Читать книгу The History of Fairfield, Fairfield County, Connecticut: From the Settlement of the Town in 1639 to 1818: Volume 1 - Elizabeth Hubbell Schenck - Страница 5

In the spring of 1636, the General Court of Massachusetts commissioned Roger Ludlow and seven other gentlemen, to govern the colony of Connecticut " for the space of one year." At the expiration of the year Roger Ludlow, who had acted as governor of the colony, summoned his constituents to attend a General Court at Hartford, to consider the necessary steps to be taken for the protection of the infant settlements on the Connecticut. After deliberating upon the barbarities of their chief enemy the Pequots, one of the most powerful Indian tribes in New England, and the dangers thickening around them, a proclamation of war was issued in the following words:

" It is ordered that there shall be an offensive war against the Pequots, & that there shall be 90 men levied out of the three Plantations, Hartford, Weathersfield, & Windsor, (viz) out of Hartford 42, Windsor 30, Weathersfield 18: under the command of Capt. John Mason, & in case of death or sickness, under the command of Robt. Seely Leift.: & the eldest s'geant or military officer surviving, if both these miscarry."

One is filled with astonishment at this declaration of war by a body of men, who, with all the adults able to bear arms in the three river settlements did not exceed two hundred and fifty, from which nearly one-third were sent against the Pequots. This small band of Englishmen, with brave hearts prepared themselves to give their very lives for the preservation of their homes, and the life of the New England colonies. Bound in one common tie of brotherhood, the other colonies resolved to assist them in subduing the savage foe. Plymouth agreed to send forty men, and Massachusetts one hundred and sixty, which included a small band already sent out under Captain Underhill to strengthen the fort at Saybrook. Before this number could be prepared for marching, Captain Patrick, of Massachusetts, was sent forward with forty men to capture the families of the Pequots in Block Island, after which he was to join Mason's forces. As prompt in action as in their declaration of war, the Connecticut soldiers were speedily equipped for the perilous undertaking. On the loth of May, Captain Mason with about ninety Englishmen, and seventy Mohegah and river Indians under Uncas, sailed from Hartford in a pink, a pinnace and a shallop, down the river to Saybrook. The Rev. Samuel Stone accompanied the expedition as chaplain. Owing to the shallow water of the Connecticut river at that season, they were five days in reaching the fort at its mouth. In the meantime, Uncas and the other Indians became impatient, and begged leave to make their way to Saybrook on foot, which request was granted. Upon Mason's arrival at the fort (Monday, May 15) Uncas joined him, and related that while on their way he and his men had already fought one battle, killed seven hostile Indians near the fort, and taken one prisoner.¹ This prisoner had been a spy employed by Sassacus to watch the fort, and had witnessed all the murders committed upon the garrison near it. Uncas and his men requested that he should be executed according to the Indian custom of killing a spy, which was granted. The unfortunate Indian was tortured to death, while Uncas and his men danced around him with savage delight, until Captain Underhill put an end to his sufferings, by shooting him through the head with a pistol.

Captain Mason had been instructed to make an attack upon the fort at Pequot harbor. The long delay, however, in reaching Saybrook, and adverse winds on the sound, led him to fear that Sassacus would concentrate his warriors at that point, and thus make his attack unsuccessful. He had been educated in military tactics in England, and conceived the plan of passing by the Pequot harbor, and sailing to the Narragansett country as more judicious. By this course, he not only hoped to capture Sassacus by making an unexpected attack upon his rear, but thought he might fall in with the English troops on their way from Massachusetts. He also deemed it advisable to secure aid from the warriors of Canonicus.

Many of his men were opposed to this plan. They had already been longer from home than they had anticipated; and thought the attack, as ordered by the General Court, should be made at all hazards.

" But Capt. Mason, apprehending an exceeding great hazard in so doing for the reasons fore mentioned, as also some other which I shall forbear to trouble you with, did therefore earnestly desire Mr. Stone that he would commend our condition to the Lord that night, to direct how, and in what manner we should demean ourselves in that Respect: he being our Chaplin and lying aboard our Pink, the Captain on shoar. In the morning very early Mr. Stone came ashoar to the Captain's chamber, and told him he had done as he desired, and was fully satisfied to sail for Narragansett: our council was then called, and the several reasons alledged: in fine we all agreed with one accord to sail for Narragansett, which the next morning, (May 12,) we put in execution.

The little army arrived at Narragansett bay on Saturday towards evening, where they kept the Sabbath. On account of the wind they were not able to go on shore till sunset on Tuesday, when Capt. Mason landed and went to the chief sachem's residence, and desired a free passage through his country, which was granted. The next day, Wednesday, they arrived at a place called Nayantic, eighteen or twenty miles distant, where resided another Narragansett sachem, who lived in a fort. As they would not suffer any of the English to go into their fort, Capt. Mason set a guard around it, and would not suffer any of the Indians to go out and give information to the Pequots of their approach.

On Thursday, about eight of the clock in the morning, we marched thence towards Pequot, with about five hundred Indians; but through the heat of the weather and want of provisions, some of our men fainted, and after having marched about twelve miles, we came to Pawcatuck river, at a Ford where our Indians told us the Pequots did usually fish; there making an Alta, we stayed some small time; the Narragansett Indians manifesting great fear, in so much that many of them returned, although they had frequently despised us, saying, That we durst not look upon a Pequot, but themselves would perform great things; though we had often told them that we came on purpose, and were resolved, God assisting, to see the Pequots, and to fight with them before we returned, though we perished. I then enquired of Onkos, (Uncas,) what he thought the Indians would do? who said the Narragansetts would all leave us, but as for himself, he would never leave us; and so it proved; for which expression, and some other speeches of his, I shall never forget him. Indeed he was a great friend, and did great service.

And after we had refreshed ourselves with our mean commons, we marched about three miles, and came to a field which had lately been planted with Indian corn: there we made another Alt, and called our council, supposing we drew near to the enemy; and being informed by the Indians that the enemy had two forts almost impregnable; but we were not at all discouraged, but rather animated, insomuch that we were resolved to assault both their forts at once. But understanding that one of them was so remote that we could not come up with it before midnight, though we marched hard: whereat we were much grieved, chiefly because the greatest and bloodiest sachem there resided, whose name was Sassacous: We were then constrained, being exceedingly spent in our march with extreme heat and want of necessaries, to accept the nearest."

" We then marching on in a silent manner, the Indians that remained fell all into the rear, who formerly kept the van, (being possessed with great fear;) we continued our march till about one hour in the night: and coming to a little swamp between two hills, we pitched our little camp; much wearied with hard travel, keeping great silence, sup. posing we were very near the fort, as our Indians informed us, which proved otherwise. The rocks were our pillows; yet rest was pleasant. The night proved comfortable, being clear and moonlight. We appointed our guards, and placed our sentinels at some distance, who heard the enemy singing at the fort, who continued their strain till midnight, with great exulting and rejoicing as we were afterwards informed. They, seeing our pinnaces sail by them some clays before, concluded we were afraid of them, and durst not come near them, the burthen of their song tending to that purpose.

In the morning (Friday, 26th of May) we awaking and seeing it very light, supposing it had been day, and so we might have lost our opportunity, having purposed to make our assault before day. roused the men with all expedition, and briefly commended ourselves and design to God, thinking immediately to go to the assault.

The Indians showed us a path, and told us that it led directly to the fort. We held on our march about two miles, wondering that we came not to the fort, and fearing we might be deluded; but seeing corn newly planted at the foot of a great hill, supposing the fort was not far off, a champion country being round about us; then making a stand, gave the word for some of the Indians to come up; at length Onkos and one Wequash ² appeared. We demanded of them, Where was the fort! They answered, On the top of that hill. Then we demanded, Where were the rest of the Indians. They answered, Behind, exceedingly afraid. We wished them to tell the rest of their fellows that they should by no means fly, but stand at what distance they pleased, and see whether Englishmen would now fight or not. Then Captain Underhill came up, who marched in the rear; and commending ourselves to God, we divided our men, there being two entrances in the fort, intending to enter both at once. — Captain Mason leading up to that on the northeast side, who approached within one rod, heard a dog bark; and an Indian cry Owanux! Owanux! which is Englishmen! Englishmen! We called up our forces with all expedition, gave fire upon them through the pallisado, the Indians being in a dead, indeed their last sleep. Then we wheeling off, fell upon the main entrance, which was blocked up with bushes about breast high, over which the Captain passed, intending to make good the entrance, encouraging the rest to follow. Lieutenant Seely endeavored to enter, but being somewhat cumbered, stepped back & pulled out the bushes, & so entered, & with him about sixteen men. We had formerly concluded to destroy them by the sword, & save the plunder.

Whereupon Capt. Mason, seeing no Indians, entered a wigwam, where he was beset with many Indians, waiting all opportunities to lay hands on him, but could not prevail. At length William Heyden, espying the breach in the wigwam, supposing some English might be there, entered; but in his entrance fell over a dead Indian; but speedily recovering himself, the Indians some fled, others crept under their beds. The Captain going out of the wigwam, saw many Indians in the lane or street; he making towards them they fled, were pursued to the end of the lane, where they were met by Edward Pattison & Thomas Barber, with some others, where seven of them were slain, as they said. The Captain facing about, marched a slow pace up the lane; he came down, perceiving himself very much out of breath, and coming to the other end, near the place where he first entered, saw two soldiers standing close to the palisado, with their swords pointed to the ground; the Captain told them that we should never kill them after this mantier. The Captain also said, We must burn them, and immediately stepping into the wigwam, where he had been before, brought out a fire brand, and putting it into the mats with which they were covered, set the wigwams on fire. Lieutenant Thomas Bull and Nicholas Olmsted beholding came up; and when it was thoroughly kindled, the Indians ran as men most dreadfully amazed. And indeed such a dreadful terror did the Almighty let fall upon their spirits, that they would fly from us and run into the very flames, where many of them perished. And when the fort was thoroughly fired, command was given that all should fall off and surround the fort; which was readily attended by all, only one Arthur Smith, being so wounded that he could not move out of the place, who was happily espied by Lieutenant Bull, and by him rescued. The fire was kindled on the northeast side to the windward; which did swiftly overrun the fort, to the extreme amazement of the enemy, and great rejoicing of ourselves. Some of them climbing to. the top of the palisado; others of them running into the very flames; many of them gathering to the windward lay pelting at us with their arrows; and we repaid them with our small shot: others of the stoutest issued forth, as we did guess, to the number of forty, who perished by the sword. . . . What I have formerly said, is according to my own knowledge, there being sufficient living testimony to every particular. But in reference to Capt. Underhill and his partie's acting in this assault, I can only intimate as we are informed by some of themselves immediately after the fight, that they marched up to the entrance on the southwest side; there they made some pause; a valiant, resolute gentleman, one Mr. Hedge, stepping towards the gate saying, 'If we may not enter, wherefore came we here? ' and immediately endeavored to enter; but was opposed by a sturdy Indian, which did impede his entrance; but the Indian being slain by himself and Sergeant Davis, Mr. Hedge entered the fort with some others; but the fort being on fire, the smoke and flames were so violent that they were constrained to desert the fort. . . . Thus were they now at their wit's end, who not many hours before exalted themselves in their great pride, threatening and resolving the utter ruin and destruction of all the English, exulting and rejoicing with songs and dances: but God was above them, who laughed his enemies and the enemies of his people to scorn, making them as a fiery oven." " Thus were the stout-hearted spoiled, having slept their last sleep, and none of their men could find their hands. Thus did the Lord judge among the heathen, filling the place with dead bodies! And here we may see the just judgment of God in sending even the very night before the assault, one hundred and fifty men from the other fort, to join with them of that place, who were designed, as some of themselves reported, to go forth against the English at that very instant when this heavy stroke came upon them, to where they perished with their fellows. So that the mischief they intended to us, came upon their own pate. They were taken in their own snare, and we through mercy escaped. And thus in little more than one hour's space, was their impregnable fort with themselves destroyed, to the number of six or seven hundred, as some of themselves confessed. There were only seven taken captive, and about seven escaped. Of the English there were two slain outright, and about twenty wounded; some fainted by reason of the sharpness of the weather, it being a cool morning, and the want of such comforts and •necessaries as are needful in such a case; especially our Chirurgeon ³ was much wanting, whom we left with our barks in Narragansett Bay, who had orders to remain until the night before our intended assault. And thereupon grew many difficulties; our provision and munition near spent; we in the enemy's country, who did far exceed us in number, being much enraged, all our Indians except Onkos deserting us; our pinnaces at a great distance from us, and when they would come we were uncertain. But as we were consulting what course to take, it pleased God to discover our vessel to us before a fair gale of wind, sailing into Pequot Harbor to our great rejoicing.

We had no sooner discovered our vessels, but immediately came up the enemy from the other fort — three hundred or more as we conceived. The Captain led out a file or two of men to skirmish with them, chiefly to try what temper they were of, who put them to a stand; we being much encouraged thereat, presently prepared to march towards our vessels. Four or five of our men were so wounded that they must be carried in the arms of twenty more. We also being faint, were constrained to put four to one man, with the arms of the rest that were wounded to others; so that we had but forty men free. At length we hired several Indians, who eased us of that burthen, in carrying off our wounded men. And marching one quarter of a mile, the enemy coming up to the place where the fort was, and beholding what was done, stamped and tore the hair from their heads; and after a little space, came mounting down the hill upon us, in a full career, as if they would over-run us: but when they came within shot, the rear faced about, giving fire upon them: some of them being shot, made the rest more wary; yet they held on running to and fro, and shooting their arrows at random. There was at the foot of the hill a small brook, where we rested and refreshed ourselves, having by that time taught them a little more manners than to disturb us. We then marched on towards Pequot Harbor, and falling upon several wigwams burnt them, the enemy still following us in the rear, which was to the windward, though to little purpose; yet some of them lay in ambush, behind rocks and trees, often shooting at us, yet through mercy touched not one of us; and as we came to any swamp or thicket, we made some shot to clear the passage. Some of them fell with our shot, and probably more might, but for want of munition: but when any of them fell, our Indians would give a great shout, and then they would take so much courage as to fetch their heads. And thus we continued until we came within two miles of Pequot Harbor; where the enemy gathered together and left us, we marching to the top of a hill adjoining the harbor, with our colors flying, having left our drum at the place of our rendezvous the night before; we seeing our vessels there riding at anchor, to our great rejoicing, and came to the water side; we sat down in quiet.

Captain Mason sent the wounded by sea to Hartford and led his little army and Indian allies by land to the fort at Saybrook, where they arrived on Saturday evening about sunset. Here, " they were nobly entertained by Lieut. Lion Gardiner with many great guns." They remained over Sunday at the fort, spending the day in praise and thanksgiving for their great and wonderful deliverance from their savage foe. Continuing in Mason's words:

"And when we had taken order for the safe conduct of the Narragansett Indians, we repaired to the place of our abode; where we were entertained with great triumph and rejoicing, and praising God for his goodness to us, in succeeding our weak endeavors, in crowning us with success, and restoring of us with so little loss. Thus was God seen in the Mount, crushing his proud enemies, and the enemies of his people: they who were erewhile a terror to all that were round about them, who resolved to destroy all the English, and to root their very name out of this country, should by such weak means, even seventy-seven, there being no more at the fort, bring the mischief they plotted, and the violence they offered and exercised, upon their own heads in a moment, burning them up in the fire of his wrath.

Our commons were very short, there being a general scarcity throughout the Colony of all sorts of provisions, it being upon our first arrival at the place. We had but one pint of strong liquor among us in our whole march, but what the wilderness afforded, (the bottle of liquor being in my hand,) and when it was empty the very smelling to the bottle would presently recover such as had fainted away, which happened by the extremity of the heat.

I still remember a speech of Mr. Hooked, at our going abroad, that they should be bread for us.

I shall mention two or three special providences that God was pleased to vouchsafe to particular men, viz. two men, being one man's servants, namely John Dier and Thomas Stiles, were both of them shot in the knots of their handkerchiefs, being about their necks, and received no hurt. Lieutenant Seeley was shot in the eyebrow with a flat headed arrow, the point turning downwards; I pulled it out myself. Lieutenant Bull had an arrow shot into a hard piece of cheese, having no other defence; which may verify the old saying, 'A little armor would serve if a man knew where to place it.' Many such providences happened; some respecting myself, but since there is none that witness to them, I shall forbear to mention them. As Captain Mason entered the wigwam from which he seized a burning firebrand to fire the fort, an Indian drew an arrow to its very head, which would have killed him had not one of his sergeants cut the bow just in time to save him."

This remarkable undertaking scarcely has a parallel in history. " Never," says Palfrey, " was a war so just or so necessary; " and certainly never a victory more signal or more wonderful. For a mere handful of men to attack so powerful a foe in a strange country, surrounded on all sides with hundreds of Indians, seemed presumption itself. But our forefathers relied not on the strength of their own arm; their trust was in the mighty power of the Most High; and His providences overshadowed them in an extraordinary manner.

In the meantime the Pequots returned to the fort, of Sassacus, and after relating the story of their defeat, and the havoc made by the English, they charged all the misfortunes which had befallen them to his haughtiness and misconduct; and threatened him with immediate death. His friends and chief counselors, however, interceded for him, and through their entreaty and protection his life was spared. They revenged themselves upon Uncas and his followers, by killing all their kinsmen who remained among them, except seven. The latter escaped to the English. They then held a council of war, and regarding their situation as one too hazardous to remain where they were, burned their wigwams, destroyed their fort, and in bands wandered about the country. About forty warriors with a large number of women and children moved a short distance westward, where they took refuge in a swamp. Sassacus and Mononotto, with the greater part of their Sagamores, moved further westward. Upon reaching the Connecticut, they seized three men in a boat, whom they dispatched with savage revenge.

When the news of Mason's victory reached Massachusetts, the Governor and Council decided to send Captain Israel Stoughton, Captain William Trask and Lieutenant Richard Davenport with one hundred and sixty men, to assist Captain Mason in conquering the Pequots, even to the destruction of their name. . . . Like the Israelites of old, they deemed it an act of Christian justice to exterminate these " heathen Amalekites."

On the 2nd of June the General Court met again at Hartford. An order was issued that thirty men should be sent out of the "several plantations in this river Connecticut, to set down in the Pequoitt Country & River in place convenient to maint^eine o^r right y^e God by Conquest hath given to us; & Leiftennt Seely shall have the Comande of them. "

Governor John Haynes, who had joined the Hartford settlement during the previous summer, and Roger Ludlow were appointed to go down to the fort at Seabrook, " to treat & Conclude with their friends of the Bay about prosecuting the war against the Pequots, — & to parley with the Bay about setlinge downe in the Pequoett Country."

Captain Stoughton 's party, with the famous Rev. John Wilson as chaplain, arrived at Pequot Harbor the latter part of June. Here Captain Stoughton was guided to a large swamp by some of the Narragansetts, where they surrounded the band before mentioned, who there had sought refuge and took about eighty captives. Thirty men out of this number were killed. Two Sachems and the women and children were saved.

The Sachems were spared, upon promising that they would conduct Stoughton to Sassacus, the women and children numbering about eighty, thirty of whom were given to the Narragansetts and three to the Massachusetts Indians. The remainder were sent to Massachusetts for slaves. About, this time Captain Stoughton and his men effected a junction with Captain Mason's army, who were accompanied by Roger Ludlow, and several of the principal gentlemen from the river settlements. After a council of war, it was decided to pursue the Pequots. The captured Sachems refused to tell where they could be found, and in consequence were beheaded at a place near Guilford, afterwards called Sachem's head.

The vessels carrying provisions, etc., sailed along the shore, while the troops marched by land, followed by Uncas and his men, who kept close on the trail of the flying Pequots, expecting to join the English in overtaking them. In three days the army reached Qunnipiack (New Haven), where they saw a great smoke in the woods. Supposing the enemy near at hand, they, without delay, marched upon them, but soon learned that the fire had been kindled by the inhabitants. The troops now embarked on board their vessels, and spent several days at Qunnipiack. Here a Moheagan, named Jack Etow, captured two Pequots in a forest, whom he carried prisoners on board the English vessel. They had loitered behind their clan, and to escape observation had taken refuge in a tree. Life was granted to one of them, if he would search out Sassacus, and kill him or take him prisoner. The treacherous savage set out on his mission, and, joining his countrymen, for several days sought an opportunity to slay his chief. He was, however, soon suspected of his design, and fled to the English by night. He informed Captain Mason of the number of Pequots with Sassacus and Mononotto, and that they were secreted in a swamp to the westward.

The army were at once set in motion, and marched with all possible speed to the place designated.

" As the Souldiers were uppon their march, close by a great thicket, where no eye could penetrate farre, as it often falls out in such wearisom wayes, where neither men nor beast have beaten out a path; some Souldiers lingering behinde their fellowes, two Indians watching their opportunity, much like a hungry hauke, when they supposed the last man was come up, who kept a double double double distance in his march, they sudden & swiftly snatched him up in their tallens, hoisting him upon their shoulders, ran into the swamp with him; the Souldier unwilling to be made a Pope by being borne on mens shoulders, strove with them all he could to free himselfe from their hands; but, like a carefull Commander, one Captaine Davenport, then Lieutenant of this company being diligent in his place to bring up the reare, coming up with them, followed with speed into the swamp after him, having a very severe cutlace tyed to his wrist, & being well able to make it bite sore when he set it on, rezolving to make it fall foul on the Indians boneS, he soone overtook them, but was prevented by the buckler they held up from killing them, which was the man they had taken; It was a matter of much wonder to see with what dexterity they hurled the poore Souldier about, as if they had been handling a Lacedaemonian shield, so that the nimble Captaine Davenport could not of a long time, fasten one stroke upon them; yet, at last, dying their tawny skin into a crimson colour, they cast downe their prey, & hasted thorow the thickets for their lives. The Souldier thus redeemed, had no such hard usage, but that he is alive, as I suppose, at this very day."

After marching about twenty-five miles near the coast, through Cuphead, Pequonnock, and Uncoway, they came upon the swamp at Sasqua (now called Southport), in which the Pequots were secreted. This swamp of water, bogs and mire, thickly wooded with a dense undergrowth, entirely surrounded a cone-shaped hill, about thirty feet in height. It was almost impossible for a stranger to enter it, without sinking above the knees in mire. The English troops drawn up in the regular order of their companies, made an attack. The Indians, in the meantime, skulked up and down shooting their arrows from behind the trees, and then suddenly dropped flat in the water, to defend themselves from the retaliation of the soldiers' muskets. Lieutenant Davenport encouraged his men to follow him into the swamp, where he was sorely wounded, and both he and his men sank so deep in the mire, that but for the timely assistance of their friends, they would all have been killed. Several Indians were slain in the encounter. Finding they could not capture the enemy in this way, the English decided to surround the swamp. After some time spent in skirmishing, the native Indians desired a parley. Meanwhile, an Indian had been seen to enter the thicket with a brass kettle on his back, which led to the conclusion that there must be some place of firm land in the center of the swamp.

At the first approach of the English, the Sachems and Indians of the country had fled with dismay into the swamp; but as they had done the English no harm, the parley was granted. The officers were also anxious to save the old men, women and children. Thomas Stanton, a man familiar with the Indian language, was sent in to treat with them. He was instructed to offer life and protection to all Indians who had not shed English blood. "The native Sachems, followed by companies of warriors, aged men, women and children, came out in numbers of about two hundred." The chief Sachem declared that neither he nor his people had done the English any harm, and expressed a desire to make peace with them. The haughty Pequots, however, disdained all overtures of peace, exclaiming: " We will fight it out to the last! " Stanton barely escaped with his life in leaving the swamp, and the soldiers were obliged to fly to his rescue. The fight was now renewed, but on account of some misunderstanding among the officers, several of the Pequots escaped. " Some were for forcing the swamp immediately, but this was opposed as too dangerous. Others were for cutting it down, as they had taken many hatchets, with which they were of the opinion it might be effected. Some others were for making a palisade and hedge round it, but neither of these measures could be adopted." As night approached, it was agreed to lessen the circle around the swamp, which was almost divided in two parts at one point, by cutting down the trees and undergrowth. This being done, sentinels were stationed at a distance of twelve feet apart. Thus they entirely encircled the swamp, and watched the enemy through the night. During the night the Pequots crept near the guards and discharged their arrows at them, but not one was slain. From the dead bodies found the next day, it was shown that the English musketry had made severe havoc among the enemy." Just before dawn a dense fog fell over the place, and seizing this favorable opportunity for escape, the Indians, with hideous yells, first attacked Captain Patrick's quarters, but they were severely' driven back by Captain Mason sending timely aid. Captain Trask also marched quickly to the scene of action, followed by Captain Mason, upon whom the Indians now directed their full strength. Mason, however, gave them such a warm reception that they were glad to retire. They then rushed once more upon Captain Patrick's quarters, when about sixty or seventy of their bravest warriors broke through his line and escaped, several of whom were found slain the next day, by those who pursued them as far as Fairfield. About twenty others were killed, and one hundred and eighty taken prisoners. Hatchets, wampum, kettles, trays, and other Indian utensils were taken.

Sassacus who had been alarmed by the escape of the spy sent to slay or take: him prisoner, fearing to fall into the power of the English before the battle took place, set out for the country of the Mohawks. He was accompanied by Mononotto and twenty or more of his bravest warriors. He no doubt feared his own men, who had already threatened his life at their defeat at Groten. He carried with him about five hundred pounds of wampum. The women who had been taken captives, stated that about seven hundred Indians and thirteen Sachems had been slain during the war; and that thirteen Sachems were still living. Sassacus and his warriors were surprised by the Mohawks, and all slain but Mononotto who escaped.

It was reported that the Mohawks were bribed by the Narragansetts to commit this act. In the month of October following, the Mohawks sent the scalps of Sassacus, one of his brothers, and five others of the murdered Sachems, as trophies to Hartford. Soon after Roger Ludlow and other gentlemen, carried a lock of Sassacus' hair to Boston, " as a rare sight, & a sure demonstration of the death of their mortal enemy."

Among the women taken captive in the swamp was the wife of Mononotto. Her modesty, kindliness of temper, and good sense, particularly attracted the English. She made but two requests, which were that her chastity and children might be spared. These requests were granted, particularly, as it had been through her instrumentality that the lives of the two young girls, who had been stolen from Weathersfield had been spared. She was specially recommended to the kindness of the Governor of Massachusetts, who gave her and her children every care and protection. The captives and the booty taken, were divided among the Connecticut and Massachusetts troops. A number of those carried to Massachusetts were sold as slaves in the West Indies, where they dragged out an unhappy but brief existence. Those who remained as slaves in the colonies proved restless, and soon escaped from their servitude.

Upon the return of the victorious army, joy unspeakable reigned in the English colonies. A day of public thanksgiving was appointed in Plymouth, Massachusetts, and Connecticut. The planters now went forth to their labor in the field without fear of the Indians; and the mothers with animated fervor, fearlessly sang Puritan hymns by the cradles of their children.

The drain of men from the plantations to carry on this war, and a great scarcity of articles of food and clothing, made the winter, which was unusually severe, one of great privations to the colonists. Money also was very scarce. That their condition might not be known to the Indians, as well as to prevent them from taking advantage of their situation by raising the price of corn, the General Court met at Hartford on the 9th of February, 1638, and passed a resolution, " that no person in the river plantations or at Agawam, should go up the river to trade with the Indians for corn, either privately or publicly, under a penalty of 5s. pr. bushel, Without the consent of the Court."

In order to raise means to pay the expenses of the war, it was voted that a tax of six hundred pounds should be levied, to defray the charges of the late design against the Pequots, " Agawam £86, 16s; Windsor £158, 2s., Hartford £251, 2s., Weathersfield £124. The payment to be made in money, in Wampum at fower a penny, or in good merchantable beaver at 9s. pr. pounde." Mr. Clement Chaplin was appointed Treasurer. Mr. William Wadsworth of Hartford, Henry Wolcott, sr. of Windsor, Andrew Ward of Weathersfield, and John Burr of Agawam, were made collectors of taxes for their respective plantations. On the 8th of March, committees, afterwards called deputies, were elected from each town to assist the magistrates. From these two bodies, originated the Senate and House of Representatives of Connecticut.

At the same time Mr. William Pynchion of Springfield was appointed to purchase corn of the Indians, and to deliver five hundred bushels at Hartford, at 5s a bushel. If he could save by this sale, he was to deliver the proportion of Windsor to Mr. Ludlow at 5s 2d a bushel. Weathersfield was to be supplied from Hartford. The price set to pay the Indians was 4s pr. bushel, "to be paid in wampum at 3 a penny, or merchantable beaver at X a pound."

At this critical crisis, the committee were sent to Pocomstock or Deerfield to purchase corn. The Indians came down the river in fifty canoes laden with corn at one time. This was considered a great and providential deliverance, by the famished colonists. All who wished to purchase corn, were to repair to the magistrates of the town in which they resided for a just proportion. Mr. Ludlow and two others were also commissioned to send a vessel to the Narragansett Indians for corn.

A stringent law was passed against any abuse of the Indians. Corselets and arms were ordered to be provided within six months, for the use of the army. Captain Mason was made Major-General of the militia of Connecticut, with a stipend of forty pounds pr. annum, " to train the men in each plantation ten days in every year, soe it be not in June or July." The Rev. Mr. Hooker delivered him the staff. Every male from the age of sixteen was ordered to bear arms, and in case anyone failed to be present at the public trainings he was to pay a fine of 3 s -. Each plantation was required to be supplied with a magazine of powder and shot; and every military man to have continually in his house "half a pound of powder, two pounds of bullets suitable to his piece, & one pound of match, if his piece be a match-lock," under a penalty of five shillings.

For the public service done by Thomas Stanton in behalf of the colony, he was awarded ten pounds. He was also appointed to attend all the Courts as interpreter between the English and the Indians, with a salary of ten pounds pr. annum. The Court also passed a law, " that when a company of Indians set down near an English plantation, they should declare who their chief Sachem was, & that said Sachem should pay for all damages done by his men."

Scarcely had a month passed after the close of the war, before serious trouble arose between the magistrates of Massachusetts and Ninigret, chief Sachem of the Nehantics, on account of his harboring the Pequots. Uncas, elated with his triumph over Sassacus and Mononotto, now considered himself at the head of the Pequot tribe, and willing to increase the number of his men, had also received several of the wandering tribe. The Narragansetts, who had conceived a bitter hatred towards him since the war, reported his course to the English, which was most unfavorable for him.

In order to appease the English, Uncas with thirty-seven of his warriors, made a visit to Boston in July. He presented the governor with twenty fathoms of wampum, which was refused until he made satisfaction for receiving the Pequots. With apparent grief and many apologies he denied the charge. His present then being received, he took courage and placing his hand upon his heart he thus addressed the governor: " This heart is not mine: it is yours. Command me any hard thing, & I will do it. I will never believe any Indian's word against the English. If any Indian shall kill an Englishman, I will put him to death, be he ever so dear to me."

This promise was faithfully kept. Uncas remained a loyal friend to the English, who often protected his life and that of his men, at great sacrifice.

The few surviving Pequots became a prey to all the other Indian tribes, who prided themselves in presenting the English with as many of their heads, as they could either by violence or stratagem secure. At last they applied to the General Court for protection.

At a meeting of the General Court held at Hartford on the 21st of September, the remnant of this once powerful tribe, which had been reduced to about two hundred, were divided among their enemies as follows: eighty to Miantonimo, twenty to Ninigret, and the other hundred to Uncas, to be received and treated as their men. Peace was established between Miantonimo and Uncas. It was also stipulated if trouble should arise in the future between them that they should immediately appeal to the English for justice. The Mohegans and Narragansetts promised not to conceal or entertain enemies of the English. The Pequots were never to return to their own country without the consent of the English, to whom they were also to pay " a tribute annually of a fathom of wampumpeag for every man, half a fathom for every young man, & a hand's length for every male papoose."

The consummation of this treaty gave great joy to the colonists. The churches throughout all New England kept a public day of thanksgiving for the mercies vouchsafed them. "Devout & animated praises were addressed to him, who giveth his people the victory, & causeth them to dwell safely."

Having enacted the above laws for the protection of the settlements, the General Court assembled at Hartford on the 14th of January, for the purpose of preparing a constitution for the government of the colony of Connecticut. The commission granted by the General Court of Massachusetts to Roger Ludlow and his constituents, covered only the space of one year. The remoteness of the new colony from Massachusetts, and the fact of its being beyond the limits of that colony, made it extremely inconvenient to act in co-operation with its government; besides, Ludlow and his associates, when they left Massachusetts, probably had no idea of continuing under that jurisdiction. At the close of the first year, a renewal of the commission was not solicited; and upon the Connecticut patentees abandoning the scheme of colonizing their patent territories, the planters of the river settlements formed themselves, by a voluntary compact, into a distinct commonwealth. With sober thought and prayerful consideration, they deliberated and prepared a constitution, which afterwards was destined to form the basis of all the constitutions of our great republic.

" The men who formed this constitution, deserve to be held in everlasting remembrance. They were not ignorant, or rash, or timid men. They were Ludlow & Haynes, & Wolcott & Hopkins & Hooker, & others of kindred spirits; men of clear minds & good hearts; men who in their views of civil & religious liberty were far in advance of their age, & who under the guidance of a kind Providence, introduced a form of government, which, for two centuries, has secured to the people of this state, a measure of peace & liberty, of order & happiness not surpassed by any other people on earth. I say emphatically, for two centuries. For the charter obtained from Charles II. in 1662, did little more than assume & ratify the constitution of 1639. It left its great principal unaltered; & Connecticut was still a republic in everything but a name. The Constitution of 1818 is altogether conformable, in its principles, to the compact entered into by our fathers, differing from it chiefly in its adaptedness to a more numerous population, & to the interests of a more widely extended & complicated state of society. "

It was purely republican in its tenor, and is the crowning glory of the forefathers of Connecticut. It acknowledged no king but God; no law but the divine law; no priest but our Great High Priest Jesus Christ. It gave liberty to every man, and the right of a freeman to all well disposed moral citizens. Even the humblest toiler among them saw how, with that sturdy ambition, which has always characterized the people of Connecticut, he could rise to the highest place of state. It maintained the Congregational form of worship, which they conceived to be the one most in accordance with the church established by Christ and his apostles. An oath for the governor and deputy governor, the magistrates and constables was also provided. On the 11th of April the freemen from all the towns met at Hartford, and under the Constitution they had adopted, proceeded to elect the following officers:

John Haynes — governor. Roger Ludlow — deputy governor.

Assistant Magistrates. Roger Ludlow, Edward Hopkins, Thomas Wells, John Webster, William Phelps, George Wyllys.

Committees or Deputies. John Steele, Mr. Spencer, John Pratt, Edward Stebbins, Mr. Gaylord, Henry Wolcott, Mr. Stoughton, Mr. Ford, Thurston Raynor, James Boosy, George Hubbard & Richard Crab.

Under the wise government of the framers of the Constitution, the colony continued to flourish in a remarkable manner. The liberality of the first statute in the code, which set out a declaration or bill of rights to each freeman, invited many to settle in Connecticut. By its provision, all men of good moral character and industrious habits, were admitted to the rights of freemen. The severe law of Massachusetts, which allowed the civil franchise only to communicants of the Congregational Church, deprived many conscientious persons of that privilege; consequently when Connecticut offered the only true and wise platform, whereby men should be made freemen, every man felt that his own moral course made him indeed a freeman — free in that sense which develops his moral nature through his own independent will, governed by love of Christian principle. The mild character of the policy and government of Connecticut through the early history of her legislation, forms a striking contrast to the policy of Massachusetts — hence the constitution of Connecticut, which was framed at " a period when the light of liberty was wholly darkened in most parts of the earth, & the rights of men so little understood, in others, does great honor to the liberality, wisdom & far seeing policy of our venerable ancestors." It became as a vine planted in the wilderness, healthfully and religiously husbanded, a flourishing tree, its branches offering a shelter and an abiding place to the weary and oppressed, the grief-stricken, the sin-stricken, the humble toiler for the rights of manhood, and the Christian minister and soldier; all of whom sat down under its shadow, happy in the rights of freemen.