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To the Editor of the Birmingham Journal.

Sir,—I was much surprised on receiving your paper of last Saturday, to find a most impudent statement made by Mr. John Williams of this town, relative to his exclusion from the Bowling Green. In my opinion, he only met with his deserts, for it is an invariable rule with us to cut any person who differs from us in politics. It was our wish that Colonel Lygon should have been again returned to Parliament for the County of Worcester, and of course expected no opposition; it was, therefore, with feelings of the deepest indignation, that we saw Mr. Williams’s name announced as Chairman of the Committee of a rival Candidate, in direct opposition to Lord Dudley’s agent, the meek and amiable Chairman of Colonel Lygon’s Committee. Yes, Sir, Mr. Williams is right, in saying it was the election and that alone, which was the cause of his expulsion, and surely it was enough to rouse the blood of Englishmen (accustomed as we have been to rule the town) to find our power gone, and our influence laughed at by the party which Mr. Williams espoused. Our feelings are so tremblingly sensitive on this point, that one of the gentlemen whose names have been so unwarrantably exposed, actually dined with Mr. Williams, at his own table, and from it walked down to the Bowling Green Committee, and voted for his expulsion, so that we do not allow private friendship to interfere with public duty; and as we have, besides, the sanction of two intelligent County Magistrates, we have little to fear.

It is a source of poignant regret to us, that none of the other members of the Reform Committee could be punished in the same way, for although for the most part composed of highly-respectable individuals, yet as we wished to keep the “Green” select, we did not send them any invitation to join us, for we have been long accustomed to love unanimity, and if persons thinking differently from ourselves on public matters, were to be admitted, there would be no end of discussion, which we much dislike, having but few talkers amongst us, and others not choosing to give their opinions to be carped at by their opponents.

We have been taunted with having signed the Reform Petition a few months since; but what of that? Surely we have as much right to support and vote for an anti-reform candidate, as we had to sign a petition praying for reform. And, moreover, what has supporting a candidate to do with our having signed a petition? What if Colonel Lygon has opposed all reform? What if he be an enemy to Civil and Religious Liberty? What if he has been the undeviating supporter of the reckless expenditure of the people’s money? What is all this to us? We could always afford to pay the taxes! We have thriven under the old system! and yet we are to be told, forsooth, that we have forfeited our consistency, in supporting a man, than whom a more consistent being does not breathe. He subscribes a few pounds annually to our charitable institutions, and we are really fearful lest these should be discontinued now that his political connexion with us has ceased. Such are the consequences to be dreaded from this new state of things. It was very strange Mr. Williams could not take his dismissal quietly, without publishing his disgrace in the newspapers, as it never was intended, out of a sincere regard for his feelings, that it should be known beyond our own circle.

I am, Sir,

A MEMBER OF THE BOWLING-GREEN.

Dudley, June 9th, 1831.

(From the Birmingham Journal of June 11th.)

A “SQUIB,” ISSUED AT THE FIRST PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION IN FAVOUR OF MR. JOHN CAMPBELL.

March to the battle field,

The foe is now before us,

Each heart is Freedom’s shield,

And vict’ry’s smiling o’er us;

The great St. Paul, with tripe and all,

We quickly made surrender,

In proud disdain we’ll break again

Each Tory link asunder.

Who for a Campbell brave

Would shrink ’neath Tory power?

Who our just cause to save

Would rest e’en for an hour?

Our noble cause,

Our homes and laws,

’Gainst Tory power sustaining;

We’ll hold in spite

Of Tory might,

Or die our rights maintaining.

Haste to the poll, my boys,

The foe is near expiring,

The Tories all have lost their joys,

And homeward are retiring.

The great St. Paul,

With tripe and all,

You quickly made surrender;

In proud disdain,

Then break again,

Each Tory link asunder.

The old town of Dudley, with the outlying hamlets of Netherton and Woodside, having been created into one of the New Reform Parliamentary Boroughs (allotted to send one Member to Parliament), the whole town became awakened to its newly endowed responsibilities, and many an ardent admirer of his native town rejoiced in the fact that Dudley had been restored to its ancient Parliamentary honours and privileges, which had been taken from it, viz.: disfranchised by Oliver Cromwell’s Parliament for its fidelity to the Royal Stuarts. As a matter of course, Dudley proclaimed for Reform, and there was no gainsaying the opinion that the new Reform Bill had made Dudley into a real borough; therefore, we must have a Reformer to sit for Dudley. The old Tory party thought different, and considered that the world was going wrong, that revolution and the destruction of Church and State was near at hand, despite the exuberance and hilarity of the Reformers; and they succeeded in inducing Mr. Abiathar Hawkes, a local Glass Manufacturer, to issue his moderate Reform Address, conveying the impression that the man was to be elected for some virtue in himself, not for his pronounced political opinions.

However, Mr. A. Hawkes soon retired from the attitude that he and his too zealous friends had strung him up to, for he retired before the first election came on in 1832, and his place was supplied by the well-known Tory, Sir Horace St. Paul, Bart. The Reformers in the new borough were far from falling asleep, and after one or two futile efforts to procure a local candidate, they succeeded in inducing plain Mr. John Campbell, Q.C., from Edinburgh, to fight the first battle of Reform in the maiden borough of Dudley. Sharp and fierce was the contest, but as the majority of the 800 electors were somewhat raw and green at electioneering adventures and tactics, they did not come up to the style and vigour of electioneering “pleasure and relaxation” which was witnessed at our hustings and in our streets in later years. The close of the poll shewed Mr. John Campbell the winner.

1st. ELECTION, 1832.

1. Mr. John Campbell, Reformer	318
2. Sir Horace St. Paul, Bart., Tory	229
	——
Majority for Campbell	89

Thus the Reformers of Dudley distinguished themselves at their first effort at electioneering, and happened to secure the election to St. Stephen’s Hall of one of the soundest lawyers of his day, besides becoming one of the most accomplished Historians of his country, for Lord Campbell’s “Lives of the Lord Chancellors of England,” can never die in historical readings.

DUDLEY ELECTION.

THE SPEECHES of SIR H. D. C. ST. PAUL; SIR JOHN CAMPBELL, and others;

Delivered on the Hustings, on Monday Dec. 10th, 1832, being the day of Nomination of a Candidate for that New Borough.

On MONDAY last the election for this borough commenced. The candidates are Sir HORACE St. PAUL, a high Tory, and Sir JOHN CAMPBELL, the Solicitor-General. A great proportion of the houses in the town were decorated with laurel, and exhibited the colours of the Solicitor-General; and on Monday morning public enthusiasm was wound up to a great pitch in favour of Sir John. The hustings were erected immediately in front of the Town hall, and at 9 o’clock Sir John Campbell, accompanied by his committee and numerous other friends, made his appearance, amidst the loud cheering of the populace. Sir H. St. Paul shortly afterwards arrived from the Hotel, and was greeted with mixed sounds of approbation and displeasure. The latter, however, greatly predominated. The applause appeared to proceed from, perhaps, some 200 special constables and the more immediate friends of the hon. baronet. The necessary oaths having been administered to Mr. Cornelius Cartwright, the Returning Officer, and other formalities gone through,

Mr. Cartwright expressed a hope that the electors would discharge the duty imposed upon them with temper and moderation; and, by doing unto others as they should wish to be done by, display a truly Christian spirit. If they did this, whatever might be the issue of the contest, they would secure the reward of an approving conscience, and though then divided, the town would again subside into a state of peace and happiness. (Hear, hear.)

Mr. Dixon, on rising to nominate Sir Horace St. Paul, congratulated the electors of Dudley on their being now qualified to return members to the representative branch of the Legislature, and he hoped, for the credit of the town, they would send that man who, from knowledge, connexion, and political principles, would prove their most faithful representative. He was about to propose as a candidate for their suffrages, a gentleman who had large property in the neighbourhood, and who was in every way a fit and proper person to return as their representative to Parliament. He begged to nominate Sir Horace St. Paul. (Great hooting, with slight cheers, and cries of “No tripe.” Sir Horace, we believe, nightly treats the supporters with tripe suppers.)

Mr. Salisbury had great pleasure in seconding the nomination of Sir Horace St. Paul, as a gentleman, from his well known honour and high integrity, well qualified to represent the borough of Dudley in Parliament. (Groans.)

Mr. Twamley, who was received with loud cheering said, however inadequate he might be to perform the task he had undertaken, he solicited their attention while he offered a few words on the glorious, happy, and momentous occasion on which they were then assembled. (Cheers.) He had to introduce to their notice a gentleman as a candidate for their suffrages, who had long been before the public, a gentleman of great talent and commanding eloquence, and who was competent to do every good to the country which it was possible for any individual man to do. (Cheers.) It gave him, Mr. Twamley, supreme felicity and pleasure to propose Sir John Campbell, as the representative of the borough of Dudley in Parliament. (Loud cheers.)

H. Braidley, Esq. then presented himself to second the nomination of the Solicitor-General, when he was vehemently opposed by the friends of Sir Horace St. Paul, on the ground that he was not properly entered in the register. It appeared that by mistake his Christian name was stated on the register to be John instead of Henry. Being thus disqualified as a voter, it was contended that he had no right to take part in the election proceedings. The point was argued at length before the returning officer, by Mr. Whitcomb the barrister, on behalf of Sir J. Campbell, and by Mr. Hildyard, on behalf of Sir Horace St. Paul. Mr. Whitcomb contended that the act had provided for any misnomer and wrong description, and that it was merely necessary when such a mistake occurred that the party claiming a vote should swear at the time of election that he was the person described “as A B” in the registration. The returning officer, after receiving a protest from the friends of Sir Horace, allowed Mr. Braidley to proceed.

Mr. Braidley, again presented himself, and was again assailed by the interruptions of the Paulites and the cheers of his friends. Having at length obtained a hearing, he began by observing the glorious cause having triumphed, he then came forward to second the nomination of Sir John Campbell. (Loud cheers.) Who was his opponent? Sir Horace St. Paul,—a Tory, who during the 20 years he had had a seat in Parliament, had on all occasions given his silent vote in favour of all the wasteful and extravagant expenditure incurred by successive Tory Governments. (Groans.) Within the last few months, as far as the scope of his abilities would permit, he had done all in his power to destroy the elective franchise, which the people panted for, and which they now enjoyed; and yet had now the daring assurance to ask the electors of Dudley to exercise their new privileges in his favour, and return him as their representative. (Groans and hisses directed at Sir Horace.) The time was now arrived when the electors must honestly perform their duty to themselves, to their children, and to posterity. Let them throng early and eagerly to the poll, and the triumph of Sir John Campbell, whose nomination he seconded, was secure. (Loud cheers.)

Sir H. St. Paul was received with loud cheers by his friends, and the most uproarious disapprobation by his opponents. It then became his duty to address the electors of Dudley, and would preface what he was about to say, that he should not offer any observations of a personal nature as regarded his hon. and learned opponent. He bore no enmity to the learned gentleman nor to any of his supporters; and he hoped the contest would be conducted, and if possible concluded, in perfect good humour on both sides. The political principles he had hitherto entertained he still adhered to, and should ever continue to maintain them. (Loud disapprobation.) He had held those principles when they were in good report, and now, when they were for a short time out of favour, he should not cowardly abandon them. (Groans, with applause from the Paulites.) His principles had ever been those of practical economy, and it was upon these principles he acted when he opposed the present Ministry in the grant of 5,500,000l. to pay the Russian Dutch loan. (Cries of “Oh, oh.”) He recollected, and they would all bear in mind, that this sum came out of the pockets of the industrious labourers. (Cheers from the Paulites.) Again he had opposed the sum of 800,000l. guaranteed to the new King of Greece. What, he would ask, were all the trifling savings effected by the present Government compared with those enormous items of expenditure? Upon the same principle, when Parliament assembled, and he was returned as their representative, of which he had not the slightest doubt, when His Majesty’s servants came down to the house—a most disgraceful war—(immense uproar, shouts from the Paulites, and groans from their opponents,)—he claimed fair play—he said a most disgraceful war, for it could lead to no good, but at the same time occasion great depression and ruin to the English trade. Many who now heard him already felt its disastrous effects. If the trade of the manufacturer by this war—this damnable war—(great uproar,) They must excuse him, he could not but speak strongly because he felt strongly. He could not but think of the sufferings of the inhabitants of Antwerp, forced to leave shelter and property, subject to the peril of foreign and intestine war. He was, however, about to state, that if in England, the merchant and manufacturer suffered from this disgraceful war, the sufferings of the artisans and the industrious working classes must be much greater. Formerly, the man who opposed the Government was deemed an independent man. He who now opposed the present Administration might, he hoped, claim the same character. (Laughter.) Before he concluded, he might be allowed to allude to one other circumstance. Englishmen had hitherto been considered as being particular lovers, and particularly proud, of their country. They were always proud of the flag under which they had fought and conquered—a flag respected throughout the whole habitable globe,—he alluded to the old English union jack, which, by the bye, was their English tricolour. Why, then, should an Englishman borrow the colours of the French? (alluding to many tricolour flags waving from the windows of the houses in the opposite street.) It was bad enough to think what had occurred within a few weeks under that flag, without being publicly insulted by its exhibition in the streets of an English town. Formerly, the English navy knew nothing of a French ship in her ports except at the tow of an English ship; but recently, to the disgrace of the British Government, her fleet had been placed under the command of a French admiral, in fact, under the auspices of the French flag. It was for wars like these their pockets were drained, and the national character humbled. The Government and its supporters might talk of economy,—but while they merely talked of economy they practised extravagance. Under the British flag their heroes had fought, and conquered, and had died,—and God forbid that Englishmen should ever be ashamed of it. The hon. candidate retired amidst most conflicting demonstrations of opinion.

Sir John Campbell presented himself amidst the most deafening cheers, which lasted some minutes. He was proud to present himself before the electors of Dudley, and solicit their suffrages as their member in the first reformed Parliament. (Cheers.) It had been said by his enemies that he was only supported by the rabble. Let them look at the rabble that stood around him. (Cheers.) First, he was proposed by a venerated inhabitant of the town, than whom a more respectable individual did not exist in the world. He alluded to his friend Mr. Twamley, who for half a century had lived respected and beloved in the town, and who was now enjoying an ample fortune as the reward of his industry and integrity. (Cheers.) The next of the rabble (laughter) by which he was surrounded was his friend Mr. Braidley, against whom a strong effort had been made by a quibble (and it was only from such quibbles that any doubt could be entertained of his, Sir J. Campbell’s, success) to deprive him of the power of taking any part in their proceedings. Through the impartiality of the returning officer that attempt had failed, and he (Sir J. Campbell) had been honoured with the support of Mr. Braidley. Another of his rabble was his friend Mr. Foster, (cheers) a gentleman at the very head of the most important manufacturing concerns in the district, and who employed more men than all the rest of Sir Horace St. Paul’s friends put together. (Loud cheers.) Indeed, he believed he had the good opinion and suffrages of the vast majority of the respectable inhabitants of the borough of Dudley. The individual who now presented himself to them was no stranger; they had known him, and he them, for a long course of years, accustomed as he had been to practise among them in that profession to which his studies had been chiefly devoted. In the course of his practice in that profession he had been called to defend his friend Mr. Cooke, whom he saw near, who was prosecuted, or rather persecuted, by the Tories of Dudley, for doing that only which he thought it his duty to do, (cheers) and through his instrumentality he might assert he escaped unmerited punishment. He (Sir J. Campbell) was not, however, alone known to them by his professional practice, but also as a public man. He Would defy any man to produce, during the time he had the honour of a seat in two successive Parliaments to find a single sentiment or a single vote he ever gave against the rights and liberties of his country. His friend, Mr. Foster, one of the rabble (laughter) had sat side by side—many a weary hour they had spent within the walls of the House of Commons. They invariably supported the interests of the people. (Cheers). But where was Sir Horace St. Paul? He would take care to say not one word discourteous of the hon. baronet, but as a public man he had a right to comment on his political conduct. Never then, when the ayes or the noes went, were his friend Mr. Foster, and himself, to be found in company with Sir Horace St. Paul. His hon. opponent was always against the bill, and anything but the bill. He (Sir J. Campbell) had been much amused with an expression of Mr. Dixon on moving the nomination of his opponent. The gentleman set out by congratulating the electors of Dudley on the obtainment of the elective franchise. Now this struck him as singular, for having anticipated such dreadful consequences from the bill, instead of terms of congratulation he should have expected terms of condolence. (Laughter and cheers). Mr. Dixon ought to have commenced—“Electors of Dudley, I condole with you on this melancholy occasion,” and instead of the brilliant colours now exhibited by his opponents they ought to have been habited in mourning and crape. They who thought the constitution had been overturned ought not to make it a subject of congratulation, but of condolence. In the language of defeated men they ought to say “We are beaten, but we will do all in our power to restore Old Sarum and Gatton, and the rest of the rotten boroughs, and perpetuate every abuse, both in church and state.” Sir John, after indulging in a strain of happy ridicule, said if Dudley, at the present time, returned an acknowledged Tory, the town would be for ever memorable in the annals of infamy, for he believed that there was not one new borough in either England, Scotland, or Wales, except Dudley, where an Anti-reformer had dared to show his face. In some of the old boroughs, where corruption in a degree existed, Anti-reformers had presented themselves as candidates; but he believed Dudley was the only new borough in which a candidate professing such principles had offered himself. He could not believe that the electors of Dudley would stain themselves and posterity with such unspeakable discredit (Cheers). It could not be, for he knew that, with few exceptions, it was with the electors of Dudley “Campbell and Reform.” (Loud cheers). If they were ashamed of the franchise which had been conferred upon them, they would return Sir Horace St. Paul. (Cheers). He (Sir Horace St. Paul) had told them, as a honourable man, that he entertained the same principles that he had always professed; that he was the advocate of again enslaving and enthralling them under the mastery of those under whom they already smarted. Sir Horace was for the old state of things, although he claimed their suffrages under the new bill. He (Sir Horace St. Paul), to be consistent, would say, reform being bad, the sooner we revert to the old state the better. He would support a bill to disfranchise Dudley, and support another to enfranchise Old Sarum. (Cheers). The repeal of the Reform Bill was considerably too desperate a measure ever to be expected, and the object of the Tories was therefore directed to the destruction of its objects, and if possible to render it a mere dead letter. It would indeed be a dead letter if the constituency of England returned anti-reformers—men who had exerted all their power to prevent reform in the church, the law, and the state. The Reform Bill would prove no good to the country unless they returned to Parliament, which the King’s writ had just issued to assemble, men prepared to carry out into beneficial effect ulterior measures, which its framers and supporters contemplated, when by their efforts it became the law of the land. (Cheers.) The learned gentleman went on to state, that when he first offered himself for the representation of Dudley, he was induced to do so by a highly respectable body of requisitionists, and that, although since that time he had been requested to stand for other boroughs, both in England and Scotland, where it was supposed he would be returned with less difficulty, he had declined doing so, because every day brought with it fresh reasons for his rejoicing in his original determination to stand for that borough. After once pledging himself to the electors of Dudley, he should have considered himself the basest of mankind had he deserted them. (“Why don’t you go to Stafford?”) Some gentleman called out Stafford. He could only say, that he had no doubt if he had gone to Stafford, he should have been returned, as well as other places, with little trouble. He had already contested that borough with a gentleman whom he saw standing near him, and one of his present opponents (Mr. Hawkes), although that gentleman then went to Stafford under the colours of reform, and he (Sir J. Campbell) had in both cases defeated him. (Cheers). He repeated he had no doubt that he should have been returned for Stafford without difficulty, but he considered he should be more honoured in being returned as the first member for the virgin borough of Dudley. (Loud cheers). The resolution he had formed he had no doubt would be crowned with a glorious victory. (Cheers). The learned gentleman was about to enter into certain charges of intimidation he had to prefer against a supporter of Sir Horace St. Paul, but first wished to be informed by the returning officer whether, if he mentioned the name of a person, the accused would be allowed to reply.

The Returning Officer, said, any gentleman whose name might occur in the discussion should certainly be heard in explanation.

Sir John Campbell was glad to hear that declaration from the worthy Returning Officer, as he could then have no difficulty in naming the gentlemen to whom he alluded, and calling upon him to explain the circumstance he (Sir J. Campbell) was about to detail.

The Returning Officer said if Sir J. Campbell was about to bring forward any matters of accusation against private individuals, he would rather that he refrained from so doing. He did not think the present the time for discussions of that matter.

Sir John Campbell said he purposely and advisedly put the question to the Returning Officer, as he was unwilling to mention the name of any gentleman, as connected with certain transactions, unless the party accused had an opportunity of defending himself. He should certainly, under such circumstances, not mention the names of those who had been guilty of the most disgraceful intimidation; but if the ballot should be introduced, he could with safety predict that it would mainly be owing to the exertions of the Tories. (Cheers.) Supposing it should be introduced at the next election, they would doubtless then congratulate the people of Dudley upon the ballot as they now did upon the elective franchise. The learned gentleman said he knew of many acts of intimidation, but he was happy to say that in several instances they had proved unavailing. He then went on to state, that since the last time he had presented himself before the electors of Dudley he had accepted office under the Crown. Enjoying the confidence of His Majesty’s Ministers, and the favour of his Sovereign, he had been appointed his Majesty’s Solicitor-General. He thanked God, however, that he believed he lived in times when no collision was likely to occur between the duties of the King’s Solicitor-General and the electors of Dudley. (Cheers.) The British constitution, when in healthy operation, worked harmoniously together, the privileges of the Crown and the rights of the people being equally for the protection of both. Could any charge be brought against him for accepting office under Lord Grey? Did the people of Yorkshire censure Lord Brougham, after his election for that county, for accepting the Lord Chancellorship? No; when in office he laboured only still more efficiently to carry into effect the measures he had advocated and promoted when out. He (Sir John) assured the electors of Dudley that he would not hold office one moment longer when he found by so doing he was compromising the liberties, interests, and happiness of the people. (Cheers.) The moment he found he could not hold it consistent with his principles he would resign. (Cheers.) The learned gentleman next proceeded to reply to Sir Horace St. Paul on the Russian-Dutch Loan, and to defend, in eloquent terms, the Government on that question, of which he gave a succinct history. The fact was, when Lord Grey with his ministry came into power, they found a treaty in existence, made by their predecessors the Tories, and which they found they could not fail to fulfil without a complete breach of national faith. Almost the whole of the Tories admitted that according to the spirit they were bound to pay the guarantee to Russia, and it was only by a quibble such as had been brought against his friend Mr. Braidley, that they attempted, for the purpose of embarrassing the ministry, to set it aside. As to the Greek Loan, that, too, was a job of the Tories; but he confessed, unlike most Tory jobs, he approved of it, for it was nothing more than a guarantee, if necessary, to enable the Greeks to withstand the Tories of Turkey and the Conservatives of Constantinople. Every nation of Europe that possessed one spark of liberty was anxious that the Greeks should be emancipated from the slavery of Turkish tyranny. Sir John next entered into the Belgian question, and defended the policy of the British Government at great length. He described the present state of affairs in Holland and Belgium as the result of Conservative influence in this country. With regard to the colours which the hon. baronet remarked were so conspicuous in the distant vista before him, he (Sir John Campbell) was not surprised at his consternation. The banners of the Solicitor-General were to be seen at almost every house in the long street opposite the Market-hall. He had no doubt, though he was the last man to inflict pain, that the hon. baronet was literally appalled at the fearful exhibition which then presented itself before his astonished eyes. (Cheers.) If they could walk through the streets of Dudley, they would find 200 similar flags; flags all bearing the emblem of British loyalty—the crown; all denoting respect and admiration to King William IV. (Three cheers for the King.) The learned gentleman, after a long and eloquent speech, called upon the electors of Dudley to come speedily to the poll. He assured his opponent he should not make any vexatious opposition, nor demand the administration of any unnecessary oaths. Sir John Campbell concluded a speech of about an hour and half in length amidst the most vehement cheering.

After a few observations from Mr. Hawkes, a late opponent of Sir J. Campbell for Stafford, the Returning Officer put the question as to the nomination of the two candidates, when it was decided by a large majority for Sir John Campbell. The friends of Sir Horace St. Paul immediately demanded a poll, which was fixed to commence at 8 o’clock on Tuesday morning.

The meeting then broke up, and the supporters of the Solicitor-General walked in procession through the town.

(From the Times, December 12th, 1832.)

1832. At the time the late Mr. Thomas Hawkes won his first political spurs, as M.P. for old Dudley; he was the head of the glass trade in this town, and we could then boast of having five large glass houses in full operation in our midst, employing at the time upwards of 1,000 hands. Since that time the glass trade has nearly departed from Dudley, and we have now only one glass works amongst us—viz., that highly respectable firm of Messrs. John Renaud and Son, at the foot of Tower Street, once the celebrated firm of Messrs. Guest, Wood, and Guest. The glass trade seems to have migrated to Wordsley and Brettell Lane, for that is now a large centre of glass manufactory.

The establishment of a Mechanics’ Institute in Dudley during the last fifty years has undergone many phases of decline and prosperity, for at this early period a feeble effort for securing and maintaining a Mechanics’ Institute was made by holding a Reading and Lecture Room, with a touch of political debate, in New Street; and the late Rev. John Palmer, A.B., Unitarian Minister, took great interest in its promotion, and his subjoined lecture, delivered to the Institute on Monday, October 14th, 1833, testified his energetic efforts in its promotion.

LECTURE ON THE ADVANTAGES

OF

UNITING SCIENTIFIC WITH PRACTICAL KNOWLEDGE,

IN

ARTS AND MANUFACTURES.

The circumstances under which the mechanic is usually brought forward in life, are in a national point of view, as well as regards the individual, deeply to be deplored.—England has obtained celebrity all over the world for the skill and ingenuity of her workmen; but her reward has not ended in a mere name: she has experienced the more gratifying testimonials of seeing the wealth of the world in her ports, to pay her for her superiority in Arts and Manufactures. Indeed, if we trace England’s greatness to its source, we shall find it issuing from the labour and ingenuity of her operative classes. Her agriculture is adequate to the support of a small portion of her population only, and it is to her manufactures she must look for the maintenance of the remainder. It is from the same inexhaustible source that her armies have been sent to every shore, and her fleets to every sea; it is from the same source that her power and energies are everywhere seen rising in such gigantic forms, and executing such incredible operations; it is from this, too, that her philosophers are wise, her poets eminent, her statesmen eloquent: this is her universal spur to industry; remove it, destroy the manufactures of England, and her greatness is annihilated by the act; a universal palsy seizes on her powers, her resources, her genius, her name. Is it not then of the first importance that she should look on her mechanics, those who hold the germ of her eminence, with a favourable eye? Is it not the duty of her statesmen to view their country’s greatness in its cradle, and to anticipate the means best calculated to bring it forward to the best and most vigorous maturity? Yes, it may be replied, and this is already done; have we not schools in abundance for the children of all classes, have we not schools national, schools congregational, army schools, navy schools, public schools, private schools, was ever country so be-schooled as this is?—Alas! the education of our youth is miserably defective. I do not desire to put down the schools that now exist, but I should wish to see others of a much different kind established. The education now universally afforded is merely mechanical. The intellect is but little taxed, and, less still, amused by it. What is the amount of instruction penuriously dealt out to the children of our mechanics?—why, to know how to read, to mind their stops and emphasis in proper places, to write and make up pecuniary calculations, and this being done, their education is finished; they are then sent to learn their trades; the system of mechanical instruction goes on; the hands and feet and fingers must practise such and such motions by which such and such results are produced; and after all it is often found that a better workman may be constructed out of materials of wood and iron.

It is melancholy to reflect how large a field of literature has been thus left uncultivated. I lately wanted information respecting the iron trade; I desired to know what internal or chemical change takes place in the metal in its progress through various states: and I have not been able to discover that more than one simple and popular treatise on the subject has ever issued from the British press. The French have been more inquisitive on these important subjects, and some English chemists have noticed them in a desultory manner. But a full, familiar, and popular treatise on this great source of our country’s wealth is a desideratum reflecting the greatest disgrace on the system of education pursued throughout the country. It is impossible that the philosopher who sits down in his study to propound theories on subjects connected with arts and manufactures should be able to bring as much information to the task as is known to the practical man; and it is equally useless to hope that the latter can turn his experience to the same account as if he were acquainted with the peculiar knowledge of the theorist. At the first meeting of this society, I mentioned an anecdote of two individuals employed in the humble but useful calling of stone breakers; one struck each stone as it happened to lie before him; the other observed that stones broke easiest in certain directions; he applied this observation to his employment, and was thereby enabled to earn considerably more than his companion. Now this fact was known to the theorist long before, and under a proper system of education, should have been more especially known to him whose bread so materially depended on it.

I constantly observe in the streets and highways, as strong an instance as need be adduced to point out the necessity of a better national instruction. Waggons are drawn by teams of horses to the number of four or even five, placed one after the other. Now a knowledge of mechanical forces would shew, that the nearer the exerting force is placed to the draught, the greater the power; to speak in technical language, the power is inversely as the square root of the distance—thus, if one horse be nine feet distant and another sixteen (the two horses applying equal strength) the horse nearer the draught will draw four pounds for every three drawn by the more distant; for these numbers 4 and 3 are the square roots of the numbers expressing the distances 16 and 9 feet: or in other words, three horses at 9 feet distance will do as much as four 16 feet, or as 5 at 25 feet. Horses then in draught should always be put in pairs; there is an obvious inconvenience in increasing the breadth of the team; and besides those stationed too far on the side, may be as far from the centre of gravity of the draught, as if they were placed in front of the others. The want of scientific knowledge occasioned our ancestors incalculable trouble and expense. I will explain this by their aqueducts: should we require to convey water from the top of a hill or mountain to another of equal elevation, the object may be easily and at little cost effected by placing united pipes through the intermediate space, and allowing the water to enter at one end. It is obvious that it will find its level, it will run through the pipe where it has entered, and having filled the lower portion, will rise on the opposite side until it has attained the elevation at which it entered the pipe on the first hill; but before this simple principle was known, it was deemed necessary to find a level for the water; immensely high and broad walls were raised from mountain to mountain, while to save some labour and to afford some convenience, arches of proportionate magnitude were built, spanning the valley below, and on the top of this structure a canal was formed, over which a stream of water, dearer in many instances than Setin or Falernian wine was conveyed. The Architects in those days could not have been more uselessly and absurdly employed, if their genius were exercised in inventing diving bells, to secure the sea horse from drowning, or in constructing steam paddles to assist the whale; their employment was more preposterous than that of “painting the lily, or flinging fresh perfume o’er the violet.” Scientific knowledge can be a burden to none, and there are few indeed that it may not benefit. Even the frugal house-wife, who with her family partakes of the evening cup of tea, may practise a little useful economy by knowing a simple chemical principle. Some alkalis have a superior power of extracting the colouring matter from vegetables. In the tea plant, the essence which we extract by infusion is identified with this colouring matter; hence, if I put into the tea pot, during the process of infusion, a small quantity of the carbonate of soda, I shall draw forth a larger quantity of the essential tea-principle, and, of course, I shall have my tea stronger; or if I have a respect for my nerves, a less quantity of tea with a little carbonate of soda will answer my purpose.

In performing operations in certain manufacturing processes, all the assurance of success in the mind of the operator proceeds from the knowledge that, by the same means, such results have been produced before. How exceedingly slow then must be the progress of discovery and improvement. It is almost impossible in some trades, that some fortunate combination of circumstances should not occasionally take place, and that a discovery of importance should not thereby follow. It was thus that the telescope was invented. Some glasses happened to be placed by the hands of children, in such a disposition as to magnifying or reflecting powers, as that the peculiar telescopic qualities were observed. The hint was acted on, and after repeated trials and disappointments, some clumsy and inefficient telescopes were formed. But had the science of optics been known, the secret must have instantly followed; or had the construction of the human eye been previously considered (for the eye is a perfect and beautiful telescope) the hint for making an external and auxiliary eye would have been suggested by the study. But let it not be supposed that all important discoveries are already made, and that there is no opportunity for new Watts and Arkwrights to take their illustrious positions in society. Genius still has many harvests to reap, and men of common sense and common ingenuity have many opportunities of rising to wealth and respectability. Even a simple discovery in candle-making is at this moment realizing a fortune for the inventor. Many of you know the argand lamp; the burner, whether for oil or gas, is circular, and through it is a passage for a current of air; while this is freely open the volume of flame is large, and the colour of the light white, but when obstructed the flame is smaller and of a bluish colour. Most of the gas burners in the shops are on the argand principle, where the fact now stated may be brought to trial. The inventor of the patent candles had nothing to do but to transfer this well known principle to materials used in candle making; the wick is tubular, and the passage secured from obstruction by the melted wax or tallow. This was almost the whole improvement. Candles thus made, burn with a purer and larger flame, and the protection afforded to inventors by the patent laws, will I doubt not, be the cause of an abundant reward to the observer. Thousands of these discoveries will yet be made, and thousands will derive fortunes from the discoveries.

In the very same useful article, I knew an attempt made to produce improvement, which was unsuccessful, because the individual was poor, and his fellow tradesmen ignorant. Had he the means of continuing experiments, or could he have found any individual in the candle trade wealthy enough to assist him, and possessing sagacity enough to appreciate the intended improvement, I am confident the effort alluded to would have issued in merited success. The case was this. It may not be known to you, that generally, no flame can be produced without a quantity of a certain gas which is always in the atmosphere, called oxygen; if a portion of air be deprived of this gas, you can get nothing to burn in it; if you increase the quantity of oxygen, you thereby augment the flame of any substance burning in it; if you fill a vessel with pure oxygen, almost any thing will burn in it; even iron first touched with lighted tinder, will burn in it, with a light intense and beautiful. An individual in the candle trade conceived the idea of infusing this oxygen gas into tallow; his ingenuity enabled him to overcome some obstacles; the tallow was saturated with this supporter of flame, and candles were formed from it; but when the candle was lighted, it was discovered that the tallow all round was possessed with the quality of wick; it was beautifully inflammable, but the candle burned away very rapidly. From circumstances noticed above the inventor could not follow up his experiments to the point he had so nearly attained success. The art of dyeing is very imperfectly understood by those who profess it. A dyer possesses merely an imperfect art when he ought to command a perfect science. I know few, if any, trades so completely scientific, and so abounding with pleasing investigation. But there is not only the absence of this pleasure but absolute loss of money to the dyer in the composition of various dyes. This may be shewn in several ways; I shall now notice one. The science of chemistry has unfolded a singular fact, which is that bodies will not always unite in any proportions we might desire; we may take salt and water, and mix them in any proportions up to the period when the water becomes saturated, but it then finds a limit. Thus we can make water more or less salt.

Now common vitriol is a compound formed of sulphur and oxygen; two parts of the former being mixed with one of the latter; but if one unacquainted with this principle should attempt to make vitriol, and should put three parts of the sulphur to one of the oxygen, or two of sulphur to two of oxygen, there would either be a positive waste of a considerable portion of ingredients, or a new article would be formed essentially different from the desired acid. A want of knowing this valuable truth costs many an humble dyer a fortune. How evident is it then, that “Ignorance is a heavy tax.”

In the operation of tanning it might be shewn, and I trust will be shewn by gentlemen connected with this institution, both by lectures and experiments, that the exhausted tan, as it is called, contains much more of the tanning principle than has been extracted from it. Our British-oak bark is approaching a final exhaustion, and when we are driven to use the foreign only, the secret will I doubt not be discovered. When I look around me, and consider the several trades, arts and manufactures, in which many in this district are engaged, I cannot help expressing my astonishment that an Institution of this nature was not established before. Instances of the beneficial purposes it would serve, multiply on me so fast, that I might expend the time of many lectures on the subject of this evening. I do not wish to encourage fraud, but a fact now strikes me, in reference to the gold, silver, and jewellery trade, too curious to omit. I shall prepare my way by explaining a few principles respecting weight. I dare say you are aware that the air we breathe possesses weight. If you weigh a bottle under ordinary circumstances, containing air, and nothing else, and afterwards pump the air from it and weigh it again, you will find that its weight is reduced; it weighs less than when filled with air. Now if I weigh two bodies of different sizes, but of equal weights, in the open air, and then dip balance and all into water, I shall find that they are no longer equiponderant. Each article in weighing loses as much weight as is equivalent to its own bulk of the medium in which it is weighed. For instance, if I weigh a piece of timber shaped like a quart bottle and of the size of one, and in the other scale have copper weights, the timber will lose as much weight as the size of the bottle of air would weigh, and the copper loses as much weight as its own size of air would weigh. Now if I weigh them both in water, the timber will lose as much weight as a bottle of water would weigh, and the copper weight will lose as much as its bulk of water would weigh. It is evident then that the disproportion in the latter case must be much greater than in the former. This is the reason why boys lift stones in the water they could not raise on land. And this is the reason that we often find, that a commodity balances a certain weight at one time, which it will not balance at another.

The cases of air and water, as media for weighing, I have adduced as extreme cases, to explain the effects of the different states of the atmosphere; some times it is light and thin, at others dense and heavy. When air is light, bodies weighed lose little, but when it is heavy, they lose proportionably. It is then of importance in purchasing precious articles by weight, to know the state of the weather as indicated by the barometer, and to observe the same index when we sell again; the difference in silver would not be much, that of gold would be of more importance, but in the purchase of diamonds the difference in value may be very considerable. But you must observe, that as each body loses according to its bulk, so the greater disproportion in this respect, the better; a fraudulent jeweller should then have weights of wood, and he should buy when the atmosphere is light, and sell when it is heavy; the rule also will be of service with common weights to the dealers in feathers, &c. So much for honesty!

In connexion with the silversmith’s business, I shall now illustrate my subject by a reference to the art of gilding. Many of our shopkeepers are proud of having their names and callings over their shops, glittering in golden letters; and Dudley has many artists well qualified to gratify the taste. We also gild our frames for pictures and mirrors; but the gilding soon wears off, particularly that exposed to the air. The artist cannot prevent this, he has no control over the air, but the man of science has. I think I shall best illustrate my subject, by noticing the discovery of the truly beautiful principle it is now my object to unfold.

The atmosphere acts with various corroding effects on different metals, and it will, under certain known circumstances, often pass by one to seize upon another. Some years since the lords of the admiralty, struck with the amazing expense of coppering ships’ bottoms every year, (for one year, or rather one long voyage, effectually corroded and destroyed one sheathing) applied to Sir H. Davy, to know if any plan could be devised for remedying this serious evil. It would be useless for me now to enter into minute details; suffice it to say, that Sir H. Davy was fully aware of the principle noticed above, and he applied it; he connected here and there very small portions of metals, more liable under certain influences to be rusted, than the copper of the vessels; the metals he used were iron and zinc; the latter placed inside the ship, the former connecting it to the copper outside. The process was most simple,—the cost very trifling,—the success truly gratifying. It was then found that the corrosive qualities of both air and sea water were neutralized; and, fortified with this simple protection, vessels afterwards completed the whole extent of the India voyage, without the copper sheathing being tarnished. True, other difficulties made their appearance. Rust of copper is pernicious to water-worms and small marine animals, that do great injury to the bottoms of ships; and when the copper was kept free from rust, by means of Sir H. Davy’s galvanic contrivance, those little reptiles came in vastly increased numbers and strength, and achieved as much mischief as was prevented. But while ship’s bottoms are thus exposed, the principle on which it was attempted to secure them, may be applied to other purposes; amongst those is gilding. By drawing a very simple galvanic circle, made of small morsels of zinc and iron from the gilded letters or ornaments outside a shop window, the gilding may be made to retain its brilliancy for many years. Indeed simply driving a nail in the wood-work under every letter, will keep the metallic lustre outside distinct and beautiful for a much longer time, than if this were not done.

Whenever a new principle unfolds a law of nature, its applications are almost innumerable; and things buried in mystery before, become simple and obvious. I some time since visited the Cradley Salt Wells, and on entering the bath room, saw a man busily and laboriously employed in removing the rust from the inside of the boiler; he told me he had to repeat this job very often; for that the dust formed very fast, and quickly became exceedingly hard. This was obvious to me from the difficulty of removing it with a large and heavy knife. I instantly saw a method by which the man’s labour might be altogether saved; or the task much more easily accomplished. This was by the application of chemical re-agents. I do not profess to know these, because my acquaintance with that beautiful science is too limited; but such as it is, I doubt not, that after a few experiments, I could discover it. But I do know a principle, that if applied, would not only have made the task an easy one, but would, absolutely, have rendered it unnecessary; and that is, the principle noticed above in reference to ship’s bottoms, and gilding. Were a portion of zinc placed, according to the galvanic principles, in connection with the inside of the boiler, the rust would not accumulate, at least on the boiler; the same agency that in the former case kept the coppers clean, and the gilding bright, would in this case also, prevent the incrustation from adhering to the boilers of the Salt Wells at Cradley.

It must be acknowledged, that there is in the human mind a very great repugnance to that which is new. The march of knowledge is always considerably in advance of the march of improvement; a philosophical principle of the greatest value, is sometimes ascertained a long time before it is profitably employed. It was suggested long since that the principle here noticed ought to be used in the construction of steam boilers of all descriptions, all being subject to rust; but particularly those of ships, in which the water is generally from the sea. This has not been done; and I am confident that if it had, many explosions would have been prevented, and many lives saved. But the time is fast approaching, when no useful discovery will be rejected, merely from the fact of its being new. Many a fortune to future mechanics and artists in the form of philosophical theories are already stored up in the studies of men of science. They want the knowledge of how they should be applied, and men who could employ them knew nothing about them.

One of the latest triumphs of Science is of a nature too interesting, and too appropriate for my present purpose, to be omitted. I refer to the cure of dry rot in timber. This malady, the scourge of houses and builders, long engaged the attention of the literary world; and recently was nearly abandoned in despair. Success and perseverance are however closely allied. The eye of the chemist was brought to bear somewhat more closely on the subject. It was observed that in the pores of some timbers a little globule of fluid was contained, which further examination proved to be a substance called albumen, precisely the same as the white of the egg. This substance, belonging more to the animal than to the vegetable world, was more liable to putrefaction or rottenness; and when in this state, it naturally imparted the principle of decay to the surrounding woody fibre. This was the true nature and cause of dry rot. The knowledge of the disease is, proverbially, considered half the cure. Here it was the whole cure. It was known that corrosive sublimate united to albumen formed a substance not liable to this species of corruption. The timber then was deposited in tanks containing a solution of corrosive sublimate, and it was discovered that albumen was immediately destroyed; and, of course, the dry rot effectually prevented. The discovery is truly beautiful, and not less so than valuable and important.

A question is sometimes asked by persons in this neighbourhood, whose querulous propensities cause them to anticipate evils, centuries removed,—what will become of the iron trade when all the coal pits are worked out? The question brings to mind the old lady who, on being told that a certain comet would in the year 3,000 and odd burn the world, absolutely lost her senses through fear.

The man who from past improvements relies on human ingenuity sees no cause for apprehension in the question. For what is the fact,—the same question was just as seriously asked a couple of centuries back in reference to timber, what shall be done for iron manufacturing when all the timber in the neighbouring woods shall be exhausted? It appears that the woods about Dudley were very extensive at the time. Of these but little remains at present; but the manufacture of iron has experienced no obstruction.

The idea of applying coal to the purpose would have appeared preposterous. This valuable combustible was known to exist abundantly, but it was believed to be impracticable to apply it to the manufacture of iron, till a Mr. Dud Dudley, in the year 1619, tried the experiment and tried it successfully.

Had I time I should gladly read the life of this singular man. It may be found in Shaw’s History of Staffordshire; but I have not time even to condense it. The obstacles he had to encounter for forty years, from a want of scientific knowledge—from those who detested innovations—from those who saw that his success would be prejudicial to their interests—from natural causes (such as floods, &c.)—and his final and complete triumph over all, evince a mind gifted with no ordinary endowments. I think it would interest many were this life read in the society some evening of meeting.

But the question may be asked, do you see any probable substitute for coke, when the coal is exhausted? I answer, yes I do; and you will smile when I tell you that it is by burning water; for the fact is undeniable, that water is, in its elements, a most combustible body. This discovery has been long within sight; the only obstacle was, that the expense of other materials, necessary for preparing water for fuel, was too great to make the discovery practically useful; this it is said has been overcome by a gentleman at Leamington[1] and we may shortly expect to see coal and timber superseded by this more abundant article. Cooks will then light up their fires by heaping upon it masses of ice, and the rivers will be in constant danger from the impudence of cigar smoking boatmen.

But, seriously, while we laugh, a proper question is, why should such anticipations excite laughter? An article appeared last year in Tait’s Magazine, on reading which, we may have cause to suspect, that in the abundance of our laughter, there may be much folly. As the article is short, amusing, and to my purpose, I shall read it. “About this time five hundred years ago, Anno Domini 1340, gunpowder and guns were invented.” Now the following (setting aside the mode of language, which is not essential to our purpose) is the way in which one of these gentlemen, a few months previous to that event, would have expressed himself in reference to some other impossibility. Somebody would be speaking of alterations in the mode of warfare, upon which our contemptuous antivicissitudinarian would thus break out:—

“A change like that! Why you might as well say that people by-and-by will fight with fire and smoke, and that there will be arrows as round as plum-puddings, and made of lead, as thick as your skull!”—(A laugh among the Hon. Gentlemen of that time.)

In nine months after this speech, gunpowder is invented, and the art comes up by which round leaden arrows are shot out of cannon, darting fire as they come, and filling the air with smoke.

Anno Domini 1440—The great grandson, or other representative of the above gentleman, exclaims, on some fresh subject of innovation amidst the honours of the laugh.—“A change like that! Why, you might as well say that by-and-by there will be books without being copied out, and that we shall have a hundred of those impossible books in the course of a day.”

Next year the art of printing is invented, which was thought at first a thing magical and devilish, and by which we can now have a thousand copies of a book in a day.

Anno Domini 1534.—The great-great-great-great-grandson or now representative as aforesaid, is treating some other novelty with the usual happy contempt of his race:—“A change like that! Why, you might as well say, that the people will all be permitted to read the Bible, and that nunneries, and even Abbots will be put down!!”—(Shouts of laughter, in which the Reverend Abbots present were observed to join.)

The same year the Bible is printed and read openly, and upwards of six hundred religious houses suppressed.

Anno Domini 1666.—“A change like that!” quoth the representatives, “Why you might as well say that Englishmen will leave off taking a steak and a cold tankard for their breakfast—(A laugh)—or that they will go to the other end of the world to pluck it off a gooseberry bush.”—(Great laughter.)

The same year tea is brought into England, not indeed off a gooseberry bush, but off a bush of no greater importance, and (in common parlance) at the other end of the world.

But what ridicule would the man have excited who would have presumed to prophesy the use of the compass, the application of the giant steam, and the rising of gas light over the manufacturing and the civilized world! What more interesting task than to sit down with our fathers and hear them tell how things were done formerly; with what time, trouble, expense, and uncertainty operations were then performed, that now cost but little delay or uneasiness. There is not a single mechanic amongst us who, in the course of his study, will not see hints towards an improvement that future times will develope, doubtless far greater than what has already taken place.

And let me urge it on you, the pursuits that will lead to these ends belong peculiarly and immediately to you. The philosopher goes out of his way to pursue them. When we find Dr. Lardner furnishing the world with practical treatises on manufactures, we are surprised to think where he got the information. You, the mechanics, ought to be the discoverers of all improvements in your several trades, and ought to enjoy the reward of such discoveries. Talk not of want of time, anticipate not difficulties. When you feel disposed to make such apologies, call to mind Sir R. Arkwright, when a barber’s boy, kicked and cuffed by his master for chalking the wig blocks over with figures, that were to him fully as intelligible though not so pretty as the hieroglyphics of Egypt. Poor Arkwright had the most difficult obstacles to surmount; and yet he lived to be honoured, and died full of years and possessions.

And call to mind the profound Bonnycastle, who commenced his literary career in the situation of shoe-boy, an inferior kind of John Boots in the Military College of Woolwich; where he afterwards became deservedly the principal. And look to honest Jamie Ferguson, making a heaven and an earth for himself while he tended the flocks and herds of his agricultural employer. Many a cold night did this poor boy lie on his back to watch the motions of the stars, and to imitate them by his ingenious contrivances; and who that then saw him could have supposed that he was destined to become the light and pride of science, the friend and favourite of kings and philosophers. And is there nothing inciting in the story of Benjamin Franklin, the printer, entering Philadelphia unknowing and unknown in his 17th year, eating his plain morsel under the portico of that proud mansion that afterwards gave him a wife?—And is there no magic to rouse to exertion in the names Marmontel, Kelper, Johnson, Linnæus and Simpson, men whose genius no poverty could blight, and “being dead yet speak?” But where do I run?—Is not the delight of pursuing science an ample recompense? if not, is there not a golden reward in reversion. Truly has it been said of wisdom, that “she has in her right hand riches and honour.”

THIRD EDITION OF THE SPEECH

OF THE

RIGHT HON. AND REV. LORD WARD.

DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS ON MONDAY EVENING, April 6th, 1835.

THE MINISTRY.

Lord WARD rose and said: For the first time, and perhaps for the last, I now address your Lordships. I beg to know from his Majesty’s Ministers whether they have advised an Honourable Friend of mine, the member for Dudley (Mr. T. Hawkes), to present an Address from that place to his Majesty, in favour of his Majesty’s present Ministry.

[The Duke of WELLINGTON, and the other Members of the Government who were on the Treasury Bench, appeared for some seconds in consultation; but no answer was given.]

Lord WARD: Am I to infer from the silence of the noble Lords opposite, that such is the case, that the Honourable Member for Dudley has presented such an address to his Majesty? because, if he has, I feel myself called on to say that it was not founded on fact—that that address was got up at a hole-and-corner meeting—that it did not express the opinions of the people of the town of Dudley—that his Majesty has been deceived and cajoled by the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the first Lord of the Treasury; and I think it high time that his Majesty’s confidence should be disabused, and that he should be informed that such are not the sentiments of my Honourable Friend’s constituents.

The Duke of WELLINGTON: I understand that the Noble Lord has inquired if any Members of his Majesty’s Government in this House have advised the presentation to his Majesty of an address from the town of Dudley in favour of his Majesty’s present Ministers. In reply, I beg to assure the Noble Lord, that I have no knowledge whatsoever of the presentation of any such address.

Morning Chronicle, April 7.

From the Courier, April 7.

Among the things which occurred worthy of notice, last night, in the House of Lords, the short speech of Lord Ward must not be overlooked. He asked the Ministers whether they had advised his Hon. Friend the Member for Dudley to present an address from that town in favour of his Majesty’s Ministers. No doubt they willingly accepted that or any other little help to eke out their popularity and make a show to the King; and no doubt, as Lord WARD stated, his Majesty was cajoled to believe that his Ministers were very popular in the country. Sir ROBERT PEEL seems to have the same opinion, for he appealed the other night from the majority in the House to the majority out of doors; but he and his friends have so little confidence in his popularity, that they carefully exclude, as yesterday at Westerminster, all but their invited supporters from the little clubs which they call public meetings. Lord WARD stated a plain fact in a bold and manly manner.

AN

ADDRESS OF THE NON-ELECTORS

OF THE

Borough and Neighbourhood of Dudley

TO THE RIGHT HON. AND REV. LORD WARD.

MY LORD,

The Non-Electors of the Borough and Neighbourhood of Dudley have felt much gratified at your Lordship’s spirited conduct in the House of Lords on the 6th instant, and at your generous and unsolicited vindication of the Borough of Dudley from the suspicion of entertaining sentiments like those imputed to them in the hole and corner Address emanating from the Tory faction of Dudley, so calculated to mislead the Sovereign and induce him to retain a Ministry whose design was to lead the Country into Slavery and Ruin. This, my Lord, is the way in which Kings have been so often deceived, always to the Country’s prejudice, and sometimes, as History proves, to the destruction of the Throne.

Thank you, my Lord, for standing up for the plain Truth, so necessary at this time both to King and Country and that you have not suffered a faction whose personal objects are of a most base and selfish character, and whose political objects are the destruction of all popular influence and the establishment of an aristocratic tyranny.

We, my Lord, are anxious to maintain the constitutional rights of King, Lords, and Commons, these can be supported only by doing Justice to the long outraged Millions, who by delusions like those attempted in the Address so justly condemned by your Lordship, have long been the victims of unprincipled Courtiers and corrupt Statesmen, supported heretofore by an abandoned Majority of the House of Commons.

Considering your Lordship at once as a Peer and a Clergyman, and what is still more honourable, a friend of Truth and an enemy of Deception and Cajolery—we feel ourselves bound thus to express our sentiments of respect and admiration, and our hope that your Lordship’s sagacity and patriotism will detect any attempts which may hereafter be made to deceive the King and misrepresent the People.

We have the honour to be

Your Lordship’s most obedient Servants,

The Non-Electors of Dudley and its Neighbourhood.

To the Right Hon. and Rev. Lord Ward, Himley.

Dudley, Monday, April 20, 1835.

DUDLEY, August 1833.

We, the undersigned, Inhabitants of the Town and Parish of Dudley, and its Vicinity, having heard with surprise and Indignation of the Gross and Unmanly attack made by Sir John Campbell, on the acting Magistrates of this Town and Neighbourhood, in the House of Commons, in the following Words,

“That in this Town, Justice is not administered to the satisfaction of the Public, and that the most serious discontent prevails, and that the Magistrates are such, as in their absence he should not like to describe”—

Take the earliest opportunity of bearing our voluntary Testimony to the upright, independent, and praiseworthy conduct of the Magistrates acting for this Town and Neighbourhood; and of asserting that they have uniformly conducted themselves to the perfect satisfaction of the Inhabitants and public in general, and we deny that “serious discontent prevails.”—To Gentlemen of high respectability and character who have sacrificed so much valuable time (each of them being extensively engaged in business) we consider ourselves deeply indebted; and we beg to tender to them our most sincere and grateful thanks for their unwearied exertions in the administration of Justice and the preservation of the public Peace.

Luke Booker, Vicar of Dudley

Proctor Robinson, M.A.

Edward Harper Wainwright, B.A.

John Booth, B.A.

Joseph Bennitt,

John Williams,

} Churchwardens

William Taylor,

P. V. Swanwick,

Henry Harper,

Tho. Shorthouse,

} Overseers of the Poor

J. G. Bourne, Mayor

Edward Dixon, Banker

Cornelius Cartwright, Surgeon

Thomas Wainwright, Surgeon

W. Bennitt, Capt. of the D.Y.C.

William Bennitt

Joseph Guest, Glass Manufacturer

James Bourne, Solicitor

Francis Downing, Gent.

H. D. Bourne, Coal Master

James Bourne, jun. Solicitor

W. E. Davies, Glass Manufacturer

William Masefield, Draper

Joseph Smith, Innkeeper

Edward Terry, Grocer

John Bagott, Tailor

Stephen Bullas, Ironmonger

J. M. Capewell, Dentist

John Harper, Grocer

John Standish, Hairdresser

John Orme Brettell, Land Agent

Thomas Brettell, Coal Master

O. G. Shaw, Maltster

James Johnson, Grocer

Richard Bourne, Organist

Eber Patten, Hatter

John Tompson, Mine Agent

W. H. Tompson, Stone Master

Samuel Johnson, Agent

George Payton, Coal Master

Thomas Griffiths, Shoedealer

Richard Wilcox, Innkeeper

Henry C. Brettell, Solicitor

Joseph C. Brettell, Engineer

Joseph Payton, Auctioneer

Richard Lakin, Hatter

William Fellows, jun. Solicitor

John Roberts, Surgeon

John Rann, Gent.

Charles Homer, Wine Merchant

Hartil Dudley, Nail Ironmonger

Benjamin Dudley, Silk Mercer

Cornelius C. Brettell, Surveyor

Geo. Sep. Tompson, Shoemaker

Samuel Pemberton, Coal Master

John Leake, Chemist and Drysalter

J. S. Jeavons, Iron Merchant

J. S. Turner, Chemist

John Pritchard, Grocer

Samuel Dunn, Flour Dealer

Henry Darby, Book-keeper

James Bloomer, Fendermaker

James Grigg, Wheelwright

Benj. Woolley, Nail Ironmonger

Samuel Lewis, Nail Ironmonger

James Yates, Agent

William Fellowes, sen. Solicitor

John Vaughan, Accountant

W. R. Baker, Draper

John Owen, Confectioner

Richard Timmings, Ironmonger

William Mills, Grocer

Benjamin Prince, Town Clerk

Josegh Whitehouse, Fishmonger

James Ashton, Innkeeper

John Henly, Glass Cutter

Joseph Gardener, Tailor

John Raybould, Paviour

John Timmins, Broker

John Leech, Grocer

John Oakey, Gent.

Joseph Bate, Ironmonger

J. Newbold, Chemist and Druggist

Thomas Cox, Nail Ironmonger

William Haden, Ironmaster

Joseph Haden, Ironmaster

William Shedden, Gent.

James Bullas, Gent.

Thomas Fereday, Surgeon

William Smith, Accountant

Joseph Lear, Innkeeper

Samuel Whyley, Blacksmith

Charles Cox, Innkeeper

William Whyley, Butcher

Edward Kimberley, Fishmonger

Thomas Pearsall, Attorney’s Clerk

Benjamin Shaw, ditto

Thomas Allen, Parish Clerk

John Eld, Baker

William Brown, Victualler

Samuel Payne, Innkeeper

Thomas Gray, Draper

Benjamin Jordan, Innkeeper

William Jordan, Shoemaker

Joseph Dudley, Shoemaker

George Fellowes, Carpenter

William Adams, Victualler

John Nock, Draper

John Smart, Fishmonger

B. Woolley, jun. Chain Manufacturer

Thomas Fehr, Spirit Merchant

Edward Blakeway, Grocer

Francis Baker, Grocer

Joseph Salt, Stonemason

William Self, Butcher

W. J. Cruchley, School-master

Edward Bill, Builder

Richard Thomas, Sheriffs’ Officer

Thomas Steedman, Maltster

Richard Whitehouse, Dealer

William Robinson, Solicitor

James Darby, Book-keeper

Thomas Thomas, Nail Factor

William Howells, Clerk

Edward Foley, Maltster

Edward Marsh, Surveyor

James Fullwood, Wheelwright

Jos. Hartill, Fender Manufacturer

Daniel Shaw, Surgeon

Joseph Whitehouse, Glazier

Joseph Cooke, Saddler

William Whatmore, Innkeeper

Barnabas Willcox, Currier

John Powell, Painter

William Deeley, Iron Founder

John Share, Upholsterer

William Round, Timber Merchant

John Rann, Printer

John Sherman, Draper

Thomas Lewis, Agent

Charles Bunn, Butcher

Joseph Cox, Nail Ironmonger

John Holland, Builder

Daniel Parker, Builder

Jeremy Parker, Timber Merchant

William Herbert, Engraver

Samuel Herbert, ditto

James Bill, Builder

Matthew Houghton, Coal Master

Edward Creswell, Iron Master

Thomas Rhodes, Banker’s Clerk

George Bennett, ditto

William Smitheman, Innkeeper

Robert Martin, Iron Founder

Thomas Eves, Coach Proprietor

Edward Guest, Glass Manufacturer

Zechariah Round, Builder

William Power, Farrier

Edward Challingsworth, Saddler

Thomas Stokes, Builder

John Stokes, ditto

Joseph Anslow, Plumber

John Cheshire

Luke Price, Shoemaker

William Hollies, ditto

Edward Robinson, Gent.

Robert Garratt, Innkeeper

Sheld. Gray, Wine and Spirit Dealer

Thomas Whitehouse, Book-keeper

J. W. Pain, Teacher of Gymnastics

Thomas Irwin, Glass Cutter

Joseph Lear, Glassman

George Lear, Clothier

A. Power Steedman, Maltster

William Richardson, Engineer

Joshua Harvey, Iron Founder

John Sturmey, Grocer

George Fryer, Seedsman

Thomas Woodall, Blacksmith

John G. Derecourt, Carpenter

Joseph Pearson, Builder

Mark Boden, Excise Officer

John Perry, Locksmith

Thomas Bradley, Grocer

James Brewin, Accountant

Mark Bond, Gent.

John Allen, Cordwainer

John Hobson, Victualler

John Fullard, Hairdresser

Elijah Hillman, Butcher

Joseph Haxeltine, ditto

Thomas Worrad, Innkeeper

Thomas Hines, Staymaker

Charles Lucas, Butcher

Richard Dudley, Surveyor

Samuel James, Victualler

Samuel Hudson, Corkcutter

John Hughes, Clerk

George Evans, Clerk

Joseph Bradley, Clerk

William Morrall, Upholsterer

Humphrey Hartle, Victualler

Samuel Fisher, Victualler

George Lloyd, Glasscutter

Samuel Chavasse, Accountant

Thomas Davidson, Accountant

And others, making upwards of 300 persons who signed this Address.

SIR JOHN CAMPBELL.

(From the John Bull Newspaper, of August 18th, 1833.)

“Sir John Campbell, the Solicitor-General, has ‘put his foot into it,’ as the old wives have it.

“It seems that Sir John—a most unpopular man at best—has been for some time getting out of the good graces of his supporters at Dudley, by having, upon every occasion, voted with Ministers, which, as Solicitor-General, appears to us to be nothing more than might be expected; not so, however, because he had publicly and repeatedly pledged himself to his constituents to do no such thing.

“Although Sir John—we speak advisedly—has not the remotest chance of being again returned for Dudley, he felt that he ought to do something to brush up his radical friends there, and accordingly decided upon attacking the characters of the Magistrates acting for the town and neighbourhood. As it turns out, nothing could have been more unjust, and as it will turn out, nothing so foolish.

“The population of the circle of four miles, of which Dudley is the central point, exceeds one hundred thousand; and if the purest integrity, patience of investigation, strict impartiality, and Christian lenity, are requisite for the Bench, these qualifications the Dudley Magistrates in an eminent degree possess.

“In making an enquiry of Lord Althorp whether Government intended to grant charters to the new boroughs, Sir John Campbell stated that no place more needed one than Dudley; ‘for,’ said he, ‘the people have no voice in the election of their Magistrates. Justice is not administered to the satisfaction of the public; serious discontent prevails there, and the Magistrates are such as in their absence I should not like to describe.’

“It is by no means difficult to point out the party to whom the administration of justice in Dudley is not satisfactory. Some time since, a considerable number of the friends and supporters of Sir John Campbell, who voted for him at the last election, were brought before the Magistrates, and convicted of using short weights and false measures, and accordingly fined for their rascality; others of Sir John’s supporters have been in ‘durance vile;’ and to these, and such as these, ‘justice is not satisfactorily administered;’ and amongst these ‘the most serious discontents prevail,’ but among none else.

“Sir John, not content, however, with denouncing the existing Magistracy of the town he represents, proceeds to observe, that there are several enlightened persons in Dudley who could, under a new charter, administer justice in a manner creditable to themselves and satisfactory to the public.

“Now let us look at some of Sir John Campbell’s objections to the present Magistrates. He objects to them because they are in trade—one being a banker, and the other two first-rate manufacturers in independent circumstances, and employing hundreds of hands. Sir John’s friends, with two or three exceptions, are retail tradesmen who, by their education and habits, are not qualified for the Bench, and who, through fear of offending their customers, would not be likely to give unprejudiced judgments.

“The next charge brought by Sir John Campbell against the Magistrates is somewhat comical; he not only charges them with being active partisans, but with being all on one side.

“Sir John shews somewhat of the simpleton here. He proclaims to the world, if the world happen to care anything about him one way or another, that all the respectable part of the constituency of the place he represents, is zealously and unanimously opposed to him. Certain it is that all the respectable portion of the population voted against Sir John; but to shew that political feeling had but a small share in their disinclination to him, the very same people voted for Mr. Littleton, who is also a Whig, and now also a placeman.

“One cannot wonder at Sir John’s soreness, but that he should permit it to be seen seems extremely curious—for he is a Lawyer, and hath a reputation for ‘cunninge;’ yet when the Magistrates petitioned the House of Commons on Monday, although Mr. Littleton, the Secretary, and (as he says himself) de facto Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Sir Oswald Moseley, the Chairman of the Quarter Sessions, gave those gentlemen the highest character, founded not only on their public conduct, but upon their own personal knowledge, Sir John Campbell, would not retract a word of what he had said, but only, as Sir Oswald Moseley observed, ‘made his attack worse by his explanation.’

“This stubbornness in his calumny is easily to be accounted for. Sir John knows that his doom at Dudley is sealed, and therefore imagines, perhaps, that it will look manly, and bold, and patriotic, not to flinch. The effect of his venom, however, has been rather different from what he anticipated. Addresses, expressive of their best thanks and high admiration of the manner in which the Magistrates have discharged their public duties, and preserved the public peace upon every occasion, have been spontaneously prepared, and are already signed by hundreds of the Clergy, Bankers, Merchants, Manufacturers, and Farmers. Never did there appear more unanimity in an insulted town—insulted and libelled by its own Representative—and never was insult more keenly felt.

“We have now shewn who the persons are whom Sir John Campbell ventures to stigmatise and abuse—now let us exhibit some of those to whom he is obliged to truckle. One case will do for the present.

“It seems that a radical bookseller at Birmingham, of the name of Russell (no relation we believe to the Bedfords) published a libel upon the Street Commissioners. Sir John was retained to move for a criminal information against him—‘it was in his vocation, Hal!’ of course he took the Gaus and did his work. Will it be believed, that because he did this, his constituents in Dudley write to him—to Sir John the Knight—the Parliament man!—the King’s Solicitor General, to know how ‘he came to do such a thing as move for a criminal information against a libeller?’

“Will it be believed, that this Solicitor General—the denouncer of Magistrates—the representative of independence, wrote the following letter to Mr. Samuel Cooke, a small draper, and Chairman of a Political Union, in his vindication against so heavy a charge:—

“London, 17th May, 1833.

“My Dear Sir,

“I was actually on the point of writing to you about Russell’s case, when I had the pleasure of receiving your letter. I had been told that you, and many of your friends in Dudley, were under a mistake, which I am desirous of clearing up, in supposing this was an official or a Government prosecution. Government has nothing to do with it, nor had I any power or discretion respecting it. I merely, as a private barrister, received a brief to move the Court of King’s Bench for a criminal information, and I could not refuse the application. What I said upon the occasion, I really do not recollect; but I was not speaking in my own person, or my own sentiments. I spoke from my brief, according to the instructions I received, as any other gentlemen of the bar might have done. The freedom of the press I have ever maintained, and ever will maintain.—

I remain, yours faithfully,

J. CAMPBELL.

To Mr. Cooke, Draper, Dudley.

“This is an agreeable display of the state of servility to which the vote-hunters of the “great unwashed” are reduced. Would it have been credited, until now, that the King’s Solicitor General could so far sacrifice his dignity of character—or rather of the character of his office—as to condescend to explain to a huckstering Chairman of a Political Union, cried down by the King’s Proclamation, how and why he took a fee in the way of business? But the best of the joke is to come. This very Cooke—this ‘My dear Sir’ o’ the King’s Solicitor General, was himself tried for a libel at Worcester, and paid ten guineas, fine or fee, to enable his dear friend, the King’s Solicitor General, to defend him; the which proved a useless outlay on the part of the draper, for he was, in spite of all the talent and eloquence of his learned advocate, CONVICTED.

“Having shewn the sort of people in Dudley with whom Sir John corresponds, we are not surprised that he should know so very little of the respectable portion of its inhabitants. We are inclined therefore to attribute to ignorance his conduct towards the Magistracy, which certainly can find no other earthly excuse.”