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NOTES ON THE NTLAKAPAMUQ [THOMPSON] OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, A BRANCH OF THE GREAT SALISH STOCK OF NORTH AMERICA1

The following notes on the Ntlakapamuq [Thompson] are a summary of the writer’s studies of this division of the Salish of British Columbia. They treat to some extent of the ethnography, archaeology, language, social customs, folklore, etc., of this tribe, recording much, it is believed, not hitherto gathered or published. For my folklore, ethnography, and social customs notes I am chiefly indebted to Chief Mischelle, of Lytton, than whom there is probably no better informed man in the whole tribe.

Ethnography

The Thompson is one of the most interesting of the five groups into which the Interior Salish of British Columbia are divided. They dwell along the banks of the Fraser between Spuzzum and Lillooet, and on the Thompson from its mouth to the boundaries of the Sequapmuq [Shuswap], and have also some half-score villages in the Nicola valley. They possess altogether some sixty-two villages throughout this area: eleven on the Thompson, nine in the Nicola valley, eleven on the Fraser above Lytton (Tlkumtcin), their headquarters from time immemorial, and thirty-one below. These are respectively:²

Thompson River: (1) Tlkumtcin (present Lytton), meaning unknown; (2) Nkaumen [Thompson station], meaning unknown; (3) Nhaiiken [Drynock], meaning unknown; (4) Nkumtcin (Spences Bridge), meaning unknown; (5) Nkoakoaetko ‘yellow water’; (6) Pimainus ‘grassy hills’ [Pimainus Creek]; (7) Pkaist ‘white rock,’ contracted from stpek ‘white’ [Pukaist Creek] ; (8) Cpaptsen ‘place where spatzin grows’ — Asclepias, or great milkweed, from which natives make their thread, string nets, etc. [Spatsum] ; (9) Cnpa ‘barren or bare place’[Black Canyon] ; (10) Sklalc [Cornwall Creek] - where the Indians secured a certain mineral earth, with which they covered the face to prevent it from chapping; (11) Ntaikum ’muddy water.’

Nicola Valley: (1) Klukluuk ‘a slide’[Kloklowuck Creek] ; (2) Cqokunq ‘a stony place’; (3) Nhothotkoas ‘place of many holes’; (4) Koaskuna [Petit Creek]; (5) Culuc ‘open face’; (6) Ncickt ‘little canyon’; (7) Zoqkt [Shuta Creek] ; (8) Koiltcana [Quilchena] ; (9) Stcukosh ‘red place(?).’

On Fraser above Lytton: (1) Nhomin; (2) Stain (Stein Creek); (3) Nokoieken; (4) Yeot; (5) Stcaeken; (6) Nklpan ‘deep’; (7) Ntako ‘bad water’; (8) Ncekpt ‘destroyed’— refers to the incidents of a story; (9) Tceueq; (10) Tsuzel ‘palisaded enclosure containing houses’; (11) Skaikaieten.

On Fraser below Lytton: (1) Spapium ‘level grassy land’ — river bench opposite Lytton; (2) Nkaia [Nikaia Creek] ; (3) Skapa ’sandy land’ [Skuppa Creek]; (4) Kokoiap ‘place of strawberries’; (5) Siska [Siska Creek, Cisco] ; (6) Ahulqa; (7) Nzatzahatko ‘clear water’; (8) Sluktlakten ‘crossing place’ — Indians crossed the river in canoe here [Kanaka Bar] ; (9) Statciani ‘beyond the mountain’ (Jackass Mountain); (10) Nkoiam ‘eddy’ [Boston Bar]; (11) Nkatzam ‘log bridge across stream’ [opposite Keefers station] ; (12) Kapasloq ’sand roof — a great settlement in former times; (13) Cuk ‘little hollow or valley’; (14) Skmuc ‘edge of the flat’; (15) Cntaktl ‘bottom of the hill’; (16) Speim ‘pleasant, grassy, flowery spot’; (17) Tzauamuk ‘noise of rolling stones in bed of stream’; (18) Npektem — where the Indians obtained the white clay they burnt and used for cleaning wool, etc.; (19) Timetl ‘place where red ochre was obtained’; (20) Klapatcitcin ’sandy landing’ (North Bend); (21) Kleaukt ‘rocky bar’; (22) Tkkoeaum; (23) Skuzis ‘jumping’ — the people were formerly much given to jumping; (24) Ckuokem ‘little hills’; (25) Tcatua; (26) Skuouakk ‘skinny people’; (27) Tikuiluc [Tikwalus Creek, Chapmans Bar]; (28) Ckuet; (29) Cuimp ‘strong’ head village of the Lower Thompson just above Yale; (30) Cpuzum or Spuzum [Spuzzum] — name has reference to a custom prevalent here in the old days: the people of one place would go and sweep the houses of the people of another, and they would return the compliment next morning at daybreak — this was a constant practice; (31) Nkakim ‘despised’ — name has reference to the poor social condition of the inhabitants of this village in former days: they were much looked down upon by the Spuzzum people.

Social Organisation

The primitive customs of the Thompson, like those of their neighbours, have for the most part given way to new ones borrowed from the whites. Some few are retained in a more or less modified form, and are still practised by the older people. The social system of the Thompson seems to have been a very simple one. I could hear of nothing in the way of secret societies, totemic systems, or the like. The whole group was comprised under one tribal name, and spoke the same tongue with slight dialectal differences. They were, however, divided into numerous village communities, each ruled over by an hereditary chief. Of these latter there were three of more importance than the rest, viz., the chief of the lower division of the tribe, whose headquarters was Spuzzum; the chief of the Nicola division, which was called by the lower division Tcuaqamuq; and the chief of the central division, whose headquarters was Tlkumtcin (Lytton).³ Of these three the most important was the chief of the central division. He was lord paramount. The conduct of affairs in each community was in the hands of the local chief, who was assisted by a council of elders. In all the relations of life the elders of the bands played an important part, and in all family consultations their advice was sought and listened to with the greatest deference and respect. In addition to the hereditary chiefs, martial chiefs or leaders were temporarily elected during times of warfare from among the warriors. It was a rare thing for the district or communal chief to lead or head a war party. The only part it seems they played was in sanctioning fights and in bidding them cease.

My informant told me that the Lytton chiefs were, as a rule, peace-loving men, always more anxious to prevent wars than to bring them about; and that the grandfather of the present Lytton chief would go out after a battle and purchase the prisoners taken captive in the fight, who were held as slaves by their captors, and set them free and send them back to their own people again.⁴ How far this was general I cannot say. That war, however, with the neighbouring tribes was not an unusual occurrence is clear from the fact that it was found necessary to fortify their villages or some particular portions of them by palisades, inside of which the people would retire when hard pressed by the enemy. The name of one of the upper villages close to the boundary of the Stlatlumh [Lillooet] bears testimony to this fact, as it signifies in English “a palisaded enclosure with houses inside,” and the old men of Lytton can recall the old fort of their village. These protective measures would seem to bear out my informant’s statements that the Thompson were not a warring people, and all the notes that I could gather of past encounters with other tribes show the Thompson to be the defenders and not the attackers.

Weapons of Warfare

The warrior’s weapons were the bow and arrow, stone swords, and clubs, etc. Of these latter there were several kinds. One of these was a sling-club formed by inclosing a round stone in a long strip of elk-hide. The stone was placed in the centre of the strip and securely sewn there, the ends of the hide being left to swing the weapon by. This was a deadly weapon in the hands of a skilful person, but awkward to handle by those not accustomed to its use; for if not properly wielded it was just as likely to damage the holder as the person he struck at. A wooden club fashioned from the wood of the wild crab-apple tree was another effective weapon much used by the warriors. This would sometimes be studded with spikes of stone or horn. It was fastened to the wrist by a thong when fighting (see fig. 1). Besides these there were also stone-tipped spears or javelins, and elk-horn or stone tomahawks. Poisoned arrows were used in warfare, and these were always put in a special quiver of dogskin. The stone tips of these arrows were always larger than those used for game. The poison was obtained either from the rattlesnake or from certain roots. For protection the fighting men wore a short sleeveless shirt of double or treble elk-hide, which hung from the shoulders, and was fastened at the sides by thongs. This shirt was called ntsken in the Thompson tongue. It was usually covered with painted figures and symbols of war (see fig. 2) in black, white, and red paint. The two latter colours were mineral products. Red ochre is found in considerable quantities within their boundaries. The white paint was obtained by burning a certain kind of mineral clay which, when burnt, produced a fine white powder easily converted into paint by mixing with oil or fat. This powder was also employed by the women in the weaving of their goat-hair blankets.

A trivial matter or misunderstanding would sometimes bring about a fight. It is recorded that a party of Indians from the interior paid the Thompson a visit once upon a time. The visitors wore soles of pitch upon their feet to protect them. This novel style of foot-gear excited the mirth of the Thompsons so much that their visitors became deeply offended, and a big fight was the result.

Fig. 1 Ancient war club made from wood of the wild crab-apple tree, after drawing by Chief Mischelle of Lytton, B.C.

Fig. 2 Thompson warrior’s shirt of the old days, after drawing by Chief Mischelle, of Lytton.

Feasts

As far as I could learn, the hunting, fishing, and berry grounds of the Thompson were common property. But no one under penalty of a severe punishment could take a fish, pick a berry, or dig a root until after the Feasts of First Fruits had been held. These feasts were conducted as follows: When the salmon, for instance, begin to run, word is brought to the divisional chiefs that the fish are coming up river. Messengers are then sent to the neighbouring villages, calling a meeting of the people on a certain day, at which all must attend at the appointed place. When the day has arrived and the people have assembled, the head chief, attended by the other lesser ones and the elders, opens the ceremony at daybreak by a long prayer. While the prayer is being said everybody must stand with eyes reverently closed. To ensure this being done, as it was regarded as an essential part of the ceremony, certain of the elders were assigned the duty of watching that no one opened his eyes while the prayer was being said. Exactly to whom these prayers were addressed my informant could not tell me. All I could gather was that the “old Indians" believed in some great and beneficent power who dwelt behind the clouds, and who gave them the salmon, fruits, roots, etc., who, if they showed themselves ungrateful or unthankful, could, and might, withdraw his gifts from them. He could not give me any of the words of these prayers.⁵ After the prayer is over every one present is given a bit of salmon which has been cooked for the purpose. As soon as all have partaken of the salmon a feast is prepared at which each is free to eat as much as he desires. When the meal is concluded, a dance takes place. Each person lets down his or her hair and a space is cleared for the dancers. Singing always accompanies the dancing, and a certain individual leads the dance song in a loud voice, and the dancers keep time with the singer. They dance on this occasion in a circle, with the hands extended, palm upwards, before them, swaying them with a rhythmic motion from side to side as they sing and dance. Towards the conclusion of the dance the time quickens and the movements are more rapid and vigorous. As the dance is about to end the master of ceremonies calls to the people to stretch their palms towards the sky and look upwards. They continue in this attitude for a little while, and the chief presently brings his hands together, closing them as he does so, as if he held something in them, and lowers them gently to the level of his breast and then places them, one fist over the other, against his breast. This action signifies the reception of the gifts asked for in the prayer and song. The whole ceremony is conducted throughout with the greatest decorum and reverence. This dance is repeated again at noon and at sunset. The Feast of Berries and Roots is conducted in a similar manner.

Besides these periodic prayings, daily prayers were said by one of the elders in each keekwilee-house every morning at daybreak, all the worshippers closing their eyes reverently the whole time and repeating in an earnest tone the closing formula Aksaias, which signified to them very much what our “Amen" does to us. Other dances were indulged in at times besides these at the Feasts of First Fruits, at which all the actors sat and swung their extended hands, palm upwards, from side to side, keeping time to a song called koiatct. The Thompson apparently never used masks of any kind at their dances, such paraphernalia being quite unknown to them.

Marriage Customs

Puberty customs seem to have been much simpler among the Thompson than among other tribes. All I could gather concerning them was that when a girl arrived at puberty she must withdraw herself from her family for a time and live apart by herself. I could not gather that any particular course of life was prescribed for the occasion, or that she was forbidden to eat certain kinds of food. It would appear that their whole lives were much simpler and more natural than those of their congeners elsewhere. We see this in their marriage customs, for instance, which are simple compared to those of other tribes, or even with those of the Stalo or River Indians below them.

When a youth arrived at marriageable age he generally had a maiden in his eye whom he wished for wife. He would first put himself in her way and they would stroll out together. He would next send her little presents from time to time. If she were not averse to his suit she would accept these; if otherwise she would refuse them. If his gifts were accepted he would then declare his liking for her, and tell her he would give her a year to make up her mind in the matter. If things went smoothly during this period, at the end of the time he would then send a present by a friendly elder of his family to the girl’s parents. If they accept the present they call together the relatives and friends of the family, who discuss the subject; and if the young man is acceptable to the majority of them, the girl’s father takes an elk-hide, cuts it into strips of useful lengths, and gives each one present a piece. This witnesses to their agreement. After this has been done one of the old men of the girl’s family goes to the young man and informs him that his suit is acceptable to the family, and that he may have the girl for wife. Supposing that a majority of the family be against him his present is returned and he is notified as before that he cannot have the girl, and must look elsewhere for a wife. When he has been accepted, the bridegroom goes the day following to the girl’s home, accompanied by all his friends and relations, who carry food and other gifts with them. A feast is prepared from this food, the gifts are distributed, and a general good time is indulged in. After the meal is over the old people declare themselves satisfied with the arrangements in a loud voice. The young man and his bride are now man and wife, and share the same blanket that night. Next day the girl returns with her husband to his home, and some days later her parents and relatives come and pay them a return visit, bringing with them also food and gifts. A second feast is then prepared, the gifts are distributed, and all partake of the food as before. This concludes the marriage ceremony, the pair after this being regarded as man and wife by the whole community. A man is free to marry whom he might outside his own family.

Shamanism

Shamanism was prevalent among the Thompson. This we can gather readily enough from their stories; and certain spots and localities are pointed out by the older Indians as the places where certain celebrated shamans underwent their fasts and training to gain their powers. There were several such spots on the banks of Stein Creek, a mountain stream that runs into the Fraser about five miles above Lytton. Worn and hollowed places are pointed out here and there, and these are said to have been made by the feet of the aspirants after shamanistic powers in the performance of their exercises. We find several groups of rock paintings along this creek, which are believed by the present Indians to have been made in the past by noted shamans. It is interesting to note that these paintings are invariably found high up on the cliff surfaces above the reach of the tallest man, in some cases as high as twenty or thirty feet from the ground. It is clear, therefore, that they must have used some kind of ladder or platform to reach these heights. This, to the Indian mind, always adds to their mystery. The modern Indians seem to have no knowledge of the significance of these paintings, and say that the pigments used by themselves will not stand the weather or endure like those of the ancients.⁶