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Оглавление2 What Exactly is a DMC? Key Definitions and Core Characteristics
Although DMCs have only recently been explored theoretically, there is compelling evidence to suggest that they have never been far from the consciousness of those who have seen or experienced them. Not only anecdotally, but in the research literature, too, prior to the first publications on DMCs we can find descriptions of episodes highly reminiscent of DMC-like experiences. Lepp-Kaethler and Dörnyei (2013) explored the experiences of translators of religious texts and the extraordinary levels of sustained motivation they exhibited, remarkable both in terms of its intensity and longevity. They described it as a ‘jet stream’, in which ‘learners are caught up in a powerful inner current’ (Lepp-Kaethler & Dörnyei, 2013: 186), and similar motivational experiences have also been seen elsewhere described as a ‘fast track’ (Harber et al., 2003: 262). Fascinating foreshadows can also be found looking back further still to Peter Adler’s (1981) book Momentum: A Theory of Social Action. Adler describes momentum as ‘the charged flow of people acting at their peaks or nadirs’ (Adler, 1981: 14), and many aspects of his initial description bear a striking resemblance to our understanding and conceptualisation of DMCs, including a clear goal, performance over and above what an individual would usually expect of themselves, and accompanying positive emotionality.
In Dörnyei et al. (2016) we noted that the concepts of DMCs and flow (introduced in the previous chapter) were born out of the same genesis of curiosity: researchers recognised powerful motivational phenomena in the world around them for which existing theory was unable to account, which subsequently pushed them to dissect the powerful mechanisms at work (see Dörnyei et al., 2016 and Csikszentmihalyi, 1975/2000). Interestingly, Adler describes his work on momentum as being born of exactly this same beginning, describing it in essence as ‘a basic “folk” idea’ (Adler, 1981: 14). Throughout the intervening years, research on momentum has matured, and the term ‘psychological momentum’ has also been introduced (Markman & Guenther, 2007; for a recent discussion see Briki & Markman, 2018). The definition of the latter can be understood as something akin to a layperson’s understanding of momentum – for example, reflecting the upward spiral of ‘success breeds success’ – and with this in mind, it is unsurprising to note that much of the research conducted in this domain has been in the context of competitive sports (see Hubbard, 2015, 2017, for an overview of recent research into various aspects of momentum, and Dörnyei, 2020, for more detailed discussion of the relationship between momentum/psychological momentum and DMCs).
Past literature has come tantalisingly close to recognising the unique motivational experience of DMCs, yet has fallen short of recognising the potential of this framework when viewed as a whole. This may be due, first, to a dominant focus on goal setting over goal striving: motivation has traditionally been considered largely in isolation from subsequent behaviour. Second, there has been the challenge in motivational psychology to fully account for the notion of time, and the fact that there is ‘no mainstream account of human motivation which would consider motivation to be a process’ (Dörnyei et al., 2016: 36; see also the previous chapter). Although several fascinating approaches have offered unique perspectives to the conceptualisation of action over time (e.g. time perspective as brought to the fore in Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999; Raynor’s, 1974, contingent path theory; and the notion of velocity in goal pursuit, see Carver & Scheier, 1990), when viewed in isolation none is able to fully account for the DMC experience. Third, it may even be that investigation of DMCs was supressed because they represented such a stark departure from dominant perspectives, which primarily sought to investigate strategies aimed towards limiting the loss of motivation (see previous chapter), that our eyes were simply not able to recognise a motivational phenomenon that was fundamentally contrary to this: a process which instead functions to energise long-term learning behaviours, in which ‘the outworking of the initial motive becomes part of the energy source itself’ (Dörnyei et al., 2016: xii; see Chapter 1 of Dörnyei et al., 2016, for a fuller exploration of these ideas than I am able to include here).
While no single theory has previously been able to fully account for the DMC experience, our understanding of DMCs as a whole is nevertheless rooted in many well established and deeply rooted theories, principles and ideas. Comprehensive overviews – both concise (Henry, 2019) and full length (Dörnyei et al., 2016) – can be found elsewhere, yet this book would not be complete without including its own precis and introduction. In this chapter, I summarise the theoretical underpinning of the five most prominent facets of DMCs:
(1) Their goal/vision orientedness: a DMC is always directional, and always has a clear end goal.
(2) The launch of a DMC: a DMC always has a clear starting point at which action towards a goal is triggered.
(3) DMC structure: action and engagement within DMCs are highly structured, with regular feedback loops underpinning the self-propelling nature of the current.
(4) Positive emotional loading: a key characteristic of DMCs is their acutely experienced positive emotionality.
(5) The end of DMCs: DMCs are always finite, with motivation ceasing at varying rates, but via the same underlying processes.
(1) Goal Orientedness
DMCs are in each and every case directional, with motivational energy channelled down an explicit goal pathway. It is clear, however, that not all goals inspire DMCs – DMCs are certainly the exception and not the norm in the context of goal striving! So, what is it that distinguishes a goal capable of inspiring a DMC-like surge of motivation?
Of all the ideas incorporated into the field from mainstream motivational psychology in the 1990s (cf. Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2011), goal theories were notably underexplored (although not entirely ignored, see, for example, Tremblay & Gardner, 1995). A reasonable argument to explain this is the surface incompatibility of the conceptualisations of ‘goals’ in mainstream versus L2 motivation research. In educational psychology, motivation literature has tended to consider generic goals such as mastery versus performance (Ames, 1992) or learning versus performance (Dweck & Leggett, 1988). Both fall under the heading of goal-orientation theory and, as Dweck describes, these two dichotomies function largely in the same way: ‘Put simply, with performance goals, an individual aims to look smart, whereas with learning [or mastery] goals the individual aims at becoming smarter’ (Dweck, 1985: 291). In the field of L2 motivation, from its very inception goals had been conceptualised at a fundamentally different level: primarily viewed as ‘orientations’ (c.f. Gardner, 1985), much of this work exploring language learner motivation had directed a primary focus towards student attitudes.
Research into goal setting is a discrete strand of investigation that has delved into the importance of goals in motivated action. A central tenet of goal theory is that for a goal to stimulate high levels of commitment, an individual must be convinced that the goal is important (Locke & Latham, 1990, 2006). Focus has centred particularly on the practical aspect of goal setting, and has sought to explain relative performance differences between individuals by way of goal attributes (Locke & Latham, 1990, 2006). This has highlighted three key areas in particular – specificity, difficulty and goal commitment (see Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2011; Locke, 1996). Three key strands of research are relevant to furthering this understanding, these are vision theory, self-concordant goals and proximal subgoals: it is their collective insight that underpins our understanding of the powerful functioning of a goal in the context of a DMC. As introduced in Chapter 1, vision theory has already had a considerable impact on the field of L2 motivation. In the following sections, I further this discussion by introducing the notions of self-concordant goals and proximal goal setting, neither of which has been fully explored within the domain of L2 motivation.
Self-concordant goals
In tracing the trajectories of the DMC experiences of three Swedish learners, Henry et al. (2015) found that while participants did not immediately appear to have an explicit final goal – something which seemed counterintuitive against the backdrop of DMCs presented as intensely and explicitly goal-oriented – the strong desire of these learners to integrate into their target country nevertheless functioned exceptionally effectively. That is, while their goals appeared transitory, nebulous and continually subject to reappraisal, they nevertheless inspired the strong sensory experiences that we saw in the previous chapter are linked with clear visualisations. As Henry et al. described:
Whether we choose to conceive of this ultimate goal/vision in terms of an integrative motive (Gardner, 2001), investment (Norton, 2013), or the desire to become one’s ideal L2-speaking self (Dörnyei, 2009b), the point is that it is one which operates at a heightened level of phenomenological abstraction. It is a feeling. A sensation. A sense of being or becoming. (Henry et al., 2015: 342; see also Colombo, 2017)
That is, the DMC experiences of these students were rooted in highly self-concordant goals.
Self-concordant goals ‘belong to the self in a deeper sense’ (Sheldon & Elliot, 1999: 494; see also Sheldon & Elliot, 1998; Sheldon & Houser-Marko, 2001). They tap into our core values and beliefs and correspondingly are deep-seated and highly identity-relevant. Sheldon and colleagues have argued that it is not sufficient for a goal to be self-determined. Instead, when a goal connects directly to our core set of beliefs or values, we pursue it not due to a sense of either external or internal obligation but from a strongly held conviction (Sheldon & Elliot, 1999).
Two features related to the pursuit of self-concordant goals are particularly relevant. The first derives from the fact that self-concordant goals are connected to an individual’s self-concept (see Chapter 1) and core sense of being, meaning that goal striving pushes individuals to act in ways that are identity-congruent. The second feature relates to DMCs as a manifestation of periods of intense long-term motivation. As Sheldon and Elliot (1999: 483) explain: ‘the developing interests and deep-seated values that such goals express are relatively enduring facets of personality’. We should not be surprised, therefore, that self-concordant goals tend not only to be pursued with more determination and vigour, but are also sustained over time in a generally more persistent manner.
An interesting narrative is offered by Ibrahim (2017), who suggests that goals for L2 DMCs often emerge from or are rooted in self-concordant goals that are held in other areas of an individual’s life. He describes the translation of goals from one domain to another as occurring when a participant’s self-concordant goal is paired with a suitable trigger (see following section). It was only at this point that his participants’ goals ‘changed from general to specific, from non-L2 to L2 related, and from abstract to tangible’ (Ibrahim, 2017: 29). Among several examples of this, Ibrahim offers that of Alan, whose L2 German DMC was sparked when he was required to reach a certain proficiency so that he might be offered a visa to move to Germany to live with his wife. A second example offered is that of Ali, whose L2 English DMC was sparked after an unsuccessful job interview, a change rooted in a desire to work in an ‘environment with more opportunities for personal growth’ (Ibrahim, 2017: 29). A similar example can be found in Selҫuk and Erten (2017: 134), who quote a learner describing their L2 English DMC goal: ‘I felt that it would give me something more than learning an only language; it would enable me to be a successful and active person in my future life.’ All these goals clearly have a very high level of self-concordance: they are far bigger than being rooted solely in the further development of L2 competence.
Proximal subgoals
Research into proximal subgoals began in 1977 with the publication of a paper by Bandura and Simon examining the relative effects of different goal setting conditions on individuals’ dieting success. The authors found that individuals who set more regular subgoals achieved a substantially greater weight loss, leading them to conclude that proximal subgoals have a key motivational role. This finding, relating to the functioning of distal and proximal goals, has since been replicated in multiple contexts, both outside and within the field of education (cf. Bandura & Schunk, 1981).
This line of research was extended in 2004 by Miller and Brickman. Their starting point linked to self-concordant goals: they found that such ‘self-relevant’ goals created the foundation for individuals to ‘purposefully generate a coherent framework or system of proximal subgoals to guide action toward the attainment of those valued future goals’ (Miller & Brickman, 2004: 15). This is reminiscent of DMCs that spiral upwards, with motivation increasing exponentially towards an end goal. A good example of this would be a DMC experienced in the run up to ‘race day’ after months of training for a half-marathon (such as Caroline’s experience as described in Dörnyei et al., 2016). Miller and Brickman explain: ‘As the system of subgoals becomes clearer and particular subgoals are accomplished, the level of commitment to the future goals grows stronger (Markus and Ruvolo, 1989)’ (Miller & Brickman, 2004: 15). A further function of proximal subgoals therefore also connects to the affective reactions elicited as each subgoal is completed, and this is a key contributor in maintaining the motivational current and in driving motivation onwards. Further to offering the final piece in the puzzle of our understanding of goals within DMCs, proximal subgoals, as we will see, also play a crucial part in the functioning of a DMC’s structure.
(2) The Launch of a DMC
A second key feature of the DMC framework is the existence of a clearly defined starting point and identifiable trigger. The initiation of a DMC is dependent on two key factors: ‘the alignment of the necessary conditions (i.e., contextual, personal and time factors), and the availability of a specific triggering stimulus’ (Dörnyei et al., 2016: 59). In this section, I explore the basis of these initial conditions and triggering stimuli in more detail, and explain how it is they function together to maintain a continued flow of motivation through a process of continued re-triggering.
Initial conditions
Concordant with a complexity approach (see Chapter 1), a triggering stimulus will only be effective in conjunction with an appropriate configuration of initial conditions. So far in this chapter I have already touched on several important conditions: for example, a strongly self-concordant goal and the existence of a clear and appropriate set of proximal subgoals. A further key condition is a complete sense of ownership and control over the process and its outcome: individuals must feel capable of achieving success, both at each individual stage and ultimately overall. Ajzen (1991) labelled this perceived behavioural control, and defines it as an individual’s personal belief that they are capable of achieving their goal because it lies within their means to achieve a favourable outcome. A key principle of flow theory is the importance of an appropriate balance between challenge and skill, and this notion is similarly important within DMCs. However, while this delicate balancing act leads to the inherently fragile nature of the flow experience (Csikszentmihalyi, 1988), DMCs are far more robust due to their elaborate re-triggering mechanism (I return to discuss this in detail in the following sections).
A final key condition for the emergence of a DMC involves a link between an openness to the DMC experience and a ready disposition to engage positively with projects in a concentrated and conscientious manner. In personality psychology, research has investigated the correlates of a propensity to experience flow and has confirmed the existence of an autotelic personality (that is, someone particularly prone to experiencing flow-like experiences, Csikszentmihalyi, 1975/2000; see also Harmat et al.’s, 2016, edited volume). The aforesaid disposition is understood as a particular set of metaskills and competencies that combine to enable an individual to enter and stay in flow (Nakamura & Csikszentmihalyi, 2002). These metaskills include ‘a general curiosity and interest in life, persistence and low self-centeredness’ (Nakamura & Csikszentmihalyi, 2002: 93). Findings have demonstrated a strong negative relationship between autotelic personalities and procrastination (Ross & Keiser, 2014) and, conversely, that conscientiousness (Ross & Keiser, 2014), novelty-seeking and persistence (Teng, 2011) may be positively related to the likelihood of experiencing flow.
Baumann and Scheffer have further identified an achievement flow motive, a composite construct involving total absorption in an activity, high concentration without effort, and the merging of thought and action. The authors argue that it is an ‘amalgam of the aroused need to master challenging tasks (seeking or seeing difficulty) and its mastery-approach implementation (mastering difficulty)’ (Baumann & Scheffer, 2010: 1306). In Dörnyei et al. (2016), we posited that this construct offers an integration of the dispositions mentioned above and forms a bridge to Elliot’s (2008) concept of approach motivation (it is worth remembering from the previous chapter the definition of DMCs as an optimal form of approach motivation). This growing literature clearly suggests that there are certain characteristics that make people particularly susceptible to experiencing flow, and it is likely that some of these may also apply to DMCs. This is a fascinating area for further study.
Triggering stimuli
In order for a DMC to emerge, a clearly identifiable (although often only retrospectively) trigger is required to initiate action: this is the final piece of the puzzle falling into place, sparking a DMC into being. As the body of research into DMCs has grown, so has the number of DMC triggers that have been identified. The type that I have most often referred to so far throughout this book has been an opportunity for action – for example, the chance to take part in a half-marathon (e.g. Caroline’s experience described in Dörnyei et al., 2016). Safdari and Maftoon (2017) describe a similar opportunistic trigger in an L2 context, born from the chance to move to Italy. Ibrahim (2017) identified further triggers, including emergent opportunities, moments of realization/awakening, new information, negative emotion and new connections with others who share similar goals, and Zarrinabadi et al. (2019) describe several socially rooted triggers – for example, chance meetings and comments from significant others.
A further interesting trigger that has emerged is related to exposure to appropriate role models (cf. Bandura, 1997). A role model is someone that we look up to or admire and that we would like to become more like (Muir et al., 2019; Murphey & Arao, 2001). For example, Tsunoda (2018) notes that in the Japanese context, proficient teachers appear to serve as strong role models paving the way for DMC experiences. Pietluch also reports on a learner whose DMC was triggered in the company of a highly motivated group of friends. As ‘Daniel’ describes:
At that point in my life, I found it extremely difficult to motivate myself. I had no vision whatsoever of what I wanted to do. One day, when I was visiting my friends, they told me about the trip to Argentina they had been planning for months. As this was not easily affordable, they both took extra hours at work to gather the necessary funds. Although they were obviously very tired, I was astonished by how much they enjoyed every small progress bringing them closer to their dream holidays. I found this extremely motivating and soon decided to join them in their efforts. (Pietluch, 2018: 53)
While Pietluch explains this in the context of Bandura’s (1997) notion of role modelling, referring back to the notion of goal contagion, introduced in Chapter 1, one might also wonder to what extent this may shed further light on this participant’s experience. As Aarts and Custers (2012) describe:
an appreciation of the goals motivating other people we interact with allows one to entertain similar goals and to try to attain them oneself. It promotes successful pursuit of one’s own needs, desires, and goals. Furthermore, by pursuing the goals of others, people may become more similar in what they desire and strive for, and hence in their plans for the future (Aarts, Dijksterhuis & Dik, 2008). (Aarts & Custers, 2012: 235)
The implications of this with regards to group DMCs (introduced fully in the next chapter) are certainly fascinating.
Relating this discussion to a complexity approach to understanding, introduced in the previous chapter, it is clear that the effectiveness of any trigger, on any given occasion, can only be understood with reference to the wider context and surrounding conditions. When this powerful match occurs, DMCs tend to begin both immediately and with great intensity. In the words of Hanna, whose L2 Polish DMC was triggered by a negative experience, this comprised a single comment made when she was unable to converse with a particular interlocutor: ‘after this everything changed, after this moment’ (Dörnyei et al., 2016: 9). Such a sudden and significant effect from seemingly small events is known colloquially as the butterfly effect (Gladwell, 2000) – or a phase shift in CDST terminology (see Sampson, 2016, for detailed discussion and further examples) – and such strong reactions are invariably rooted in the highly identity-relevant nature of the self-concordant goals fuelling DMCs.
Many further examples of discrete triggers can be found across the emerging DMC literature (see Safdari & Maftoon, 2017; Selҫuk & Erten, 2017; Zarrinabadi & Tavakoli, 2017 for good examples of carefully documented DMC experiences), and in Chapter 6 of this book I present a considerable body of new evidence in this regard.
Continual re-triggering: Maintaining the current
A triggering stimulus provides a key role in initiating a DMC, and a similar mechanism also plays a critical role in maintaining the current of motivation as it unfolds. To a certain extent, DMCs always remain domain specific: there will be times during which a DMC must necessarily take a back seat to the tasks and obligations of daily living. The DMC process is supported through such interruptions via the continual re-triggering of the current of energy.
We can find a theoretical account for this by returning to the bodies of literature surrounding both goal and vision theory. At any point in time we each have multiple possible selves, both L2- and non-L2-related, and it is simply not possible that all might be held concurrently in our working self-concept (Markus & Kunda, 1986; Markus & Nurius, 1986). As Markus and Nurius (1986: 957) describe: ‘The working self-concept derives from the set of self-conceptions that are presently active in thought and memory … a continually active, shifting array of available self-knowledge’ (emphasis added). The limited capacity of the working self-concept stipulates that specific self-conceptions only become active ‘when they are triggered by significant self-relevant events, or they can be tuned in by the individual in responses to an event or situation’ (Markus & Kunda, 1986: 859). Indeed, a basic tenet of the motivating power of future self-images is that they must be regularly activated and kept alive for any motivational potential to be realised (Dörnyei & Kubanyiova, 2014).
A further important piece of the puzzle is the principle of chronic accessibility (Higgins et al., 1982). Throughout a DMC, the vision of an idealised future self is not only more frequently activated, but it is activated more widely, and in situations not overtly associated with an individual’s goal. This is further explained by Markus and Kunda:
Some self-conceptions because of their importance in defining the self and their extensive elaboration, are probably constantly available for characterizing the self; they are what Higgins has called chronically accessible (Higgins et al., 1982). These conceptions reflect one’s behaviour in domains of enduring salience, investment or concern, and they have been variously labelled as core self-conceptions or as self-schemas (e.g. Markus, 1977). (Markus & Kunda, 1986: 859)
Within a DMC, the underpinning goal/vision acquires an enduring salience, becoming chronically accessible in the working self-concept. As Bargh et al. explain, chronically accessible constructs are ‘automatic perceptual biases that reflect the long-term nature of one’s social experience’ and as such become ‘default interpretive mechanisms’ (Bargh et al., 1988: 604). The authors go on to argue that while such chronic accessibility might be overridden temporarily by the demands of everyday life, ‘it is just a matter of time before one’s dispositional perceptual set will be restored to ascendancy’ (1988: 604). In the context of DMCs, this means that once a goal or vision exceeds a critical threshold of personal importance – that is, identity-congruence – it becomes an automatic regulator of behaviour, ensuring that resulting actions and the vision itself become an integral part of an individual’s life.
This continual re-triggering mechanism and chronic accessibility of a vision within a DMC is a key differentiating feature from flow. During a DMC, the chronic accessibility of the goal or vision triggers the continuation of a single current of energy across a wide range of vision-congruent actions that may only be linked by the overarching goal pathway itself. This sensitive re-triggering mechanism of a DMC means that an individual becomes highly attuned to the potential possibilities of each environment and how each might be optimally exploited. Individuals possess, therefore, a chronic capacity to block out competing possibilities for action: it is this which forms the essence of the DMC ‘hyperdrive’ (Dörnyei et al., 2016).
(3) DMC Structure
The structure of a DMC plays an active role in maintaining the motivational current (Dörnyei et al., 2016). In this section, I highlight three key areas which, when viewed concurrently, are able to offer a compelling theoretical explanation: automatised behavioural routines; subgoals and progress checks; and the important role of affirmative feedback.
Behavioural routines, motivational autopilot and nonconscious self-regulation
Clearly perceptible throughout any DMC is the existence of routines that become entrenched patterns of behaviour: for example, always and everywhere carrying L2 vocabulary flashcards, such as in Louise’s DMC experience in Ibrahim (2016b), or rising early and staying up late to study, as Tuba in Zarrinabadi and Tavakoli (2017). Throughout the time a DMC is ongoing, these tasks do not require volitional control, leading to a type of motivational autopilot. When in a DMC, individuals perform successfully without conscious awareness of the need to expend effort. This is particularly relevant when considering the changing nature of this effort as it is perceived as DMCs end. I return to discuss this further in the final section of this chapter.
Nonconscious self-regulation is a strand of research in motivational psychology that has become increasingly active in recent years (see, for example, Aarts & Custers, 2012; Bargh & Chartrand, 1999; Bargh et al., 2001; Custers & Aarts, 2007; Fitzsimons & Bargh, 2004; Papies & Aarts, 2010). While the term is something of an oxymoron – for how can something be unconscious yet self-regulated – it nevertheless effectively communicates the recognition that human behaviour is influenced by processes not solely under volitional control (for an overview of nonconscious motivation in SLA see Al-Hoorie, 2019). Non-conscious self-regulation functions to enable people to automatically prepare for goal-directed action while blocking out potential interference from temptations. Two primary processes have emerged as possible sources for these seemingly ‘spontaneous’ reactions. The first of these is linked to the chronic accessibility of an individual’s goals/visions within their working self-concept, and the emergence from this of certain automatic perceptual biases which influence how they interact with their environment. The second process suggests that, when repeatedly activated, goals become associated with performance situations and, as a result, behaviours in these situations become automatised (see previous section on continual re-triggering).
Nonconscious self-regulation concerns not only the automatic activation of goal-relevant action but, concurrently, affords individuals an increased ability to ignore distractions and to resume goal pursuit after disruptions (Bargh et al., 2001; Fitzsimons & Bargh, 2003; Shah et al., 2002). These findings are able to explain the protective shield of visionary single-mindedness (Dörnyei et al., 2016) experienced by individuals throughout DMCs, within which levels of commitment to a certain goal/ vision become so high as to become pervasive and the resulting behaviours habitualised, effectively ruling out competing opportunities for action. Fitzsimons and Bargh (2003) refer to this as ‘chronic motivation’, an eloquent term highly apt in describing the protective layer formed around goal pursuit and the all-encompassing nature of a DMC surge.
Subgoals and perceptions of progress
The important role of progress checks is reflected in a point underemphasised in Csikszentmihalyi’s description of the flow experience and across the flow literature more broadly. As Csikszentmihalyi recollects: ‘as I watched and photographed painters at their easels, one of the things that struck me most vividly was the almost trancelike state they entered when the work was going well’ (1975/2000: xiv; emphasis added). Even within flow – a process fuelled entirely by an intrinsic enjoyment of the activity at hand – positive evaluations of progress and a feeling that it is productive are key to maintaining this heightened state (Kimiecik & Stein, 1992). For example, in the context of flow experiences described by elite figure skaters, lack of audience response was reported as a factor perceived as instrumental in preventing or even disrupting flow experiences (Jackson, 1992).
From a DMC perspective, this means that positive appraisals of the velocity of goal pursuit (how quickly someone is progressing towards achieving their goal; Carver & Scheier, 1990) are critical to supporting its continuation. Measures calculated solely through personal perceptions are inherently subjective and so regular proximal subgoals (introduced earlier in the chapter) become indispensable for maintaining a clear sense of progress: they offer standards from which personal perceptions can be measured, mark progress and offer both immediate feedback and future incentives.
Affirmative feedback
Also known as progress feedback, affirmative feedback is a type of discrepancy feedback that focuses on highlighting differences between an individual’s initial and current levels of performance, i.e. by highlighting what an individual has already achieved (Voerman et al., 2012). In the context of DMCs, affirmative feedback plays a particularly important role by highlighting and contributing to positive student perceptions of progress and is another key cog in the structure of a DMC. Affirmative feedback can manifest itself in varied forms throughout a DMC. For example, Henry et al. describe how not only was feedback and explicit validations of progress from ‘experts’ (such as language teachers) important, but that participants actively sought out further, ‘more ecologically valid’ (Henry et al., 2015: 339) forms of feedback on the same pieces of work from L2 speaking friends. A participant in Sak’s study described the importance they ascribed to homework in this regard:
I know it may sound odd, but I feel happy when we are assigned homework because I understand how much I have learned when I complete homework assignments. If I see that I am able to complete tasks, and I am able to give correct answers, I feel happy. I talk to myself and say that ‘Yes, I am doing well.’ (Sak, 2019: 163)
Certain nonverbal cues can also be perceived as providing affirmative feedback, as described by Asan, who experienced an L2 English DMC soon after graduating as a social worker in Iraqi Kurdistan:
I would see the effect of this when I was talking to others in English and I could see in their eyes that they saw a change in me – a change in my skills for the better. … I would see these things in the eyes of people around me on a daily basis, these occasions were very happy moments. They would make me super happy. (Dörnyei et al., 2016: 93).
(4) Positive Emotional Loading
A core characteristic of DMCs is the positive emotional tenor experienced in relation to all aspects of a DMC pathway. Manifested as a seemingly irrational sense of joy, satisfaction and well-being, individuals experience a unique feeling of contentedness and fulfilment, of connectedness between activity and identity. This is often experienced both emotionally and physically, as a feeling ‘in the pit of your stomach’ or in the way in which an individual interacts and represents themselves to the world around them (see, for example, ‘Bina’ in Henry et al., 2015).
So far in this book, I have already touched on three areas able to contribute to our understanding of the positive emotional loading of DMCs, each with different theoretical roots. Firstly, ideas of possible selves from social psychology can help account for how, in a DMC, an individual’s ideal self becomes highly accessible and frequently activated. Goal theories in motivational psychology have foregrounded the relevance of self-concordant goals, and I have also highlighted key links between DMCs and flow in positive psychology (albeit with the unique ‘high’ characteristic of each emanating from starkly differing sources). Drawing again from positive psychology, in the following I review the concept of eudaimonic well-being as conceptualised by Waterman (1993, 2008), with particular reference to two core features: dedicated effort in the pursuit of excellence and authenticity (Huta & Waterman, 2013).
Eudaimonia
The concept of eudaimonic well-being (Huta & Ryan, 2010; Huta & Waterman, 2013; Ryan & Deci, 2001; Waterman, 1993, 2008) originated with Aristotle and is now widely used in positive psychology to refer to a deep and often enduring sense of personal contentment, specifically linked to the experience of actualising one’s potential and the realisation of personal fulfilment (as contrasted to hedonia, a more transitory, euphoric ‘in-the-moment’ experience of happiness). Eudaimonia involves experiences and feelings of ‘rightness’ and a ‘centeredness’ in one’s actions (Waterman, 2008) and a sense of ‘being where one wants to be, doing what one wants to do’ (Norton, 1976: 216): it is experienced as a feeling of being intensely alive and entirely fulfilled.
The majority of research carried out into eudaimonia within positive psychology has been through the conceptualisation of it at the trait level (Huta & Waterman, 2013) – such as that by Deci and Ryan (Deci & Ryan, 2006; Ryan et al., 2008; Ryan et al., 2013), Ryff (Ryff, 1989; Ryff & Singer, 2008) and Seligman (Seligman, 2002) – and focus has generally centred on its experience in relation to a ‘manner’ or ‘way’ of living. Although such research undoubtedly touches on the feelings of deep inner joy experienced within DMCs, the definition of DMCs as a structured stream of energy, facilitating specific goal-directed behaviour, aligns them more closely with research conducted into eudaimonia at the state level.
State level eudaimonia has been most thoroughly explored through Alan Waterman’s eudaimonic identity theory (Waterman, 1993). The central tenet is that feelings of eudaimonia are generated by acting in a manner consistent with the actualisation of personal potential. Feelings of personal expressiveness in such situations function as a signal to individuals that they are acting in a manner consistent with goals that have an intrinsic value, the consequence of which is that such actions are reinforced (Huta & Waterman, 2013). A defining element of Waterman’s work is the positioning of self-realisation and living a life with meaning and direction together as a core defining feature, and around this central core exists what Huta and Waterman (2013) describe as three ‘near-core markers’: purpose and meaning in life; dedicated effort in the pursuit of excellence; and authenticity. The first of these overlaps with experiences of trait eudaimonia, in that it operates at a broadly more general level. The latter two, however, are particularly relevant to the current narrative exploring positive emotional loading within DMCs.
Dedicated effort in the pursuit of excellence
When viewed within a longer-term context – for example, that of DMCs – dedicated effort in the pursuit of excellence can make starkly clear the difference between the two forms of pleasure introduced above: the transient highs associated with hedonic pleasure, and the deep-seated feelings of eudaimonic well-being. Waterman et al. (2008) draw on the example of an alpine skier. The intrinsic thrill of alpine skiing is able to generate powerful feelings of hedonic pleasure, yet for some – for example, someone working to hone their skills in the hope of qualifying for the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics – such time spent on the slopes generates not only hedonic pleasure but also eudaimonic well-being from the pursuit of a highly self-concordant goal and an idealised personal vision. Self-concordant goals therefore function as a mediating construct, as Sheldon and Houser-Marko (2001: 163) explain: ‘It is possible to become happier through one’s striving pursuits, if one picks the right goals and does well at them.’
Ericsson’s (2006) research into expert performance suggests that for those who strive to achieve such goals, a crucial part of developing and maintaining high-function capabilities is the devotion of time to what, when viewed in a different light, might be considered monotonous activities. Such activities are not only valued highly because they are perceived to generate long-term rewards and satisfaction, but also for the actual enjoyment and well-being generated during the process of carrying them out. The positive emotional loading of a DMC can be understood in exactly this way. On-task engagement is considered as rewarding regardless of the activity being completed, with the ultimate joy anticipated upon goal accomplishment being projected backwards onto each step in the pathway. Such a motivational basis even has the power to support individuals’ ability to recover quickly and effectively from distraction, and to override what in any other context would be highly energy-sapping factors – such as exhaustion. In a DMC, this instead leads to continually regenerating reserves of energy, creating an almost permanent channel of positive feelings (cf. Henry et al., 2015). As Tina describes of her L2 Italian DMC experience:
Everything seemed fantastic about Italy: its culture, language, and people. I felt the whole world was focusing in Italy. I heard about it more frequently on TV and in the news. I was aware that it was my own feeling, but it was all around me. (Safdari & Maftoon, 2017: 50)
Authenticity
Researched in parallel to eudaimonia, the third of Huta and Waterman’s near-core markers, authenticity, is widely accepted as being indispensable in the generation of such experiences (Huta & Waterman, 2013). Coming from the Greek authenteo, meaning ‘to have full power’, authentic functioning refers to an individual’s experience of being ‘the master of his or her own domain’ (Kernis & Goldman, 2006: 293). Viewing the concept of authenticity from a DMC perspective, the most relevant body of work is again that which conceives of it at the state level.
State authenticity is experienced when activities in the present are concordant with core values and features of the self. Authenticity is therefore conceptualised as ‘a situational emotional experience rather than a condition of being’ (Vannini, 2006: 239). As Vannini and Burgess describe,
the indicator of realness or authenticity is the degree of congruence between one’s actions and one’s core self-conceptions – consisting of fundamental values, beliefs, and identities to which one is committed and in terms of which one defines oneself. When actions are congruent with core self-conceptions, one’s self is affirmed and one experiences authenticity. (Vannini & Burgess, 2009: 104)
State authenticity is an affective quality that people are motivated to obtain (e.g. Gecas, 1994; Lenton et al., 2014; Vannini & Burgess, 2009), and success in doing so positively impacts on their experiences of satisfaction and well-being (e.g. Lenton, Slabu et al., 2013; Sheldon et al., 1997).
Vannini describes two distinctly recognisable experiential patterns of authenticity that are particularly relevant (Vannini, 2006; Vannini & Burgess, 2009). The first is highly reminiscent of the peak moments of hedonia and connectedness experienced during flow, and Vannini and Burgess describe these situations as being instinctive: where ‘the self awakens to the importance of its meaningfulness and willpower’ (Vannini & Burgess, 2009: 108). The second pattern is one characterised by authenticity becoming chronic, creating ‘sensation plateaus’ exemplified through constant feelings of satisfaction, serenity, contentment and inner peace. Such patterns can be highly enduring, lasting ‘for semesters or even years’ (Vannini & Burgess, 2009: 110).
Both types of authenticity experiences are relevant to the discussion of DMCs. Evidence of peak moments of flow throughout DMC pathways may not be unusual, although it is the second pattern that is clearly better able to explain the enduring, deep satisfaction so synonymous with the DMC experience. A recent line of research into the relationship between state authenticity and the activation of ideal selves has found strong overlaps, and this is highly instrumental in explaining the manner by which authenticity experiences within DMCs are maintained: ideal selves are likely to be not only highly accessible (that is, easily triggered and brought into awareness) but also frequently activated (in situations where the goal is directly in focus and in situations that are not overtly goal-related). In researching this interrelationship, Lenton and her colleagues drew on the principle that people may feel most authentic when ‘conforming to their own ideal selves’ (Lenton, Bruder et al., 2013: 277). They found that participant characterisations of their ‘most-me’ authentic-self experiences often included ‘low-arousal positive emotions’ (2013: 282) such as calmness and contentment, reflecting highly idealistic views of the self. Further to this, these ‘most-me situations’ tended to be characterised by high levels of satisfaction reported in relation to both current and future selves, leading the researchers to conclude that in situations where authenticity is experienced, this relates to both current and future ideal-self states. They consequently argued for a reciprocal relationship between the two constructs, where not only can the activation of an ideal self ‘make people feel “real”’, but it can also become active following on ‘from experiencing oneself as “real”’ (2013: 285).
The reciprocal relationship between experiences of authenticity and the activation of the ideal self argued for by Lenton and colleagues is of particular significance when we view it within the context of DMCs. In a DMC, activities taking an individual forwards towards the achievement of self-concordant goals generate enduring low-arousal feelings of authenticity, caused in part by the chronic accessibility of ideal selves. When this emotional dimension is permeated by feelings of authenticity and eudaimonic well-being, this may stand as a factor that actively facilitates the accessibility of the ideal self (Dörnyei et al., 2016). The sustained motivating power of a DMC current maintains its overall positive emotional loading from this symbiotic relationship:
On the basis of these considerations, it may be reasonable to assume that in a DMC the ideal self becomes a more or less permanent part of the learner’s conception of the self. Thus, the vision of the future self is so pervasive that it becomes part of who the learner is; part of ‘the real me’. (Dörnyei et al., 2016: 113)
(5) The End of DMCs
Many DMCs will end at the point of achievement of the final goal (for example, on the day of the marathon, or when a visa or new job is successfully obtained). However, it is sometimes the case that a DMC will lose energy and the current of motivation will dissipate prior to this. When the latter occurs, this can result from a discord between an individual’s final subgoal and their overall vision. For instance, this might occur if an individual realises that even with the completion of all their planned subgoals they would nevertheless remain a considerable distance from their final goal (good illustrations can be found in Henry et al., 2015 and Safdari & Maftoon, 2017). A DMC might similarly break down if the person experiencing it were to lose a set of resources or a support structure that they had been relying on. Depending on the nature of this loss, the dissonance originating from such realisations might either see motivational energy slowly ebb away (for example, if a favourite website suddenly becomes unavailable, requiring reliance on other resources) or it could cause an abrupt break (for example, as was the case for Tina after her anticipated move to Italy was cancelled, reported in Safdari & Maftoon, 2017). In either eventuality, this breakdown leads the structure and processes forming the DMC backbone to cease to function effectively (or, indeed, to cease to function at all).
In the final section of this chapter, I overview two key resultant outcomes, equally relevant to all types of DMC endings (i.e. it is the timescales over which they unfold that differ): the disappearance of the protective shield of visionary single-mindedness and the increasing perception of effort as a subjective experience.
The disappearance of the protective shield of visionary single-mindedness
Throughout a DMC, the final goal maintains a chronically accessible presence in the working self-concept. Once the goal is successfully achieved – or if anything occurs to weaken the overall functioning of the structure of a DMC, as in the examples offered above – the protective shield of visionary single-mindedness, which forms a strong protective layer around goal pursuit, becomes correspondingly weakened. As a consequence, the diminishing prominence of the final goal allows competing outlets for motivational energy to surface, concurrently allowing the surfeit of alternative activities that previously could have been pursued to once again become attractive.
This can be understood as occurring with the culmination of several underlying processes (Dörnyei et al., 2016). The first stems from a change in the structure of goal constellations. The diminishing prominence of a final goal brings with it a diminishing level of identity-relevance and self-concordance, so creating opportunities for other goals – previously viewed as unimportant – to gain new levels of significance. As other goals emerge as equally self-concordant and personally meaningful, they can take over prominence in an individual’s working self-concept. This therefore leads to the loss of the dominance of the ideal self in working cognition. Throughout a DMC, the chronic accessibility of the final vision gives it a remarkable ability to resist challenges from competing self-concepts and, in practical terms, this also insulates it from potentially detrimental self-knowledge. The decline in the phenomenological strength of the end vision diminishes this robustness to withstand challenge, and self-images from other domains become increasingly successful in dislodging the prominence of the DMC-related ideal self from its prominent position in the self-concept (see Henry (2015) for a more detailed discussion of the dynamic interrelationships between L2 self-images).
Outside the context of DMCs, goal-directed behaviour is guided by an information processing system which continually evaluates the relative costs and benefits of pursuing a particular course of action (constantly appraising the rewards that a particular goal-directed activity might deliver, and the amount of effort required for these rewards to materialise). In the context of research investigating self-improvement intentions, Hockey (2013: 134) describes this process as ‘where the thrill of anticipated outcomes meets the reality of time commitments, frustration and practice needs’. While a DMC is ongoing and its structure functioning effectively, these evaluation processes are suspended and the high level of self-concordance of the goal pushes this threshold up in excess of usual levels. As goals diminish in self-concordance, however, traditional evaluation processes again resume charge.
The last of these processes stems from the fact that the resolution of conflicts between competing goals becomes less effective. This means that the effectiveness of the triggering and re-triggering mechanisms underpinning DMCs begins to wane, resulting in increased time lags in the reaction of the – previously highly effective – conflict-resolution patterns triggered in response to challenges. Rather than the ideal self being automatically activated in working cognition, causing the flow of energy to continue virtually uninterrupted and attention to the task to be rapidly renewed so preserving well-being, what occurs instead is a heavy expenditure of energy, coupled with an encroaching feeling of tiredness, energy depletion and deteriorating mood.
Effort as a subjective experience
The culmination of the above processes results in the dissipation of the control mechanisms of the DMC’s salient structure, meaning that it ceases to function effectively (cf. Dörnyei et al., 2016). Rather than experiencing rapid, effortless progression towards a final goal, action once again requires self-regulated concentration and effort, tasks rapidly become energy-sapping and may even trigger feelings of frustration and guilt. Throughout this chapter, I have described how, when in a DMC, cognitive effort both feels different and generates different affective reactions. I have also highlighted that the expenditure of cognitive effort in conflict resolution processes, for example, actually serves to generate motivational energy and increase personal well-being and satisfaction. The uniqueness of DMCs in this respect is perhaps most acutely experienced when the current of energy begins to wane, and effort is once again felt as a subjective experience.
Research into subjective effort (Robinson & Morsella, 2014) suggests that in most circumstances it is both predictable and consequential: individuals tend to avoid tasks that require the investment of high levels of subjective effort. However, there stand several exceptions. As Robinson and Morsella explain: ‘There are conditions in which the degree of task difficulty is orthogonal to that of subjective effort, as in the experience of flow’ (Robinson & Morsella, 2014: 833). Applying equally to DMCs, this means that the completion of challenging tasks is accompanied by a perception of zero levels of effort. This is a function of the chronically accessible nature of a vision within DMCs and, as Robinson and Morsella describe, this ‘actively strengthens processes associated with task-relevant demands and actively suppresses task-irrelevant processes/information’ (2014: 833).
The literature conceptualises fatigue as a loss of energy, coupled with an inability to make productive use of mental resources. A unique line of research is, again, that completed by Hockey (1983, 2011, 2013), which posits that fatigue has an adaptive function in an individual’s control of actions and motivation, where it concerns the selection and control of goals. The practical upshot of this novel perspective on the phenomenology and effects of fatigue is that it is commitment to goals that are not highly desired – and so which as a consequence require high levels of effort to complete – that generates fatigue: intense cognitive endeavours invested into highly valued goals rarely lead to such negative affective reactions. Hockey suggests that instead of viewing fatigue as a barrier to the successful completion of tasks, it should be understood as a sensory state or emotional resource, able to make us ‘aware of the opportunity costs of current activities, and of the attraction of neglected needs and alternative goals’ (Hockey, 2013: 4). More specifically, by interrupting ongoing activity, fatigue ‘provokes a reappraisal of the benefits and costs of current goals, and allows alternatives to compete for access to motivational control’ (Hockey, 2013: 10).
In a DMC that dissipates gradually, fatigue (the affective signal marking increasing difficulty in goal maintenance), and an increasingly negative appraisal of the level of effort required to continue with goal oriented behaviour, build slowly; in a DMC that finishes with a surge of invested energy towards an end goal (such as an exam or a performance), experiences of fatigue may instead be felt as a sudden, overwhelming rush of exhaustion. While the onward propulsion of a DMC current of motivation can be considered to function as a consequence of an upwardly spiralling dynamic process, the slow ebbing away of motivational energy as it draws to a close takes the form of a downward spiral (cf. Hockey, 2013): goal maintenance requires greater effort, resulting in increasingly acute feelings of fatigue and the promotion of an increasingly greater resistance to investment in further tasks.
Although some empirical studies have explored the end stages of DMCs, to date the vast majority of empirical work has focused on documenting and exploring the other end of the process (i.e. the launch and unique motivational ‘high’ of DMCs). This is an important area of focus for future research, particularly in considering the implications of DMC theory with regards to L2 pedagogy (the focus of the subsequent chapter and Part 3 of this book). L2 DMCs are likely to be a small part of a far longer language learning journey, and the affective experience relating to the way a DMC ends is likely to have a material impact on subsequent – either positive or negative – L2 engagement.
Conclusion
In this chapter, I have overviewed all key elements of the DMC framework: their goal/vision-orientedness, launch, structure, positive emotional loading and final dissipation. In doing so I have referred to an array of literature from a broad variety of disciplines, both within and external to the field of SLA, all of which contribute a piece to the complex jigsaw depicting the functioning of this unique motivational experience. Although some areas of discussion are necessarily brief in the wider context of this book (see Dörnyei et al., 2016, for a fuller discussion of all these issues), I have endeavoured to offer readers unfamiliar with DMCs a systematic grounding in key ideas (and for familiar readers, a succinct refresher). There is one aspect of DMCs, however, which I have not addressed in this chapter. It is to this question of the pedagogical relevance of the DMC framework that I now turn in Chapter 3.
