Читать книгу The Curiosities of Dudley and the Black Country, From 1800 to 1860 - C. F. G. Clark - Страница 11

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Mr. H. Seymour. “This measure proceeded not from fear, but from a desire to court popularity. It was an unjust attempt to reduce the power of the aristocracy, as well as of the lower classes. He contended that if the House was the corrupt body it was represented to be, it was incompetent to settle this great question. It was a measure devoid of principle, or if principle was asserted in some parts of the plan it was violated in others. It was broken through for some portion of the aristocracy to court popularity; if the constitution was to be violated in this manner, he would rather have no constitution at all. The whole measure was, in his opinion, one of deceit; it removed the direct influence which was seen, and left that which was much worse, the influence which it could not see, yet of which it complained. To a measure of that kind he could not give his consent.”

Mr. G. W. Wynn. “The constitution of this country was one of constant innovations and perpetual amendments; but admitting this, he thought such amendments ought to be gradual. Many changes which might be made with great advantage, would, if made at once, be found highly beneficial to the country. It was on this principle that he, from time to time, supported motions for the disfranchisement of boroughs which had been found guilty of gross corruption, and without any personal vanity, he might say, that he it was that drew the transfer clause to give the franchise of the corrupt Borough of Helstone to Yorkshire. He was aware that it had been said that the present measure, if agreed to, would preclude any further change; but if the measure was rejected, demands for greater changes would be made by the people. He had always thought that those great towns ought to have representatives, and he believed their possessing the elective franchise would be beneficial to the country.”

Mr. Tennyson said, “That he would support the measure of his noble friend (Lord John Russell), for he believed that it would put the representation upon a permanent and, he hoped, everlasting standing. The sacrifice he should make by losing his seat was nothing to him, but he felt bound to refer to his relative, Mr. Wm. Russell. That hon. member, by this present Bill, would be called upon to make a sacrifice of three of what are termed nomination boroughs; boroughs not purchased by him, but which had descended to him by inheritance; and he was willing to offer this £100,000, the value of these nominations, upon the altar of his country, in order to ransom her from that oligarchy which has too long held her destinies in their merciless and unhallowed power.”

Mr. Daniel O’Connell said, “That he looked upon the plan as large, liberal and wise, and he should give it his most decided and anxious support, for in fact it was an effectual measure of reform. It was well known that he was a Political Reformer, and that he was in favour of Universal Suffrage and shorter Parliaments; yet, though the measure did not embrace these points, it was still very liberal, and would be an experiment to prove whether any further extension was necessary. He was delighted with the mode in which the noble lord had treated the close boroughs; he had applied the pruning knife to the rotten boroughs with a thorough masterly hand. Every part of the constitution was violated by their existence. We could venture to say that the mound of Sarum was a Constitutional Borough? Why should noble lords have the right to send members to sit in that House? Good God, was it to be sounded in their ears that the Lords were to send their members, one after another, in the most open and avowed manner into that House for these rotten and close boroughs; and was he to be told that they were about to commit robbery; that they were guilty of an unjust seizure of franchises? But who were the robbers? He never heard of a grant of a Charter from the Crown, or any Parliament, empowering any individual to send members to Parliament. No, the franchises were granted to them, and it was not that this act seized and destroyed them; but this act was intended to lay hold of the spoliaters of them. That House had no right to question the privileges of the House of Lords, but it had as good a right to do it as the lords had to spoliate the privileges and liberties of the House of Commons. The people out of doors talked good sense, they say, ‘you have got our property, you have spoliated our liberties, but you must disgorge them.’ God help those members who could crawl into that House and then talk of coming in without stooping. He would ask the hon. members for Bowbridge and Aldborough, if they could stand forward and advocate that system, which in the rotten boroughs gave annual debaucheries, and every six years (for 14 days) all that bribery, and corruption, and robbery could inflict,—was it fit that such a system of misrepresentation should stand any longer? Were not the nomination boroughs openly sold, and was not the price of them as well known as cattle in Smithfield? In 1822, the votes against Reform and Retrenchment gave a return of 19 votes out of 20, by members representing places not containing an average population of 500 persons. When they talked of the excellent working of the present Constitution, he would whisper a single word into their ears, ‘Ireland,’ that country, of whose people perennial starvation was the lot; he would call upon them to secure to that country the blessings of good Government, and to give to that House a fair and honourable representation.”

Mr. Coke said, “That he had been a member of that House for more than half-a-century, and during that long time he had watched the proceedings of parties, and the results of great questions, and he must say that every day he was more and more convinced of the necessity for reform. When he had heard that the noble Lord had made a resolution to do away with rotten boroughs he felt great confidence in the measure, and was convinced of the necessity of giving the administration his warmest support.”

Colonel Tidthorp. “Although there were many blemishes in the existing representative system of the country, he could never bring himself to consent to a remedy by the means of taking away the franchise, at one whole sweep, from so many people who had never abused the constitutional trust reposed in them. He could not but pronounce the measure in this respect to be most unjust and tyrannical.”

Mr. R. Grant said, “That they were told that the Reformers entertained the most extravagant expectations, and that the only use that they intended to make of the present concessions was to render them subservient to the attainment of objects, remote, dangerous, and undefined. Had not the history of mankind assured them that the most effectual mode of resisting unreasonable demands was, to concede everything which reason and justice could claim. The people of England were entitled to the whole House of Commons, but in the debate they had been told that they were not to look for any such thing, that the Commons House of Parliament had never existed in the British Constitution, and that the House they had was not the House of Commons, but was something belonging to the Three Estates, it was the House of the King, of the Lords, and the Commons!!! In noting this argument he considered that he gave it its most complete refutation; the House to which he belonged was the Commons House, and nothing else, Peers and Bishops could not sit in it. It was vain to talk of maintaining the doctrines which had been broached in this discussion, in the present diffused state of knowledge throughout England, with the immense number of schools in every part of the kingdom, with the prodigious increase in Mechanics’ Institutions, and with all that could give an impetus to the human mind, it was vain to talk of arresting progress, or of blinding men to what interested them so deeply. The present state of the popular enlightenment demanded an improved legislature, and it would be at once dangerous and absurd, and unjust, to resist such a demand.”

The main features of this great Reform Bill were the disfranchisement of rotten small towns and places which had fallen into insignificance, and confer such franchise upon large towns and populations which hitherto had not any representation. The 40s. freehold vote for counties had existed for upwards of three centuries, but it was supplemented with a £50 occupation clause, and all borough votes were fixed at a £10 rental.

The effect of this sweeping measure was that 56 small towns and places, having a population of less than 2000, were entirely disfranchised. Thirty towns, having a population under 4000, hitherto sending two members to parliament, were reduced to one member; twenty-two large towns, not having had a representative, were supplied with two members each; twenty other smaller towns were allotted one member each. The remainder of the seats were added to the counties, some of which obtained two additional members, and others only one member.

The Reform Bill passed the House of Lords, on June 4th, 1832.

The debate on the Reform Bill in the House of Lords was of a very excited character, considering the usual gravity of the lords, and the following recital may be worth perusal:—

“The death of George IV. occurred on the 26th June, 1830. The question of Parliamentary reform belongs probably to the succeeding reign of William IV., at the opening of which—after the dissolution and general election—public feeling ran so high, in consequence of the declaration of the Duke of Wellington against reform, that the King was warned not to venture into the city to dine with the Lord Mayor. The scene in the House of Lords on the occasion of the King coming down to dissolve parliament is described as being ‘riotous.’ Lord Wharncliffe rose to propose his motion affecting the estimates; the Duke of Richmond was determined to defeat the motion, and interrupted the noble lord by calling attention to the fact—on a point of order—that noble lords were not in their places, and moved that standing Order No. 1 be read, which renders it necessary that noble lords ‘shall sit in their proper places.’ The opportunity seized for this intentional interruption arose out of a noble earl having sat next to one of the junior barons of the House. Lords Londonderry and Clanricarde simultaneously rose to ‘order,’ Lord Wharncliffe protested, and Lord Lyndhurst delivered a violent attack on the Duke of Richmond, to which the latter retorted by threatening that if this ‘tone’ were repeated he would move that Standing Order No. 1 should be read, and further, ‘that the order should also be read which forbids the use of intemperate and offensive language in the House.’ Violent rage and angry gesticulation, it is reported, ensued. Lord Wharncliffe again attempted to resume his address, when the Lord Chancellor cut short his remarks by clutching the seals and darting out of the House. As the King advanced the noise of the altercation became distinctly audible to him, and he asked, ‘What’s that, my Lord Chancellor?’ To which the Chancellor replied, ‘Only, may it please you, sir, the House of Lords amusing themselves.’ The King having ascended the throne, the ‘Commons’ were summoned to the Royal presence. The Usher of the Black Rod (Sir Thomas Tyrwhit) on proceeding to fulfil the Royal command, found the Commons in a ‘state of turbulence and disorder.’ On the presentation of a petition for reform Sir Richard Vyvyan arraigned Ministers in an ‘offensive speech.’ Uproar ensued, amidst which Sir Francis Burdett rose to order. The Speaker declared Sir Richard in order, when Mr. Tennyson disputed the propriety of the Speaker’s decision. The Speaker decided that Sir Richard was in order. The latter then remarked upon the proceeding of any member questioning the decision of the ‘chair.’ What followed is very remarkable. Lord John Russell at once rose ‘to complain that any member should be blamed for so doing,’ and ‘denying that the decision of the chair was necessarily imperative in the House.’ The entrance of the Usher, above mentioned, put a stop to these turbulent proceedings, and the King informed his ‘faithful Commons,’ in a shrill angry voice, that he came down with a view to the ‘instant dissolution’ of Parliament. After all, our Parliamentary ancestors were not the orderly beings now-a-days represented; nor is it deemed desirable that their turbulent example should be imitated. The ancient Borough of Dudley obtained one member by the Reform Bill, but in Charles I.’s time it had two Members of Parliament.”

Dudley, like most rising towns, was keenly observing these great political movements, and as far as its influence went in the county elections on the reform question, it was considered that the reformers of Dudley were mainly instrumental in unseating Colonel Lygon at the county election on May 11th, 1831.

In anticipation that the town of Dudley was to have a representative in Parliament under the Reform Bill, efforts were made by both political parties to secure a preponderance of power and influence in this question, and we quote a requisition to the Mayor, in 1831, to hold a public meeting to consider this business.

To J. C. BRETTELL, Esq.,

Mayor of Dudley.

We, the undersigned, request you will convene an early meeting of the principal inhabitants of this town for the purpose of petitioning for a Moderate Reform in Parliament, and at the same time praying that any reform that may be adopted may not include Vote by Ballot, Universal Suffrage, or Annual Parliaments.

Also to petition that our ancient privilege of returning two members to Parliament may be restored to us.

L. Booker, Vicar

P. Robinson

Wm. Lewis

John Booth

A. Hawkes

Thomas Badger

C. H. Molineux

John Roberts

Wm. Fellowes

Thomas Fear

B. Leadbetter

John Smart

Chas. Lucas

Jos. Windsor

John Owen

Wm. Izod

Thos. Griffiths

Edward Hollies

Joseph Guest

Edward Guest

Walter Williams

Sept. Badger

John Rhann

Wm. Fellowes, Jun.

John Williams

Whitehouse & Sons

William Chinner

J. S. Turner

Thos. Pitt Stokes

Richard Lakin

Chas. Homer

John Bagott

Alex. Gordon

Wm. Self

John Darby

Edward Foley

B. Dudley

Jos. Payton

Jos. Haden

Isaac Badger

C. F. Hewitt

Geo. England

Thomas Lester

Edward Terry

Edward Blakeway

Stephen Bullas

James Griffin

Samuel Paskin

Chas. Bunn

John Hodgetts

Joseph Cox

Thos. Cox

Edward Marsh

Joseph Royle

with seventy-four other signatures.

Dudley, Feb. 7th, 1831.

This highly respectable requisition to the Mayor seems to have awakened the indignation of “An Inhabitant,” for the following hand bill appeared!

INHABITANTS OF DUDLEY.

Some Gentlemen, having signed a Requisition to Mr. Brettell (the Mayor), but doubtless in ignorance of its real contents, to call a Meeting of the principal Inhabitants to support a Moderate Reform in Parliament, that is in effect, no Reform at all.

Arouse!!! and assert your dignity of character and right to Independence, and your abhorrence at tampering with Vice, for no honest men would wish the partial but entire Reform of vicious habits and principles.

Attend then the Meeting, which is to take place to-morrow morning, at the Town Hall, at 11 o’clock precisely, and by your Vote avenge the insult offered to you by this impudent Requisition, and shew the arrogant few that the many constitute the principal inhabitants of this Town, and at the same time do your duty to yourselves, your families, and your country, by demonstrating by your voice and votes that nothing short of the removal of the whole of the evils which oppress us will satisfy the just demands of an insulted and suffering people.

AN INHABITANT.

Dudley, Feb. 9th, 1831.

VOTE BY BALLOT.

Fellow Townsmen,

As some of you may not be aware of the essential importance of the Vote by Ballot, I take this opportunity of stating a few of its advantages:—

It will effectually destroy bribery and corruption, as it will be in vain for any candidate to purchase votes when he cannot possibly know on which side the elector will vote.

Vote by Ballot is the only means by which we shall get the House of Commons filled with men of principle, who will manage the affairs of the Nation in a way so as to relieve us from oppressive Taxation, and eventually to secure prosperity to every class of the community.

If we exclude Vote by Ballot we are giving up our own right of choosing a representative to persons who, from some local circumstances, may have influence over us.

Beware of signing any petition for MODERATE REFORM, which excludes Vote by Ballot, as a Reform of that nature will only increase our present burdens, and our National sins, inasmuch as it will cause Bribery to be still more extensively practised, and render still more universal those appalling scenes of Electioneering dissipation.

A TOWNSMAN.

Dudley, February 8th, 1831.

This Townsman little dreamt that Vote by Ballot, which we now enjoy, would be the very means of encouraging bribery and corruption continually.

Both Colonel Lygon, M.P. for the County of Worcester, and Mr. Abiathar Hawkes, Glass Manufacturer of Dudley, appeared to have anticipated an election, for they issued their addresses.

TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE TOWN AND PARISH OF DUDLEY.

Gentlemen,

In the event of the Ministerial Bill of Reform being carried into a Law, this Town and Parish will enjoy the distinguished privilege of returning a Member to Parliament.

Should that be the case, I beg to announce to you my intention of offering myself as a Candidate, and if I am deemed worthy of your kind support, and obtain through your Suffrages the high object of my wishes, I pledge myself to serve you faithfully, diligently, and honestly.

I have the honour to remain,

Gentlemen,

Your faithful and obedient Servant,

ABIATHAR HAWKES.

Kingswinford, March 12th, 1831.

Mr. Hawkes having signed the Requisition to the Mayor in favour of a moderate Reform Bill, was then looked upon as a moderate Reformer, but a stern advocate for Church and State; he eventually came out as a decided anti-reformer.

Colonel Lygon, M.P., was already one of the Members for Worcestershire, but his recent Votes on the Reform Question, had created much disunion amongst his supporters.

TO THE GENTLEMEN, CLERGY AND FREEHOLDERS OF THE COUNTY OF WORCESTER.

Gentlemen,

When I had lately the Honour of being returned one of your Representatives in Parliament, I little expected that it would be necessary so soon to address you again; but seeing in the County Newspapers, that an Opposition is preparing against me, I feel it an imperative Duty to come forward with an Avowal of my Sentiments, and in Vindication of my public conduct. The Accusation is that I voted against Lord John Russell’s Reform Bill. Gentlemen, my Conscience and my best Judgment revolted at this Bill; so violent in principle, so hazardous to our well-balanced Constitution, the envy of other countries, the safety of our own. I am by no means an enemy to such Reform as Time and change of circumstances may have rendered necessary; but let calm, and deliberate caution attend the Measure, neither spoliating the Property of some, nor destroying the Privileges of others; such a Measure shall have my best support. I can, with truth say, that the retrospect of my public life, whether in a Military or Civil capacity gives me no reproach; I have served my Country independently, honestly, and faithfully, to the best of my judgment, ever anxiously promoting the wishes of my Constituents, never asking favour for myself. Let, then, the trial with my Opponents come when it will, I will meet it fearlessly; resting on the Integrity of my own intentions, and on the support of those numerous friends, who now voluntarily offer me their Services.

With the greatest Gratitude and Respect,

I am, Gentlemen,

Your very faithful and obedient Servant,

HENRY BEAUCHAMP LYGON.

Grosvenor Place, April 19th, 1831.

This ambiguous address of Colonel Lygon’s created a vehement outburst of opposition from the reformers against him, thus—

TO THE FREEHOLDERS OF THE COUNTY OF WORCESTER.

Brother Freeholders,

A factious opposition, and the intrigues of the selfish Boroughmongers, have postponed that highly beneficial and absolutely necessary measure of Reform introduced into the House of Commons by His Majesty’s Ministers. Our patriot king, however, highly approving of the principles of his ministers, and determined that the Bill shall not be crushed, or his own and his people’s rights longer withheld by the vile machinations of the Wetheralls, the Lygons, and the other partizans of corruption, has exercised his undoubted right of dissolving the Parliament, and “England now expects every man to do his duty.”

On every occasion when Col. Lygon has voted he has opposed Reform in every shape—however bit by bit—however moderate—and now he adds to his political delinquencies, Insult and Hypocrisy. In his Addresses, “he begs most explicitly to declare that he is friendly to moderate and constitutional Reform, to remove any abuse or improper innovations which time may have introduced.”

Yet he voted against transferring the Elective Franchise of East Retford (convicted of gross bribery and corruption) to Birmingham!

He is friendly to a moderate and constitutional Reform, yet he opposed the Marquis of Blandford’s Bill!

He is friendly to a moderate and constitutional Reform, yet he voted against Lord John Russell’s motion to transfer the Elective Franchise from boroughs (convicted of corruption) to Leeds, Birmingham, and Manchester! Is not this hypocrisy? If not, what is it? With these facts before the public—facts known to every individual in the county—he insults them by sending forth An Address, of which the assertions above quoted form a part, imagining that the Freeholders in the County of Worcester have minds so contracted, and understandings so degraded and debased, that a shallow hypocritical device like this would dupe them for a moment.

Freeholders, this Colonel Lygon again solicits your votes, that he may again oppose the beneficent and patriotic intentions of His Majesty’s Ministers—again oppose every measure beneficial to the people. You know your answer.

A FREEHOLDER.

Dudley, April 23rd, 1831.

“Read! Mark! Learn! and Inwardly Digest!”

IF POSSIBLE.

TO THE FREEHOLDERS OF THE COUNTY OF SALOP.

Gentlemen,

An Address to you from Mr. Mytton has just now been published. He has an equal Right with myself upon your notice; though in this act of his it has not my participation—it however obliges me to declare my intention of setting forward a Canvass, which otherwise, on account of the immediate day for collecting the sense of the County at the Nomination, I had forborne to do.

Your obedient,

Faithful servant,

(Signed) J. CRESSETT PELHAM.

Buildwas Bridge, Sunday Evening, May 1, 1831.

THE STYLE OF POLITICAL WRITING IN 1831.

MORNING SERVICE.

First Lesson.

And it came to pass in the days of a mighty Monarch, that he called forth his mighty men and Counsellors, and said unto them, “Go forth every man unto his place, and if ye are approved of, return ye; and if ye have not served my people faithfully, return ye not. But let my people choose for themselves, those that will counsel with my people, that they speak their will before me, and plead for them to the intent that I may make them a great and happy nation.”

And of the two men who represented the ancient and loyal County, even that great County, Worcester, one was not found faithful, and the people murmured greatly, but the Elders and Rulers of the County said, “We will return those Men, let us make haste,” they said, and they did so; and in the morning, when they were in the Judgment Seat, going to return those men, the men of the County said one to another, “Will no one deliver us from the man we dislike?” and they were overwhelmed with despair, for fear of that awful Man which some of the Elders had elected, having £50,000, lest he should destroy their liberties, and bring them to bondage for ever! And there was sojourning that way a MAN OF WAR, and the people ran unto him within a few minutes of the expiration of the last hour, and said unto him, “Deliver us from our oppressors,” and the MAN OF WAR said, “I will deliver you;” and suddenly there was a shout of joy which rended the air, and those of the Judgment Seat were sore afraid, and said one to another, “What meaneth this?” And when he appeared, the Elders and Rulers of the County were struck dumb, and the hand of oppression withered at his presence, and the MAN OF WAR said, “I am come to offer myself to represent you in the Great Assembly, in the place of the man who is not approved of,” and the people shouted,

LONG LIVE THE MAN OF WAR!!!

SPENCER! FOLEY! AND REFORM.

MORNING SERVICE.

Second Lesson.

After these things the MAN OF WAR passed over and came unto a place called the HUSTINGS, in the land of the LYGONITES, over against WORCESTER, and great multitudes followed him.

And the children of the land rejoiced greatly because of him, for he was a mighty man of valour.

And the Chief of the LYGONITES went forth to meet him, and asked him, saying,—

Wherefore art thou come?

And the MAN OF WAR answered and said, for deliverance of the needy am I come, that the poor may rejoice, and the heart of the humble be glad.—

Then the LYGONITISH leader asked him again, knowest thou not that this country is mine? that I am chosen of the Elders of the Land?

But he answered Verily I say unto you, though the Elders have chosen thee, thou hast purchased them with Bribes;—yea, they have received the wages of iniquity.

And when the Chief of the LYGONITES saw, that by words he could prevail nothing, he set his army in array against the MAN OF WAR,—and the battle joined.

And lo, the Chief of the LYGONITES, caused men of foolish minds to enlist under his banners, and they fought till the going down of the sun.

And on the morrow they hasted to the Battle, and the army of the MAN OF WAR gained the VICTORY!

After these things there were great commotions and troubles; and the noise of their tumult was heard afar off.

For the Chief of the LYGONITES gathered other servants together, and fought against the MAN OF WAR:—But he could not prevail.

Then was heard great rejoicing, for the people were glad.

And they sung—“Rejoice, and be exceeding glad!—break forth into singing, for the victory is won!”

“For the enemy came forth like a flood; and terrible was his army of banners!”

“But he has fallen from his high estate, and his name shall sink into the dust.”

“Yea; now are the mighty fallen; and the doom of the oppressors is sealed!”

NO LYGON,

Down with the Boroughmongers.

A CONTINUATION OF THE BOOK OF KINGS.

Chapter I.

And George the King died and was buried with his forefathers, and King William the Fourth reigned in his stead, over the Land of Great Britain.

2 And this King William did that which was just and right in the eyes of the wise and prudent, and was to his people as a blessing from heaven.

3 He opposed robbers of the public treasury, the plunderers of the people, the oppressors of mankind, the sacrilegeous—hypocrites, and evil doers, and all such as did succumb to them, and brought on them shame and confusion.

4 And it was on this wise:

5 A certain man of ancient extraction, and of great repute, an Englishman, called John Bull, from various causes fell sick, and was grievously ill-treated by those to whom he trusted to be preserved, and from their machinations was become as one going down to the Grave; for many of his Members were exceedingly filthy and corrupt—disgusting to the eyes of men to behold.

6 Now it came to pass there were certain good ministers of the people, who beheld with horror the state of this man, and shuddered at the contemplation of the baseness and iniquity of the workers thereof.

7 And they straightway proceeded to the King, and he giving audience, they reported unto him what they knew concerning this matter.

8 And the King was wrath and sore displeased at what he had heard.

9 Then the King commanded them, saying, call me an assembly together, both of the good and the bad, and set this man’s case before them, so that searching diligently into the truth, we may relieve his affliction and punish the aggressors.

10 They went forth from the King’s presence and did according as he had commanded them.

11 And when that which had passed was made known to the evil doers, they consulted amongst themselves how they might repel the attack, and still hold on in the system of hypocrisy and plunder: and they, with one accord, cried what law is there to prevent the continuation of our practices, and who shall say unto us, “so far shalt thou go and no farther:” and they went forth, hardened in their sin, to attend the assembly.

12 And the people cried, lo! behold them bold in their iniquity, for shame hath not tinged their cheeks.

13 And the assembly being met, the man’s case was commanded to be heard: And the man groaned bitterly and cried unto the good ministers “Save me or I perish.”

14 And one of the good men arose, and said unto the assembly, hearest thou what this man sayeth, and addressing himself unto the evil doers, he saith, this thing needeth amendment, for the life of the man standeth in jeopardy.

15 And this good man with the assistance of another, like unto himself, who had grown Grey in the service of mankind, prepared a remedy, and he stood up and declared it aloud unto the assembly, saying,

16 Let the Members of this man that are become so filthy and impure, so corrupt and nauseous to the sight, and so poisonous to the man’s whole body be forthwith severed therefrom, that the more wholesome part may not be endangered; for without this he cannot be saved.

17 And he, proceeding, said let us make him a draught that might purge him of the filth within him, so shall he once more enjoy health.

18 And this draught is called “Russell’s Purge” unto this day.

19 When he had thus spoke the good men rejoiced exceedingly and approved of his counsel.

20 But the workers of iniquity, who sought their own gain, though at the life of the man, cried most vehemently against it and said, shall our places be taken from us and given unto others? Shall we lack our fees which we were wont to receive? Shall those Members be cast away that afforded us such profit and source of peculation? Shall the rottenness be purged away on which we and our understrappers feed? Oh! unjust sentence.—Alas! our hope is withered.—And Oh! ye our faithful Servants, who like fattened maggots have so gloriously gorged upon this man’s body, thy day of Short Commons is come.

21 And the Debate was of long continuance, for seven successive nights rested they not from their labours: and the hopes and wishes of mankind were great:

22 But the wicked dwelt not so securely as they in their vanity imagined, for the good men prevailed, and this was made known unto the King and the People.

23 And the King was wonderfully well pleased, and the people shouted their gladness.

24 And John Bull failed not in giving honour and praise to the King and his ministers; But he said unto the workers of iniquity—

O! ye hypocrites whom I have cherished with my substance,

And who have polluted my body,

Thy day of Punishment—the day of retribution, is at hand.

Thy baseness and cupidity are made known to all men,

And for these thy works,

Know that Tribulation treadeth hard upon thy heels,

And mankind shall curse thee with the curse of bitterness.

25 And the people cried Amen. So be it.

26 And they went to their homes rejoicing—praising the Saviours of their Country, and crying aloud—

Heaven’s blessings on our Ministers and supporters—

“God save the King.”

(Thus endeth the First Chapter.)

£50,000 REWARD.

LOST,

At St. Stephen’s, Westminster, on the 19th of April last, an OLD MILITARY CLOAK BAG, containing Colonel Lygon’s Popularity; the Tie by which it was held had been long weak and flimsy, and it finally gave him the slip at the above spot, along with that of an Old Trooper, one General Gascoyne.

The advertiser cannot but deeply lament the loss of this Garment, as although much soiled and worn, he had hoped with a little occasional patching it might have proved a good strong covering for himself and family, for many generations, and as he valued it more for the facility it afforded him of forwarding his own Views at the Horse Guards (in which he found it highly serviceable) than for any application he made to the service of the

FREEHOLDERS OF WORCESTERSHIRE,

he is very desirous of being reinstalled in possession, or of procuring some other Garment that may enable him again to enter St. Stephen’s, he therefore offers the above Handsome Reward for its discovery, which will be paid on application to LADY BEAUCHAMP!!

He more particularly appeals to the Attorneys of this and the adjoining Counties, and he trusts from the large Reward offered, they will exert themselves to the utmost to effect the restoration either of the lost Garment, or to procure him another that may pass for the original, and which from their known fertility of expedient, and the abundance of Funds at their disposal, he hopes they will have little difficulty of doing; but as he apprehends that in future more attention to DECENT APPAREL and CLEAN HANDS will be required at St. Stephen’s than heretofore, he requests that any counterfeit Garment may be made of decent stuff, as he wishes to sit near Sir ROBERT PEEL; Rat-skin will do provided the Fur is tolerably disguised and the smell removed.

N.B. It is strongly suspected that the said Garment has been picked up and converted into a SPENCER by a Sailor who has been much about the County lately, and who wears an old Whig, with a placard with REFORM stuck in it; he may be easily discovered as he has grown a great favourite with the FREEHOLDERS, and is followed all over the County with shouts of

SPENCER FOR EVER!!

Dudley, May 11th, 1831.

REFORM!

NO MONOPOLY! NO LYGON!!

A voluntary resolution of upwards of 360 Workmen in Stourbridge and its Neighbourhood has been entered into for the purpose of having no further communications with those persons who were in opposition at a Meeting, held in this Town on the 2nd of April, 1831, against LORD JOHN RUSSELL’S REFORM BILL.

SUCCESS TO THE

STOURBRIDGE IRON TRADE,

AND

LORD JOHN RUSSELL’S BILL FOR REFORM!

GOD SAVE THE KING.

The BILL, the Whole BILL, and Nothing but the BILL!!

TO THE WORTHY AND INDEPENDENT FREEHOLDERS OF THE COUNTY OF WORCESTER.

Gentlemen,

I come among you as a stranger, and having certainly no personal pretensions to the honour of your representation; but I am informed that no approved second Candidate, belonging to your County, has offered himself to you on the principle of an unqualified support of the great measure of REFORM, proposed to the late Parliament by His Majesty’s Ministers. This Bill I am assured, you deem to be of vital importance to the state, and are anxious to secure, as far as depends upon you, its success, by returning two Members equally and fully pledged to it. My political principles being those of my brother LORD ALTHORP, I am emboldened to aspire to the high distinction of representing you, for this Parliament only, under the unequivocal pledge of voting for that most indispensable measure of Reform, to its full extent, whenever it shall again be brought forward. I hope that in taking this step for the attainment of such an object, I am not justly chargeable with presumption; and allow me to add, that it is only in consequence of the deep conviction I entertain of the necessity of the constitutional Reform, which His Majesty’s Ministers have brought forward, that I venture at all, under these circumstances, to offer my services to your notice.

I shall with the least possible delay pay my respects to you personally; and have the honour to be

Your humble Servant,

FREDERICK SPENCER.

Althorp, April 26th, 1831.

TO THE FREEHOLDERS OF THE TOWN AND NEIGHBOURHOOD OF DUDLEY.

In your election of a County Representative, you are called upon to shew yourselves to assert your Independence, by affording your support to a Man who will endeavour to promote your Interests by a conscientious discharge of his Parliamentary Duties. Tell the self-styled Aristocratic Supporters of COL. LYGON, that you will not compromise your Birthrights; that you will not be intimidated, and that

“Gold shall not prevail;”

but that by unanimity and the identity of your cause with yourselves, you will Stand or Fall. Tell them again, and tell them too, you use no undue influence, but that the justice of your cause constitutes its strength. Tell the partisans of oppression (who lament their Candidate’s loss of Interest less than their own) that you will return a Man who will bring to maturity the Plant nursed by your Patriotic Monarch and his Ministers.

Rise then, Brother Freeholders, and by your energy preclude the everlasting stigma being attached to your County of its representation being any longer considered the PATRIMONIAL INHERITANCE of the LYGONS!

Let me, I conjure you, by all the ties which bind Man to Man, to give effect to the great and glorious Cause in view; let it be your pride that you have defeated the Machinations of Party, and that you have given to your Country a Member who will emancipate you from the thraldom of Family Influence! let then our cry be “God for England, Spencer, and our Cause.”

I am, Brother Freeholders, Yours Faithfully,

A FREEHOLDER.

THE SECRET OUT!

MR. FOLEY HAS COALESCED WITH CAPTAIN SPENCER.

Why?—BECAUSE Captain Spencer’s BROTHER is CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER; and a Place in the Treasury, with a Salary of a Thousand Pounds a Year, will be no inconvenient or disagreeable REFRESHMENT after the Expense of a contested Election.

So much for Mr. Foley’s INDEPENDENCE and INTEGRITY.

Kidderminster, May 10th, 1831.

WORCESTERSHIRE ELECTION.

STATE OF THE POLL, FIFTH DAY.

	FOLEY.	SPENCER.	LYGON.
FIRST DAY	191	131	206
SECOND DAY	370	301	288
THIRD DAY	361	321	200
FOURTH DAY	323	280	263
FIFTH DAY	279	252	178
	——	——	——
Total	1524	1285	1135
	——	——	——
Majority in favour of	389	150

Committee Room, Bush Inn, Dudley, Wednesday, May 11th, 1831.

THE TORIES’ DOWNFALL.

Oh dear, what can the matter be,

Dear Oh, what can the matter be,

Oh dear, what can the matter be,

Tories are dying away.

They flatter’d, they promis’d, they pledg’d, and intreated,

The Whigs to let Sutton the turn-coat be seated,

But brave Abercrombie their forces defeated,

In spite of all Bobby could say.