebrated with great pomp and was considered one of the more significant events in a child's life.

Clothing for children was divided between that required for everyday use and for ceremonial occasions. The clothes were often not very different from those of adults, except for the size. Beginning at birth, a child wore what was referred to as ubugi. A different version was used for the ceremonies that immediately followed the birth as well as for the child's first visit to a shrine. As a child grew, he/she would then wear a hitotsumi until the age of three, the back decorated with a protective charm called a semamori, sometimes in the shape of the Seimei kikyo (pentagonal star developed by the tenth century yin/yang specialist Abe Seimei). From age three, a child adopted a more standard jurisode kimono for daily wear, with a seam in the back to allow for adjustments in size as the child grew. The hakama-gi originated in the Heian period during the tenth century and was held for both girls and boys of that age. As fashions changed over the centuries, however, particularly with the advent of the kosode kimono as the principal form of women's clothing during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, the hakama-gi gradually became more narrowly viewed as a male rite.

Children playing with dolls, from Ehon kiku gasane, Kitao Sekkōsai (1716-80), wood-block printed book.

Yoshitoku Doll Company

A variation on the wakagimi form is the prince and princess gosho, called wakagimi-himegimi (see page 68) The wakagimi prince remains fundamentally attired as described above, but is paired with a standing female princess figure (himegimi) clothed in a rich kosode kimono. The princess figure is typically crafted with the female sex to aid in the identification of the figure as feminine. The fact that gosho-ningyō of the early to mid-Edo period are almost without exception male, makes the introduction of the himegimi form in the late eighteenth century a noticeable departure from tradition. Typically, the himegimi princess is depicted with the looping chigowa hairstyle. She is clothed in a full uchikake outer kimono with kosode narrow sleeve openings and a long trailing hemline. The shoulders of the uchikake are sometimes decorated with family crests. Underneath, secured by a wide obi, is a kosode kimono. The overall look is elegant and refined.

The popularity of these figures is attested to by the number of extant examples dating from the late eighteenth century through the beginning of the Meiji period. Just as other gosho forms benefited from certain technical developments, so too did the wakagimi and wakagimi-himegimi forms. By the early nineteenth century, mitsuore (triple-jointed) figures emerged, allowing for even greater flexibility in the position of the figures and the changing of clothes. Although the introduction of glass eyes in ningyō of all types occurred around the mid-nineteenth century, the gosho-ningyō category as a whole seemed to resist this trend. Examples of wakagimi and wakagimi-himegimi gosho with glass eyes are extremely rare. The pair on page 68 are very unusual, combining the mitsuore construction technique which allows the figures to be positioned free-standing, kneeling, or seated, with the use of glass eyes.

Mitsuore Nodding Gosho-ningyō

The mitsuore or three-jointed ningyō are cleverly constructed with joints at the hips, the knees, and the ankles. Traditional gosho are static in that they are either carved as standing, kneeling, sitting, or crawling. By developing this multiple joint system, ningyō artists created the ability for these figures to be placed in several different positions, greatly facilitating the changing of clothes. This step led gradually towards a significant shift in the way in which ningyō were perceived: away from felicitous objects of display towards "dolls" designed to be handled and manipulated. The Ichimatsu-ningyō so famous today are the natural outgrowth of this development.

It is difficult to know exactly when mitsuore-ningyō began to be produced. Isho (fashion) ningyō artists were experimenting with ways to give greater flexibility to their creations as early as the opening decades of the eighteenth century. A standing female figure dated to 1717 in the Tokyo National Museum has wire arms that allow her kimono to be removed. The legs and body, however, are crafted of wood and are in a fixed position. Woodblock prints from later in the century again show women dressing and undressing ishō-ningyō with arms that look somewhat more flexible; the lower body, however, appears to remain static.

By the early nineteenth century, silk crepe was being employed in the upper arms which gave them greater flexibility. Kubota Beisai attributed this development to the iki-ningyō (living doll) artist Matsumoto Kisaburo (1826-92) early in his career. However, a surimono (limited edition New Years print) by Totoya Kokei (1780-1850), dated 1818, features an unclothed female ishō-ningyō with fabric upper arms and joints at the hips and knees, although the ankles appear to be fixed. The accompanying verse by Kinshitei Orikata is interesting in light of the structure of the ningyō:

deku motte	A young maiden
otome wa ham no	holding a wooden doll
hi atari ni	bares her knees
hizakozo made	as she plays in the sun
dashite asoberi	on a fine spring day

The doll is portrayed without clothes, her knee joints exposed, lending another layer of meaning to the poem, possibly focusing on this new development in ningyō manufacture. Based on extant examples, the carry over of multiple joint construction to gosho-ningyō appears to date from approximately the same period.

The development of the hip and knee joints radically changed the nature of these figures, allowing them to be placed in many different positions. The style of knee joints varied, and this partially influenced the ningyō's ability to stand upright without a prop. The squared-off knee joint, sometimes referred to as a "gosho-style" knee, was the most stable. In this configuration, both the upper leg and the lower leg are squared off where they meet at the knee, and a pin-like hinging mechanism is inserted at the back, which allows the lower leg to fold back under itself. When standing, the two pieces mesh flatly together. Alternative versions substituted a bamboo dowel that passed from side to side of the knee with silk crepe cover patches to hide the pinhead. Instead of meshing flatly, a knee cap-like extension of the upper thigh helped to stabilize the leg. However, structurally, this style was consistently less stable.

The addition of a pivoting ankle aided in several ways. When kneeling, the feet could be turned outward, allowing the piece to kneel more closely to the ground rather than resting high on its toes, and thereby reducing the risk of damage to the more fragile feet and toes. When positioning a figure in the upright position, the feet could be turned slightly outward to also help stabilize the piece. Ultimately, however, the overall inherent balance of the figure was also crucial to its ability to stand unaided. The majority of Edo mitsuore, whether gosho or ishō, seem to have this capacity. Meiji and later works usually lack this inherent balance and must remain propped regardless of joint construction.

The gosho-ningyō at right is of the mitsuore type. It is also a nodder (kubifuri), the construction of which required slightly different techniques. Rather than crafted of a single piece of wood, the figure is made of papier mâché with a hollow head separate from the hollow body. The head rests on a bamboo pin that passes through the neck. Attached to the neck is a weighted paper sack that hangs down into the body cavity. The belly is formed slightly distended to allow for greater action. If the head is pushed forward, it causes the bag to swing, creating a gentle rocking motion in the head. The addition of a protruding tongue (now missing), which appeared and disappeared as the head bobbed back and forth, added to the charm of this action. Kubifuri mechanisms were popular in the early Saga-ningyō as well (see pages 20-1), but the bodies were generally solid and the head balanced on a simple transverse pin.

Mitsuore nodding gosho-ningyō

Edo period, 19th century

Height 20 inches

Carabet Collection

Mitsuore gosho-ningyō

Edo period, 19th century

Height 10 inches

Dahlstroem Collection

Gofuku-no-inori gosho with nyoi

Edo period, 19th century

Height 4 inches

Rauch Collection

Gofuku-no-inori Gosho with Nyoi

An old man eked out a meager living cutting wood in the surrounding hills and selling it as firewood in town. One day, as the old man returned home, his back laden with all of the wood he could not sell, he grew tired and frustrated. Stopping on a bridge to catch his breath, on impulse he threw his entire load of wood into the water. As he watched the pieces sink out of sight, to his astonishment out of the water rose a beautiful woman carrying a small child in her arms. She approached the old man and explained that the child was a gift from Ryūjin, the undersea dragon god, in gratitude for the wood the old man had given him. She told him to take the child home with him, to place it on the family altar, and to give it one shrimp each day. If he did this faithfully, she explained, the child would grant his every wish. The child's name was white-all-over boy (shiragabuku-ko).

Dutifully, the old man took the child back home and placed him on the simple altar. He fed the boy one shrimp each day and, as promised, the child granted the old man's every wish. Soon he grew rich, with more wealth than he could possibly spend in one lifetime. Eventually, the old man grew weary of going into town each day to get the white-all-over boy his shrimp. One day after surveying his wealth, which at this point was quite impressive, he told the child that he now had enough and that he no longer needed the boy. He removed the white-all-over boy from the altar and put him outside, telling him to return to Ryūjin in his undersea-dragon palace. As the old man turned back inside his house, one by one everything that the child had given him began to disappear. His money, his fine clothes, his beautiful objects, and the store-houses he had constructed to hold it all, vanished before his eyes until soon all he had left was the pitiful shack and the tattered clothes he had worn on the day he was first presented with the boy. Realizing his mistake, the old man raced outside to bring the child back. But it was too late, the white-all-over boy had disappeared.

The story of Ryūgū-dōji (the Dragon Palace Child) is an old folk tale with many variants. The core story always centers on an old man or an impoverished couple who receive the gift of a small child from the gods which brings them fortune. In each variant, however, through greed (feeding the child too much so that it would produce even more wealth, only to inadvertently kill the child instead), the jealousy of a neighbor (who steals the child only to kill it out of frustration when it does not produce the same results), laziness, or ingratitude, as seen in the above story, the individual is reduced to the same impoverished state in which he began.

The idea of a divine boy (dōji) as a source of wealth or good fortune is deeply rooted in Japanese culture. Folk tales such as Ryugu-dōji recounted above mixed in popular consciousness with Buddhist tales of gohō dōji, children who served to protect Buddhist law Gohō not only appeared as companions to such popular deities as Fudō Myō-ō (Sanskrit. Acalanatha), the destroyer of passions, but also as mediums for religious ascetics through which magic was worked. Many of Japanese Buddhism's principal deities were also depicted in child form. Images of an infant Buddha (tanjo-butsu) standing with his right hand pointed to heaven and his left to earth, symbolizing his power over all things, were used across Japan in ritual ablution ceremonies commemorating his birthday. Images of Monju (Sanskrit. Manjusri), the Bodhisattva of wisdom, in child form, called Monju Dōji, were also very popular and were used to present a more accessible face to these remote beings. Prince Shotoku, the early seventh-century regent who is seen as largely responsible for the Japanese states adoption of Buddhism during the Asuka period (552-710), is frequently depicted in the guise of a three year old, wearing only long hakama, with his hands clasped together in fervent prayer in the anjali mudra. Paintings of the great priest Kūkai (Kōbō Daishi, 774-835) as a child were popular beginning in the thirteenth century Called Chigo Daishi, they showed Kūkai deep in conversation with the various Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, and symbolized the devotees own spiritual journey.

In Shintō belief, child gods called wakamiya or ōiko traveled from village to village during the changing of the seasons to bless and purify the community. As the Japanese anthropologist Komatsu Kazuhiko has said, gods in the shape of children "exist between heaven and earth, fire and water, things below, and things on the earth, life and death, beauty and ugliness, gods and men, men and monsters," unifying all of these extremes. Children were thus seen to be sacred as well and were frequently employed as mediums. Called chigogami (child god) or chokushi (loyal messenger), they were employed in rituals where they served as the yori shiro (temporary lodging place) of the gods themselves.

On a popular level, deformed or handicapped children, when not seen as an evil omen and destroyed, were often regarded as a blessing to the community and were called juku-go (fortune child) or takara-go (treasure child) and were handled with special care. In northern Japan, guardian spirits in the shape of children called kamado-gami (hearth god) or zashiki warashi (room child) were thought to bring fortune to a house. Up to the age of seven, children were seen as being only partially of this world and therefore were looked upon as mediums through which the other world, the world of the gods, could be accessed. "Till the age of seven [one belongs] among the gods," was a popular saying, and helped to explain high rates of infant mortality. Children were seen as having one foot in this world and one foot in the other world, easily returning to the other world of the gods. As such, children were accorded special treatment, with distinct hairstyles, clothing, even burial rituals, which all emphasized the transitory nature of their lives. The shichi-go-san celebrations marked the ages of three, five, and seven through the gradual taking on of adult clothing and hair-styles, and defined an increasing attachment to this world. The final capping ceremony (gempuku) for boys in which they took an adult name, adopted an adult hairstyle through the cutting of fore-locks, and adopted fully adult clothing, represented the final step in this progression.

It is within this context of a child as a gift or messenger from the gods that stories such as Ryūgū-dōji resonated in Edo society. On a popular level, these stories placed the child/god within a familiar context of poverty and hardship: the firewood cutter, the old couple living alone. In more elevated circles, the same stories were told, but placed within more appropriate social situations. A fifteenth-century legend, for example, tells the story of the Heian-period warrior Fujiwara no Hidesato (act. 939), also known as Tawara no Tota. One day while crossing a bridge, Tawara no Tota came upon a giant snake. Instead of retreating, he took his sword and slew the beast. Later that evening, he was approached by a lady who claimed that she was from the dragon palace of Ryūjin. She suggested that since Tawara no Tota was able to kill so easily the terrible snake, he might help in killing a giant centipede which had also run amuck. Tawara no Tota agreed and dutifully killed the centipede. The woman then took him to Ryugu, the undersea dragon palace, where he was thanked by Ryūjin himself. In gratitude, Tawara no Tota was presented with the ten treasures, a straw bag (toward), which produces endless quantities of rice, and two children, Nyoi Dōji and Kokoroe Dōji. The term "nyoi" itself is another word for hōju or tama, the sacred wish-fulfilling gem, also a symbol of enlightenment. These two figures were referred to as the "as-you-wish" children, hōju-dōji, and can be seen as the aristocratic equivalent of the white-all-over boy depicted in the Ryugu-dōji tale.

Nembutsu Taishi (Prince Shotoku as a child)

Edo period, 18th century

Height 19 inches

Private Collection

Gofuku-no-inori gosho holding Daikoku's mallet

Edo period, 19th century

Height 4 inches

Herring Collection