Ireland as It Is, and as It Would Be Under Home Rule
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Buckley Robert John. Ireland as It Is, and as It Would Be Under Home Rule
SPECIAL COMMISSIONER'S PREFACE
EDITOR'S REVIEW
No. 1. – THE SPIRIT OF THE CAPITAL
No. 2. – PANIC AND DISASTER
No. 3. – ULSTER'S PREPARATIONS FOR WAR
No. 4. – MR. BALFOUR'S WELCOME
No. 5. – HAS Mr. MORLEY LIED?
No. 6. – THE EXODUS OF INDUSTRY
MR. BALFOUR IN DUBLIN
No. 7. – BAD FOR ENGLAND, RUINOUS TO IRELAND
No. 8. – TERRORISM AT TIPPERARY
No. 9. – TYRANNY AND TERRORISM
No. 10. – DEFYING THE LAND LEAGUE
No. 11. – THE CRY FOR PEACE AND QUIETNESS
No. 12. – ENGLISH IGNORANCE AND IRISH PERVERSITY
No. 13. – THE CURSE OF COUNTY CLARE
No. 14. – LAWLESSNESS AND LAZINESS
No. 15. – THE PERIL TO ENGLISH TRADE
No. 16. – CIVIL WAR IN COUNTY CLARE
No. 17. – RENT AT THE ROOT OF NATIONALISM
No. 18. – HARD FACTS FOR ENGLISH READERS
No. 19. – INDOLENCE AND IMPROVIDENCE
No. 20. – RELIGION AT THE BOTTOM OF THE IRISH QUESTION
No. 21. – MR. BALFOUR'S FISHERIES
No. 22. – THE LAND LEAGUE'S REIGN AT LOUGHREA
No. 23. – THE REIGN OF INDOLENCE
No. 24. – THE ARAN ISLANDS
No. 25. – THE PRIESTS AND OUTRAGE. THEY NEVER CONDEMNED IT
No. 26. – THE CONNEMARA RAILWAY
No. 27. – CULTIVATING IRISH INDUSTRY
No. 28. – COULD WE RECONQUER IRELAND?
No. 29. – WHAT RACK-RENT MEANS
No. 30. – THE "UNION OF HEARTS."
No. 31. – THE "UNION OF HEARTS."
No. 32. – HOME RULE AND IRISH IMMIGRATION
No. 33. – TUAM'S INDIGNATION MEETING
No. 34. – WHY IRELAND DOES NOT PROSPER
No. 35. – IN A CONGESTED DISTRICT
No. 36. – IRISH IMPROVIDENCE THE STUMBLING BLOCK
No. 37. – ON ACHIL ISLAND
No. 38. – THE ACHIL ISLANDERS
No. 39. – IRISH UNFITNESS FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT
No. 40. – OBJECT LESSONS IN IRISH SELF-GOVERNMENT
No. 41. – THE CHANGED SPIRIT OF THE CAPITAL
No. 42. – AT A NATIONALIST MEETING
No. 43. – IN THE PROSPEROUS NORTH
No. 44. – THE PROSPEROUS NORTH
No. 45. – A PICTURE OF ROMISH "TOLERATION."
No. 46. – A BIT OF FOREIGN OPINION
No. 47. – THE LOYALISTS AND THE LAWLESS
No. 48. – A SEARCH FOR "ORANGE ROWDYISM."
No. 49. – THE CONSTITUTION OF THE ORANGE LODGES
No. 50. – THE HOLLOWNESS OF HOME RULE
No. 51. – THE IRISH PRESS ON "FINALITY."
No. 52. – HOW THE PRIESTS CONTROL THE PEOPLE
No. 53. – WHAT THEY THINK IN COUNTY DONEGAL
No. 54. – A SAMPLE OF IRISH "LOYALTY."
No. 55. – A TRULY PATRIOTIC PRIEST
No. 56. – DO-NOTHING DONEGAL
No. 57. – BAREFOOTED AND DILATORY
No. 58. – THE TRUTH ABOUT BUNDORAN
No. 59. – IRISH NATIONALISM IS NOT PATRIOTISM
No. 60. – LAND HUNGER: ITS CAUSE, EFFECT, AND REMEDY
No. 61. – CLERICAL DOMINATION AND ITS CONSEQUENCES
No. 62. – CIVIL WAR A CERTAINTY OF HOME RULE
Отрывок из книги
The Birmingham Daily Gazette of August 18, 1893, thus summed up the labours of its Special Commissioner: – We publish to-day the last of our Special Commissioner's letters on "Ireland As It Is." His task has been an arduous one, and not without a strong element of personal danger. That he has been kept under the close observation of the Irish police; that they have frequently given him timely warning of personal danger; that he has dared to go to places in County Clare when the police warned him to refrain, and his native car-driver refused to venture, are facts which he has modestly abstained from bringing into the prominence they deserved. We must necessarily speak of the merits of his labour with a certain measure of reserve, but the many letters which lie before us are at least a gratifying proof that his work has been appreciated, and that it has cast new lights upon the Irish problem. To the simple direction, "State nothing that you cannot stand by," he has been faithful even beyond our most sanguine hopes. A stranger in a strange land seeking information wherever it can be found, and compelled on many occasions to accept the statements made to him, may easily be led into error. It is to the credit of our Commissioner that he has withheld some of the most sensational stories retailed to him, because he had not an opportunity of verifying them in detail. The notorious Father Humphreys, of Tipperary, will not soon forget his experience of giving the lie to the Gazette; neither will those who organised an "indignation" meeting at Tuam be likely to congratulate themselves upon having stung our Commissioner into retaliation. It may be recalled as an illustration of the desperate efforts made to discredit him that after he had attended a Nationalist meeting at Dundalk he was denounced as a "liar" and a "pimp" because he had stated that he was invited to address the score of persons who had "met in their thousands" to shake the foundations of the British Empire. His assailants fiercely declared that he was not invited to speak; he was only informed that he might address the meeting if he desired to do so!
Our Commissioner has travelled about four thousand miles since he started last March. He has taken no lop-sided view of Ireland. The prosperous North has been contrasted with the stagnant South, and the causes of their difference have been explained. The splendid work of industrial development inaugurated in the poverty-stricken West by that greatest of all Irish Secretaries, Mr. Balfour, has been compared with the mischievous encouragements of idleness, the lavish professions of sentimental sympathy, and the dogged refusals of substantial help since the present Government took office. Above all, our Commissioner has provided conclusive evidence that Irish Nationalism is a mere delusive sham – a paltry euphemism for the predatory passion which a succession of professional agitators have aroused in the hearts of the people. If the Land Question could be settled, there would be an end of the clamour for independence and of the insensate shrieking against British rule. With a definite stake in the country the peasantry upon whom the Nationalist agitation mainly relies would cease to place their faith in the impecunious and blatant scoundrelism which fattens upon the discord and misery which it provokes in the name of Patriotism. Our Commissioner believes that the priests, who have an even stronger hold upon the people than the politicians, would find their power weakened if it were possible to greatly extend the system of peasant proprietary which it was the purpose of the Land Purchase of 1891 to foster. Land hunger lies at the root of Irish disaffection, and the Romish hierarchy have found in the deep-rooted prejudices and the ignorant superstitions of the people a foundation upon which they have reared an appalling superstructure of social and spiritual tyranny. Politicians have taught the peasantry to believe that they have been robbed of the land which is their only means of subsistence in a country that is destitute of mineral wealth, that lacks capital, and is overshadowed by the enormous commercial energy of Great Britain. The priests have adopted the theses of politicians, and have brought the terrors of their sacred calling into play in order to make themselves the masters of the people.
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Belfast, April 1st.
The placards above-mentioned were up on Tuesday last. They are large and boldly printed, and attracted crowds of readers – but not a hand was raised to deface them, to damage them, to do them any injury whatever. I watched them for four-and-twenty hours, and not a finger was lifted against any one in the High Street or elsewhere, so far as I could ascertain.
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