Читать книгу The History of Fairfield, Fairfield County, Connecticut: From the Settlement of the Town in 1639 to 1818: Volume 1 - Elizabeth Hubbell Schenck - Страница 7

DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT

In the subjugation of the powerful tribe of Indians known as the Pequots, in the great fight at Sasqua or Pequot-swamp, the pioneers of Connecticut achieved an important victory, one which in its results has scarcely a parallel in the history of warfare. Peace with the much-dreaded savages who roamed at will about the feeble settlements, and in fact throughout all New England, was thereby secured. Prosperity followed quickly after days of great adversity; and the planters found themselves not only in position to extend their own borders, but to enlarge the jurisdiction of the colony by beginning plantations along the coast of Long Island Sound.

In noting the many providences of God which overshadowed them during this war, one of special interest to the sons and daughters of Fairfield, was the discovery of the fair fields of Uncoway. ¹ For want of pasture for their cattle, good land for cultivation, and a bountiful supply of water, many of the planters of Plymouth and Massachusetts had emigrated to the banks of the Connecticut: but here at Uncoway they found the long sought for country, beautiful beyond all other spots which they had yet discovered. Here were meadow lands rich with the deposits of ages; grand old forests and majestic hills overlooking some of the most picturesque scenes in New England. Here, too, were fresh springs, rivers, ponds and streamlets of pure sweet waters; and sweeping as far as the eye could reach from east to west rolled the blue waters of Long Island Sound, across which, against the southern horizon, lay Sewanhacky, the Island of Shells or Long Island.

To return to this beautiful country, and to rear on the scene of the great Pequot victory an English town, became the aim of the deputy governor, Roger Ludlow. He succeeded in obtaining a commission from the General Court of Connecticut to begin a plantation at Pequonnock, during the summer or early autumn of 1639; and with four others set out on his journey thither. Upon his arrival he entered into a treaty with the chief sachems of Pequonnock, of whom he purchased "all the lands lying west of the Stratford bounds to the Sasqua or Mill river, and from the Mill river south-westward to the east bounds of the Maxumux Indian lands; and from the Sound, seven or eight miles into the wilderness," all of which lands were claimed by the Pequonnock Indians. ²

The Indians of this region were no doubt glad to enter into a friendly alliance with the English, whom, since their remarkable victory over the Pequots, they must have regarded as beings endowed with supernatural power. In order to secure protection from their deadly enemies the Mohawks, who yearly made a descent upon them to collect a tribute which was rigidly exacted, they agreed to give Governor Ludlow an annual tribute of furs, wampum and corn.

There were several hundred Indians divided into clans who claimed the lands of Pequonnock, Uncoway and Sasqua. The Pequonnock Indians appear to have been a branch of the Paugusetts, living on the east side of the Housatonic, and the Wepawags on the west side of the river. They were at one time supposed to be two distinct tribes; but it has been decided by students of the aborigines of Connecticut, that they were one and the same, as the names of their chief sachems are found attached to deeds of lands, both of Milford and Stratford. The territories of this clan stretched several miles along the coast and included the Norwalke Indians. After the Indians of Pequonnock made a formal sale of their lands to Roger Ludlow, they settled upon Golden Hill — so named from the mica found in the soil — and were ever afterwards called the Golden Hill tribe.

The Uncoway Indians occupied the territory lying west of Pequonnock, to the eastern borders of Sasqua or Mill river. The name of Sasquannock appears to have been applied to all the lands lying west of this river, as far as the Sasco river. The name of Munchunchoser Sasqug ³ appears to have been given to the lands and small islands in Pine creek and on Sasco hill, lying on the east side of Mill river bordering the Sound. The Maxumux Indians claimed the lands west of the small stream called Sasco river, about a mile, along the coast to the Compang or Compaw lands, and extending into the wilderness to the borders of the Aspetuck river. The Compangs or Compaws occupied the land west of Maxumux as far as the Saugatuck river. North of these, scattered along the borders of the Aspetuck river, lived the Aspetucks. ⁴ The sachem of this tribe was called the chief sachem of Aspetuck and Sasquannock or Sasquaugh.

The principal fort of the Pequonnock and Uncoway Indians was at the head of the stream or cove which runs from Black Rock harbor, a description of which, and the number of Indians living in it, has happily been preserved by Thomas Wheeler, sr., a descendant of one of the first settlers at Black Rock. It is as follows:

"Captain Thomas Wheeler (the first settler of Black creek village in 1640) came to Black Rock, and at the old lot built a stone house with a flat roof of plank, on which he mounted two four pounders, one pointed towards the mouth of the harbor, the other at an Indian fort situated at the head of the harbor, now known by the name of Old Fort. This place the Fairfield Indians had built for their defense against some of the interior tribes with whom they were perpetually at war. It was composed of palisades joined together, and at each corner a room was built out with port holes. It contained about an acre of ground, and was garrisoned by about two hundred Indians."

The almost impregnable, natural fortress at Pequot swamp, was surrounded on all sides by a wide ditch of bogs and water, thickly grown trees and a dense under-growth of alder and birch.

As the English purchased lands of the Indians, reservations of sufficient numbers of acres for their use were set apart to satisfy them. Besides the Golden Hill reservation, the Uncoways retained several acres near Old Fort, on the east side of the Uncoway river, upon which they lived for many years after the town was settled. They also reserved a number of acres of samp-mortar rock and mill plain. " In the rich valley south of the rock was a large Indian town; and at the very foot of the precipice there appears to have been a burying ground." The Sasqua Indians reserved lands at Sasco, a little west of Pequot swamp. The Maxumux Indian reservation lay east of Frost point and on Clapboard hill.

The tract of land purchased by Roger Ludlow for the town of Fairfield embraced within its boundaries the Uncoway and Sasqua rivers, the fine harbors of Pequonnock and Black Rock, and a good harbor at Sasqua. The Black Rock harbor is one of the finest on the New England coast, vessels of large size being able to enter at any time of the tide. The principal islands in 1639 were Fairweather, which forms the east chop of Black Rock harbor, and Thompson's island, now called Penfield reef, and the Fairfield bar. The latter island, except at unusual high tides, in early days, was reached from the main land by a small strip of land. It is described by some of the oldest and most intelligent gentlemen of Fairfield as having been an island about a -mile or more in length and covered with meadows, upon which cattle grazed and a few trees and berries were found. ⁵ There was also Flat and several small inland islands, particularly in Sasco neck, now called Pine creek.

The surface of the country on the Sound, while moderately even, gradually rises in a succession of fine rolling hills and gentle declivities. Large quantities of peat were found by the early settlers in the swamps, of which they made considerable use for fuel. By many it was thought valuable for manure, which, when laid upon the ground in heaps,, soon crumbled and improved fields under cultivation. The sea-weed of the Sound also proved a valuable fertilizer.

The soil, which is mainly of gravelly loam, is described in the early history of the settlement as generally rich and very productive. There are also sections of primitive argillaceous loam and some tracts of alluvial soil: No minerals of value exist. A copper mine is mentioned in the will of Lieutenant Richard Hubbell of Stratfield, as situated " a little above y e Pine swamp at y e upper end of Stratfield bounds." At Pequonnock and at, Greenfield there are quarries of freestone. A whetstone quarry is mentioned in the early records of the town. The most important one, however, is the Bluestone Hill quarry, about a mile north of Greenfield centre, which the first settlers used for grave-stones and building purposes.

Fine oaks of all kinds abounded in early days, as well as chestnut, hickory, cherry, several kinds of maples, beech, birch, white and red ash, elm, butternut, white wood, buttonwood, basswood, poplar, sassafras, hemlock, spruce, cedar and pine. The white wood, notable for its height and magnitude, made excellent boards and clapboards. Beech trees of considerable height extended along the beach from the Uncoway river to Kenzie's point, the roots of which, with those of the beach-grass, formed a strong breastwork against the encroachment of the tides and storms. Noble pines covered the islands of Pine creek, from which it derived its name.

Wild fruits were abundant, and a great variety of wild flowers of exquisite texture and tints adorned the woods, meadows and hill-sides. The Sound furnished some of the most exquisite sea-mosses to be found on the New England coast. The deer, bear, wolf, fox, otter, mink, muskrat, and an endless number of squirrels afforded furs valuable for barter. Wild cats, bears, wolves and other ferocious animals were discovered in large numbers at " Devil's-den," which took its name from that fact. A description of the sources of wealth at Fairfield in those days is given in William Wheeler's journal. " Land was cheap and produced large crops. Labor was cheap — there were many Indians who would work for small wages. In those golden times there was plenty of game— ducks of which there were twenty species of black ducks and broadbills, hundreds if not thousands in a flock, which were very tame — wild geese very fat in large numbers but more shy. Pigeons in Autumn so wonderfully plenty that forty dozen have been caught in a net in one morning at one spot. Black Rock beach was the place to take them, where the pigeon houses were situated at short distances apart. Pigeons flew so thick one year that at noon, it is said, the sun could not be seen for two hours — prodigious numbers were seen — being tired alighting in the sound, and perishing in the water. The waters brought forth abundantly ' various kinds of fish — shad in prodigious quantities, but bass were the fish they caught most plentifully, taking in at Black Rock sixty or eighty in a night; occasionally some of them weighing as heavy as twenty-eight pounds. Clams, oysters and escallops more than could be eaten.' Eels and smelt swarmed in the waters. White-fish were so plentiful that they were drawn in by nets, and distributed for manure upon the lands. Beside these, lobsters, crabs, mussels and other inferior shell-fish were found in great quantities. The fresh water streams afforded trout, lamper-eels and turtles of considerable size. Occasionally whales made their appearance in the Sound; and the porpoise was a frequent spectacle, measuring his length in the air and then disappearing beneath the waters."

Among the natural curiosities of the town is a spot called samp-mortar rock. This rock forms a distinct feature in the geographical history of Fairfield. It occupies a central position on the west side of Mill river, about two miles from the Sound, between Fairfield and Greenfield. Ledge upon ledge of huge rocks project from the side of a hill, forming a precipice of about eighty feet in height. A granitic ridge runs northerly for some distance. A gradual and easy ascent leads to the summit of the hill, upon which is to be found a large flat rock, on which patches of lichens and mosses abound; and in which, almost on 'the very brink of this precipice, is a round opening in the form of a mortar, capable of holding about half a bushel of corn. At a convenient distance is an indenture which the Indians are said to have used for a seat while pulverizing corn in the mortar; and just below it is another smaller indenture for supporting the feet. This novel corn mill gave the name of samp-mortar to the place.

For many years tourists believed that this excavation was a work of art hewn out by the Indians; but as in many of the rocks beneath it are found like holes of smaller size, modern scientists are induced to believe it the result of the action of water at some glacial period. Calm reasoning, however, naturally inclines to the hypothesis, that whatever effect the floods of time produced, the Indians had much to do with the depth and size of this mortar; and that if " the constant dropping of water will wear away a stone," certainly the action of an Indian chisel or stone hatchet against stone, will in a much shorter time make like progress. It has been remarked that "this mortar, which may be considered as a primitive grain-mill, is not more important as a monument of the aboriginal inhabitants than as an illustration of the origin and progress of the arts. It was a great improvement upon the more simple and rude method of pulverizing corn which preceded it — that of pounding the kernels between two stones. To such rude and simple discoveries as this, can the most noble and useful inventions in the arts be traced."

Pequot swamp was until 1835 another natural curiosity of the town. It was so named from the famous swamp fight between the New Englanders and the Pequots, which will ever make it remarkable in the annals of local history. The rise of ground in its centre, which had the appearance of an artificial mound, was a natural hill. For a long time it was supposed to be the work of the .Indians, and filled with their graves; but when Pequot Avenue was opened in 1835.it became necessary to make a passage through it. This was done by tunneling through the centre, as the ground above was frozen hard. Most of the men of the place were sea captains, who employed their leisure hours in the winter in making this excavation. They found but one Indian skeleton, and to their surprise discovered, by the different strata of earth, that the supposed mound was a natural hill. ⁶ The open hill for many years formed walls on either side of the road, which are now leveled, so that only a faint vestige of the hill is to be seen. This, historic swamp lies northwest of the residence of the late Hon. Jonathan 1 Godfrey, of Southport, and only a few rods west of the New York,, New Haven and Hartford Railroad, which crosses Pequot Avenue.

Supplied with everything which opens avenues of comfort and wealth,, the pioneers of Uncoway could scarcely fail to look forward with happy anticipations for the prosperity of their town. Others were soon induced to join them from Massachusetts and the Connecticut river settlements. The Indian name of Uncoway, signifying go further, gave place to that of Fairfield, which was happily applied to the fair fields and rich meadows of the town.

Unfortunately, Fairfield, like Windsor and the other early settlements, was not supplied with proper record books until 1648, at which date the town and probate records still extant commenced. The statement that Roger Ludlow carried away the early town records was a traditional one, and without foundation. The town and probate records, which began in 1648, were continued without interruption for many years after he left the country. He was not the town clerk when he left Fairfield. That office was occupied by William Hill, jr. More than a hundred years after Roger Ludlow left America, Letter A of Town Deeds was missing, and not found until within the present century, when it was restored to its place in the record office. It contains over six hundred pages of fine and close writing in the English court hand. The volume is now over two hundred years old, and this and the probate records and Letter B of Town Votes are the oldest relics of the pen tracings and autographs of our forefathers. The first notice of the recovery of this volume is due to the Rev. Thomas Davis of Green's Farms, who refers to it in his admirable bicentennial address delivered at Green's Farms, March 29, 1839. ⁷

The work which the pioneers of Connecticut accomplished within the space of four years was wonderful. They had but little time for aught beyond the protection of their homes and firesides, and the labor necessary for the well-being of the colony. All documents of value were by an order of the General Court recorded at Hartford. Town deeds of lands and records were kept in a fragmentary manner. Twelve of the first pages of the first alphabetical book, entitled, Letter A, Town Deeds of Fairfield, and also several pages from Letter B, of Town Votes, which were begun as early as the town and probate records (1648) have been lost. Fortunately, however, in the latter part of Book A of Town Deeds is to be found the following valuable record, which at once supplies, not only the names of those who first accompanied Governor Ludlow to Fairfield, but gives a valuable clue to the first laying out of the town. It is as follows:

" The testimony of John Green aged fifty eight years, or there-abouts, testifies as followeth: that about the first settling of the town of Fairfield, Thomas Staples, Thomas Newton, Edward Jessop& Edmund Strickland, having home-lots in y' rear of y" lots that Mr. Ludlow's lot lay in, y e said four above sd. persons, agreed that y e sd. Thomas Staples should take his lot at y e rear of all y e four lots, & cut all those lots so much y e shorter, which according to y e first laying out there, was as long as Mr. Ludlow's lot, but giving y e said Thomas Staples some allowance in measure, he had his lot taken out of y e rear of all their lots, & upon y= sd. Thomas Staples remove at y e rear of y= lots: ye sd. Thomas Newton, Edward Jessop & Edmund Strickland did engage to y e sd. Thomas Staples to make & maintain forever y e reare fence for their respective lots that butted upon y e sd. Thomas Staples lot, & further this deponent saith not. This is a true copy of Taken upon oath before

y e original recorded & me this 28. Nov. 1672.

compared this 1. of Feb 1688. William Hill,

by me, Nathan Gold, Recorder. Commissioner."

Town Book A. of Deeds, page 593.

Turning from this important record to the first pages of the book in which it is found, the names of Edward Jessop and Emund Strickland have disappeared from the square. Edward Jessop early sold most of his lands at Fairfield and went to Stamford, and afterwards settled at Newtown, Long Island. Edmund Strickland also went to Long Island and settled at Middleburg. Their home lots at Fairfield were afterwards occupied by Robert Hawkins and John Barlow, sr. The boundaries of Roger Ludlow's land and that of Thomas Newton's fully corroborate, as will be seen, the statement of John Green:

4. Feb. 1653. Granted to Roger Ludlow from the town one home-lot of five acres, more or less, bounded northeast with the highway; northwest with the highway; southwest with the land of Thomas Morehouse; & on the southeast with the highway.

2. Dec. 1653. Alexander Bryant of Milford, purchased of Thomas Newton a dwelling-house, barn & home-lot, containing two acres & a half, more or less, bounded on the north east With the land of Thomas Morehouse, sometimes John Barlow's; south east with the highway; south west with the Land of Robert Hawkins; & on the north west with the land of Thomas Staples."

From these two records it. will be seen that the five lots in this square were in 1653 occupied by Roger Ludlow, Thomas Morehouse, Thomas Newton, Robert Hawkins and Thomas Staples, the two lots first owned by Edward Jessop and Edmund Strickland having passed, before the town records were begun, into the possession of Robert Hawkins and John Barlow, sr. The lot of the latter again passed into the possession of Thomas Morehouse.

This square, which should always bear the name of Ludlow square, is the one lying north of that on which the Congregational church now stands. Roger Ludlow had also a pasture lot granted him of six acres "on the northeast side of the highway that runs down by the home-lot, bounded southeast, southwest, & northwest by the commons & highways, & northeast by the Windsor-field," the present residence of Mrs. Abraham Benson.

Having accomplished the object of his journey, Roger Ludlow returned to Hartford and appeared before the session of the General Court, held on the 10th of October, 1639. He had been fined ten shillings for absence from a court held on the 10th of September. He therefore took occasion at this time to apologize for his absence, as well as for having begun a plantation at Uncoway instead of Pequonnock. He said: " Mr. Deputy informed the Court that he hath understood since his return, offence hath beene taken att some of his p r cedings in his late jorney to Pequannocke, and the parts, thereabouts: he therefore desired to make J knowne what had beene done by him therein, w ch was this; Att his coining downe to Quinnipiocke the hand of the Lord was uppon him in taking away some of his Cattle, w ch prevented him in some of his purposes there" for selling some of them: Afterwards att his coming to Pequannocke he found cause to alter his former thoughts of wintering his Cattle there, and understanding that the beginnings of a Plantacon beyond that was not caryed on according to the agreement made with those who were interessed in ordering the same, and that by some things w ch appeared to him, his apprehensions were that some others intended to take up the sayd place, who had not acquainted this Court with their purposes therein, w ch might be preiudiciall to this Cofftonwealth, and knowing himselfe to be one of those to whom the disposel of that plantacon was comitted, he adventured to drive his Cattle thither, make provition for them there, and to sett out himselfe and some others house lotts to build on there, and submitts himselfe to the Court to judge whether he hath transgressed the Comission or nott."

The court, taking the circumstances of the case into consideration, saw fit to reprimand Ludlow, for having transgressed the bounds of his commission. They did not see why he should be excused for his neglect of duty in not having given notice to the court " of what he did, notwithstanding his allegations of the inconveniences which otherwise might have occurred: yet, that the thing might more fully appear as he had represented, & that matters might be ordered in a comely manner," Governor John Haynes and Mr. Thomas Wells were appointed a committee "to repair thither & take a view of the aforesaid occasions, & if, in their judgment, both persons & things settled by him, be soe as comfortably be confirmed, they remain as they are, or otherwise altered att , their discretion; & they are to report things how they find them, to the next General Court, that a full issue may be given to the matter in hand, as things shall then appear."

Governor Haynes and Mr. Wells were also appointed to administer the oath of fidelity to the planters of Pequonnock; make such free as they saw fit; order them to send two deputies to the two General Courts in 'April and September; and for all suits of law under forty shillings to hold court among themselves, and to choose seven men among them with liberty to appeal to the General Court. Seargant Nichols was for the time being appointed to train and exercise the men in military discipline. The committee were also to consult with Mr. Prudens, of the Stratford plantation, and to settle the difference between them and the Pequonnock planters as to who had most right to the places in controversy, and most need of them, and to determine whatever was " most agreeable to equity land reason."

The reference made by Ludlow " to the beginnings of a plantation beyond Uncoa," was without doubt to Rippowams or Stamford, which had been visited by Andrew Ward, Robert Coe, Francis Bell, and others from Wethersfield, about the same time, he received a commission to begin a settlement at Pequonnock.⁸

The colony of New Haven was settled in 1638, by the Rev. John Davenport, Theophilus Eaton and other gentlemen of influence and wealth, who arrived at Boston on the 26th of July, 1637. " Having heard pf the pursuit of the Pequots, & the fine tract along the shore from Saybrook to Fairfield, Mr. Eaton & others in the fall of 1637, made a journey to Connecticut, & having explored the coast along the Sound, pitched upon Quinnipiac for their settlement." They undoubtedly intended to form a colony of sufficient size and strength to exist separate and apart from all others. The Connecticut colony, therefore, had reasons! for being on the alert, lest the opulent planters of New Haven should by purchase of the natives lay claim to all the lands lying along the Sound, These planters who accompanied the Rev. John Davenport to New Eng-I land were men of good character and wealth, who, out of love and respect to their pastor, had followed him to the New World. Unlike the suffering colonists of Plymouth, Massachusetts and Connecticut, who had spent the money they brought to this country in the purchase of cattle, and necessary supplies to be forwarded from England, they were newcomers, with handsome fortunes at command. Mr. Theophilus Eaton had been deputy-governor of the East India company, an ambassador from England to the King of Denmark, and was a rich London merchant. Their project was to have a great trading city in New England, and to found a distinct colony.

It would appear from the apology of Ludlow, that the planters who had gone from Wethersfield to Rippowams, had not gained permission from the General Court of the Connecticut colony to begin that settlement; but on the contrary, had joined the colony of New Haven, the names of Andrew Ward and Francis Bell having been enrolled in the list of New Haven freemen in 1639 from Rippowams.

Ludlow, therefore, had the sagacity and far-seeing policy to secure as much land west of Pequonnock, as would entitle the colony of Connecticut to Black Rock, one of the finest harbors on the Sound, and the two excellent harbors of Pequonnock and Sasqua or Mill river; also to claim by purchase from the natives, all the lands stretching from the west bounds of Stratford to the western limits of the Sasqua Indian lands. The wisdom of his course was evident, when, in July, 1640, Captain Turner, as agent of the New Haven colony, bought of Ponus, sagamore of Toquams, and of Wascussue, sagamore of Shippan, all the grounds belonging to the said Sagamores, except a piece of ground which Ponus reserved for himself and the other Indians to plant upon. Thus the plantation of Rippowams or Toquams and Shippan fell under the jurisdiction of the New Haven colony. In October following the planters of Rippowams or Stamford purchased this plantation from the New Haven planters.

The colonists throughout New England greatly feared that a governor might be sent out from England. Each colony therefore became zealous to acquire as much territory as possible, and to begin plantations as speedily as safety would permit. The leading men came to New England to establish a republican form of government, to elect their chief magistrate from among themselves, and to be a republic in all save the name, — while as yet in their infancy they were under a monarchy. Each founder of a new colony aspired to be its chief magistrate; hence there arose a strife between the Connecticut and New Haven colonies to enlarge their territories, as a matter of political power.

Connecticut and New Haven were, in reality, without patents to their lands. They were simply subjects of the mother-country, having seized upon and occupied a portion of the lands claimed by the Warwick 'patent. This patent was conveyed on the 19th of March, 1631, by the Earl of Warwick, president of the Council of Plymouth, under his hand and seal, to the Honorable Viscount Say and Seal, Robert Lord Brooks, Robert Lord Rich and their associates to the number of eleven, and to their heirs and assigns and associates forever. It embraced: " All that part of New England in America, which lies & extends itself from a river there called the Narragansett river, the space of forty leagues upon a straight line near the sea shore towards the southwest, as the coast lieth towards Virginia, accounting three English miles to the league, & also all & singular the lands & hereditaments whatsoever, lying & being within the bounds aforesaid, north & south in latitude & breadth, & in length & longitude, of & within all the breadth aforesaid, throughout the main lands there, from the western ocean to the south sea," ⁹ or the Pacific Ocean.

It also included all the islands within its limits on the Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Accounting three English miles to a league, gives the Coast line of this patent 120 miles. "This grant extends from Point Judith to New York; & from thence in a west line to the south sea; & if we take the Narragansett river, in its whole length, this tract will extend as far north as Worcester: it comprehends the whole of the colony of Connecticut & much more.

Both the Connecticut and New Haven planters, under these circumstances, were eager to obtain, as early as a favorable opportunity offered, a valid title to the lands they occupied. ¹⁰

" In purchasing lands, & in making settlements in the wilderness, the first planters of Connecticut expended great estates; & many of the adventurers expended more than the lands & buildings were worth, with all the improvements which had been made upon them." After the Pequot war, Uncas and the chiefs of other tribes of Connecticut claimed a native title to their old possessions. The colonists therefore made peace with them by purchasing of their sachem from time to time as much land as they: required. Uncas who had been presented with a hundred of the Pequot captives, having been joined by many other Indians, could number about five hundred warriors. As the successor of Sassicus in the Pequot line of descent, he claimed the old Pequot grounds at New London and Groton, The colony therefore purchased of him and his successors, all the lands lying within the Mohegan country, and afterwards all the particular towns where a " settlement was made." They were often obliged to renew their league with him and his successors, the Mohegan sachems, and to make new presents and to take new deeds, in order to preserve the peace of the colony. This led to a law being enacted in 1638, whereby the planters were not allowed to purchase lands of the Indians, unless they fully acknowledged themselves the lawful possessors of the soil. Every town was required by the General Court to lay out a reservation for the Indians of whom they had purchased their lands, and to give them the privileged hunting and fishing within their limits, as well as to cut firewood, which custom continued for more than a hundred years after the settlements began. The General Court protected them from their enemies, and from insult, fraud and, violence from the planters. At the beginning of a plantation, the law required when any company of Indians sat down near it, that they should declare who their chief sachem was, and that the said sachem should pay to the English such trespasses as his men committed by spoiling or killing cattle or swine, either with traps, dogs or arrows. If guilty of crime against the English, they were to be delivered up to justice by their sachems.

Before following Ludlow back to Uncoway, certain acts of the General Court for the benefit of the towns are worthy of notice. At the same time that he made his apology before the court, he assisted in preparing and offering the following laws, viz.: that all the towns within the jurisdiction should each have power to dispose of their own undisposed lands, " and all other commodities arising out of their own limits bounded out by the court, the liberties of the great rivers excepted; " to choose their own officers; to impose penalties for any breach of the law; to estreat and levy the same, and for non-payment to distrain either by seizing upon personal estate or to sell their houses or lands; to choose 3, 5, or 7 once every year of their chief inhabitants, one of whom should be chosen moderator, who should have a casting voice, in case there should be an equal number of votes; which said persons should meet together every two months, to hear and determine all controversies either by trespass or debts not exceeding 40% provided both parties lived in the same town; and that any two of them should summon parties to appear before their court to answer an action; to administer the oath to witnesses; and to give judgment and execution against offending parties. In case of dissatisfaction, the aggrieved parties were given power to appeal to a higher court.

Each town was ordered to be provided with a ledger book with an alphabetical index, and each book numbered alphabetically; and to choose a town-clerk or register, who should immediately register every man's land. Every landholder was required to take a record of his lands to the town-clerk within three months under a penalty of 10s a month. No bargains or mortgages of lands were to be accounted of any value until they were recorded. At each session of the General Court, and once every year, the constables in the several towns, were required to read or cause to read, in some public meeting, all such laws as were then in force.

The office of a constable in those days was one of great importance. " He was the arm of the law and the embodiment of its majesty." From the date of his appointment, the town became a valid incorporation, subject to taxation and entitled to representation. Upon all public occasions he appeared before the court with his long pole surmounted with the British emblem of royalty; and for a time after the Revolution his pole was crowned with the American eagle. For the better keeping in mind of God's providences, which had been " remarkable since their first undertakings," Governor Ludlow and others were appointed to take pains to collect the same from the towns in which they resided, and to bring them in to the next court in April, to be recorded, and kept among the archives at Hartford, which Ludlow faithfully carried out.

Besides the General Court, the court of election, and the justice's court, there was a particular court, which consisted of the deputies or representatives of the General Court, to decide judicial and civil actions, debts and trespasses of over forty shillings. Upon the adjournment of this session of the General Court, Ludlow returned to Uncoway and continued his labor of laying out the town. Five wide streets were laid out near the old Meeting-house green, two of them running north-east and south-west, and three crossing these, running north-west and south-east to the Sound. ¹¹ Four squares were laid out, each covering from twenty-five to thirty acres, which remain to-day almost precisely as Ludlow laid them out. These squares will be named after the persons who first settled upon them, viz.: the Ludlow, the Newton, the Frost, and the Burr squares. The first, or Ludlow square, which lies north of the present Congregational Church, has already been mentioned.

The second, or Newton square, lies south-east of the Ludlow square on the opposite side of the street, which, in those days, was called "the street which runs through the centre of the town." A wide street was also opened in the rear of this square, running north-east from Concord street. On the south-west corner of this square, three acres were laid out for the use of the minister called " parsonage land." ¹² The third, or Frost square, lies south-west of the Ludlow square, on the north-east corner of which, about one acre was laid out and formed a part of the Meeting-house green for the purpose of building a meeting-house, court-house, and school-house. The fourth, or Burr square, lies on the south-east side of the street, opposite the Frost square. On the north-west corner of this, opposite the Meeting-house square, about three acres were laid out for a military or public park, which has ever since been called the " Meetinghouse green." Between three and four acres more were laid out in the rear of this, that nearest the green for a home-lot and. dwelling-house for the minister; and that on the north-east corner of the square for a burial place, which was called " Burial Hill." A pond of fresh, running water lay on the west side of the Meeting-house green, which some years after the settlement, was called Edwards' pond. Stately buttonball trees stood like aged sentinels upon the green. On the south-west side of the Burr square was a street or lane, leading to the Sound; and on the southeast or rear, a lane was opened, which closed on the north-east with the fence of Burial-hill — which was for many years the first and only grave yard of the town, and was much larger than it is at the present day.

Among those who joined Ludlow in September of this year, were William Frost, his son Daniel Frost, and his son-in-law John Gray, all of whom settled upon the Frost square. William Frost took up his home lot of two and one-half acres on the south-west side of the church and school land. About this time, or soon after, John Foster took up three acres in the rear of this lot. Next adjoining William Frost's lot on the west, Francis Purdie took up three and three-quarter acres, running through the square from the south-east to the north-west. Daniel Frost took up three and three-quarter acres west of this, which also extended through the whole width of the square. John Nichols, a brother of Isaac and Caleb Nichols, of Stratford, took up two and a half acres west of Daniel Frost. John Gray, who, before the month of May, 1639, had married Elizabeth a daughter of William Frost and widow of John Watson,, sold his house and home-lot in Lynn, Massachusetts, about the 1st of August following, and before the 28th of September (perhaps accompanied his father-in-law to Uncoway), took up two and a half acres on the south-east corner of Frost square. Henry Whelpley soon after took up. three acres next adjoining John Gray's lot, extending to the southwest corner of the square. At a later date, John Green took up three acres on the north-west side of this square, between Henry Whelpley's lot and Daniel Frost's. Richard Westcot took up two and a half acres on the south-east side of the square between John Gray and John Nichols.

There appears to be every reason to believe that John and Thomas Barlow settled at Uncoway about this time, or very soon after, which seems to be fully substantiated by a record of 1653, that the land of Thomas Morehouse, "some times," or for some time previous, had been owned by John Barlow; which must have been purchased by him at an early date, else some reference would have been made to its first owner. Daniel Frost had married Elizabeth, .the daughter of John Barlow; it is therefore a natural conclusion that these families, so closely allied by intermarriage, should have journeyed to Uncoway together. Thomas Barlow, who was probably nearly related to John Barlow, took up five acres on the north-west corner of the Frost square, in the rear of the school and church land, next adjoining William Frost's and John Foster's land on the east. Abraham Frost also accompanied his father William Frost to Uncoway. The latter in his will mentions having purchased for this son the house and home lot of John Strickland of Wethersfield, who tarried but a short time at Fairfield, as soon after he is found at Long Island.

These few families were the first settlers of Uncoway, and to them belong the honor of breaking the soil of the fair fields and meadows of the town, and erecting the first dwellings and the first town and school-house. They were a small community, closely allied by ties of kinship and friendship. The hours were all too short for the labor necessary to accomplish building their dwellings and outhouses for their cattle, before the winter closed in upon them. The terror which some of them had endured from the Indians in the river settlements, and the miseries of a famine no longer harassed them. Here the Indians were peaceably disposed, so that they slept in peace and rose in the morning refreshed for the labor of the day, while their hearts were made brave to endure the approaching winter months, with the wealth which the rich meadows, the fine forests, and the rivers and Sound promised them when spring opened.

In 1640, early in January, Governor Ludlow again made his way through the wilderness to Hartford, in order to be present at the assembling of the General Court, held on the sixteenth. At the opening of the court the governor informed those present " that the occasion of calling" them together at that time was the importunity of their neighbors at Weathersfield, who desired to have some answer concerning Uncoa: & thereupon he related that himself with Mr. Wells, according to the order of the Court, went thither & took a view of what had been done by Mr. Ludlow there; & upon due consideration of the same, they had thought fit, upon Mr. Ludlow's " assenting to the terms propounded by them, to confirm the same.

It appears that a division had occurred among the members of the Wethersfield church, which led to a number leaving that plantation and joining others. Those who first settled Stamford were from Wethersfield, and the Stricklands of Fairfield were also from that town. At a session of the General Court held on the 20th of February, " Mr. Deputy, (which title was frequently given to the deputy-governor of the colony) was entreated to consider of some order concerning an inquiry into the death of any that happen either accidently or by violence, & for disposing the estate of Persons that die intestate; & for y e power of the magistrate in inflicting corporal punishment, & present it to the next Court: & also what course may be best taken with any that shall buy or possess lands within the jurisdiction of Connecticut, that the public good might be promoted." ¹³

On the 26th of February Ludlow entered into a treaty with Mamechimoh, the chief sachem of Norwake (Norwalk), of whom he purchased all the lands lying " between the Saugatuck & Norwalk rivers to the middle of s'd rivers, & from the sea a day's walk into the country." Thus another plantation was secured to the jurisdiction of Connecticut. Again, on the 5th of March, Ludlow was present as one of the judges of a particular court held at Hartford. Ludlow also purchased a tract of land of the Indians at Lewisboro (lower Salem), Westchester county, New York, 16th of February, 1640. Captain Daniel Patrick purchased the central portion of that town on the' 20th of April, 1640. A few planters appear to have settled there at this early date, but no formal settlement was made until 1651, at which date the western part of the town was purchased. Greenwich was also settled about the same time, but revolting to the Dutch, it was not regained until the charter of Connecticut was granted in 1602, when it became a part of the jurisdiction of Connecticut.

The spring opened with joyous promises to the planters. The winter had passed without disquietude from the Indians, or loss of numbers among themselves. The plow opened the rich meadows for the reception of English grass seed, barley, oats, wheat and the Indian corn of the natives, as well as for vegetable seed, fruit stones and trees imported from England. Ludlow was absent from the court of election held at Hartford on the 9th of April, at which time Edward Hopkins, Esq. was chosen governor and John Haynes deputy-governor. Ludlow was re-elected one of the magistrates, or assistant judges of the particular court. Governor Hopkins was instructed to give him the oath for the place of magistracy. This office, which he had held the year previous, gave him the power of enforcing the laws of the colony, administering justice and arbitrating all controversies in the town in which he resided. He was therefore the first judge of Fairfield. It was also ordered that " Mr. Haynes, Mr. Ludlow, and Mr. Wells should settle the bounds between Pequannock and Uncowaye, on or before the 24. of June, according to their former commission; & that they should tender the Oath of Fidelity to the inhabitants of the said towns, & make such free as they should approve." ¹⁴

There is no record of any settlement at Pequonnock at that time, but from the earliest extant boundaries of lands in 1650, occasional reference is made to home-lots having been previously owned by Nicholas Knell afterwards of Stratford — John Evarts and others. There is ground to believe that before the emigration from Concord in 1644, a few persons had settled on the King's Highway, near the green adjoining the old Pequonnock burying ground. Ludlow being the chief magistrate, and having laid out the first four squares at Uncoway as the centre of the town, it was natural that the most of those who came' early should settle nearby for mutual protection in case of an attack from the natives.

About this time the Indians began to be troublesome throughout the colony. The General Court therefore passed a law that if the watchmen of the towns should discover any Indians within the bounds of their plantations, or if found by the ward appointed for the day breaking open any house, or attempting the life of any person, it should be lawful for him to shoot them. Thomas Stanton, the interpreter between the Pequot Indians and the English troops at Pequot swamp in 1637, was appointed to give notice of this order to all the Indian chiefs.

" No suitable place having been prepared for persons guilty of misdemeanor or crime, the court ordered that a house of correction should be built at Hartford." As Fairfield and Stratford were so far distant from Hartford as to make it inconvenient, in suits of appeal from the town court to the particular and General Court, Mr. William Hopkins, of Stratford, was appointed to join Ludlow in holding a particular court in each place. Ludlow was also appointed to collect tribute from the Indians. Every owner of appropriated grounds was required "to bound each particular parcell with sufficient mere-stones to preserve and keep them."

From the early records of Fairfield it is shown that the home-lots on the east side of Meeting-house green, for some years had no other separation than stones set in the ground at convenient distances. For want of any town records of those early days, imagination can only supply the history of the first year of the planters of Uncoway. Without doubt each man accomplished a daily round of hard manual labor. With the help of their own servants and the Indians, considerable progress must have been made in raising a supply of staple products for the necessities of the winter; and their horses, cattle and sheep were made healthy with sweet English grass, oats and hay. Probably the first town and schoolhouse was built this year, which also served as a place of worship until the planters were able to erect a meeting-house. It stood a little northwest of the present Congregational church, facing towards the north-east. It evidently contained two or more rooms, and was used as a town and school-house until 1693, when it was given by the town to the Rev. Joseph Webb for a parsonage.

Among those who joined the plantation during the year, was Henry Gray of Boston, the brother of John Gray, who soon after May, 1639, married Lydia, another daughter of William Frost. He appears to have lived with his father-in-law, who in his will, left him and his son, Jacob Gray, the Frost homestead. For want of data, it is not possible to give the precise time when all the early settlers came to Fairfield and Pequonnock, before or after 1644. In several instances, besides those already mentioned, this can be done; but the record of lands in 1650 supplies most, if not all the names of those who settled in the town previous to that date, and will be given hereafter.

A great scarcity of money among the planters of Connecticut became a serious matter of legislative action at the assembling of the General Court, held at Hartford on the 7th of February. All available coins of the different nationalities which had been brought to America, had been used. Indian wampum, wampumpeag, or peag, which was made of the end of a periwinkle shell and the back part of a clam shell, was at first received in trafficking with the Indians, and for a time was used as money even among the planters. The beads were small and of white, black and purple, about a quarter of an inch in length, and in diameter less than a pipe-stem, drilled lengthwise, and strung upon a thread. The white beads were rated at half the value of the black or violet. At one time a fathom, or string of wampum consisted of 360 beads, and was valued at 60 pence, 6 white beads one penny, 360 black beads 120 pence, and three black beads one penny. Their value, however, varied from time to time.

The General Court, taking into consideration the great expense to which the colonists had been subjected in sending abroad for necessary articles of food and clothing, " & not knowing how the commonwealth could be long supported unless some staple commodities should be raised in order to defray their debts," passed the following acts:

That all possible encouragement might be given for the full employment of men and cattle for the improvement of land, so that English grain could be raised by the planters themselves, by all disposed to improve their estates in husbandry, the court granted " one hundred acres of plowing ground & twenty acres of meadow, provided twenty acres were improved the first, & eighty the second year," which resolution was to take effect immediately. A committee was appointed to set forth the form and order, as to the manner in which each man's proportion should be laid out, with a competent quantity of upland; to the owner of each team a competent lot for a workman " to manage the business & cany on the work; " and to admit inhabitants to new plantations, and set out their bounds. All persons who gave in their names to the committee for this undertaking, were to have their divisions set out to them in regular order, next after the committee had made choice for themselves. If any person undertaking a hundred acres or less, should neglect or fail to be able to carry out the terms specified, the court reserved the power to dispossess him of the grant, paying him a reasonable satisfaction for what improvements he had made. The court also reserved the power to refuse such applicants as they deemed unfit for the undertaking. All stock removed from one place to another was taxed in the place from whence it came, and the tax paid towards making roads, or other public improvements, until the new plantation should be capable of maintaining itself.

Governor Hopkins, having fitted out a vessel to be sent for a cargo of cotton to the Bermuda Islands, the General Court ordered that each plantation should receive its proportion according to its means of payment, to be made in English corn or pipe-staves, in which Fairfield shared. For preserving timber for pipe-staves, a law was passed that no timber should be felled within the bounds of the plantations, nor any pipe-staves sold out of the plantations, without the consent of the court, nor transported into foreign ports, until they were inspected and approved by a committee appointed by the court as to due proportion and size. A committee was also appointed to consider the best way to improve land, and to provide suitable fencing for the protection of growing crops; and also to keep herds of cattle in the most economical manner. The skins and felts of cows and goats were ordered to be carefully preserved, and dressed for home use and for the market, under a penalty such as the court should approve. " That they might in time have a supply of linen among themselves," it was made a law, that every particular family in the colony should procure and plant, within a year, at least, one spoonful of English hemp-seed, in some fruitful soil, at least a foot distant betwixt every seed; the seed of the same to be carefully husbanded for another year: and that every family should raise at least half a pound of flax or hemp. It was also ordered that every family possessing a team, even if not more than three draft cattle, should sow the second year, at least one rood of hemp or flax; and every person who kept cattle, whether cows, heifers or steers, should sow ten perches, and tend and husband the same, or undergo the censure of the court. All country taxes were ordered to be paid in merchantable Indian corn, at three shillings a bushel.

The debts of the plantations, either by labor of man, or cattle, or contract for commodities, were ordered to be paid in Indian corn at three shillings and four pence a bushel. Wampum, which since 1638 had been rated at six a penny was now raised, "to four a penny, & two-pence to be paid in the shilling." These laws, which were established for the growth and prosperity of the plantations of the colony, were the small beginnings of the fortunes of the early settlers of Connecticut. They had spent what money they brought with them; and with manly energy they went about making new fortunes in a New World, by the literal sweat of their brows. It was made a crime, punishable by law, to waste even the smallest and most insignificant article which might be utilized by each individual family; thus establishing the prosperity of the united commonwealth. This healthful care in the day of small things was the beginning of the success of the Connecticut planters, which their descendants have inherited. It always provided them with coffers well filled for every emergency, both at home and abroad. It made the thrifty New Englander respected in all lands; and has won for New England the reputation of being the back-bone and sinew of the American people.

We also gather from the first of these resolutions, the manner in which landed estates were acquired by the planters, and the time when the first general laying out of the farming lands at Fairfield began. Its fair fields and rich meadows, under the passage of this law, must have attracted many to join the settlement. Another committee was this year appointed to visit Pequonnock " to settle the bounds between them ' & the Plantations on both sides of them, & to hear & determine the difference between the inhabitants of Stratford among themselves."

It appears that Stratford claimed a certain number of acres on the west side of the Pequonnock river, so that between that plantation and Fairfield, the Pequonnock settlement was kept in a state of unrest several years. Ludlow was also required to exact of the Fairfield Indians the tribute yet unpaid and due, by articles formerly agreed upon. At the same time the deputies from the several towns were freed from watching, warding and training, until after the General Court terms ended.

That economy might be still better practiced, the General Court saw .fit to legislate at this time on the subject of dress. The frequent arrival of vessels from England laden with such necessaries as the colonists required, also brought over all kinds of fabrics for wearing apparel. The profit derived by the planters from exporting building materials, Indian corn, furs, medicinal plants, and dyeing woods, furnished them not only with means of exchange for their necessities, but also afforded them an opportunity to indulge in pretty costumes. This evil the forefathers of New England endeavored to curtail as best they could from time to time. The magistrates of Connecticut found no little trouble in subduing the natural inclination of both men and women in their love of dress, which appears to have been regarded " as a sore and besetting sin; " therefore, at the assembling of the General Court at Hartford, on the 9th of April, the following act was passed: " Notwithstanding the late order, concerning the restraint of excess in apparel, yet divers persons of several ranks are observed to exceed therein: It is therefore ordered that the Constables of every town within these liberties, shall observe & take notice of any particular person or persons within their several limits, & all such as they judge to exceed their condition & rank therein, they shall present & warn to appear at the Particular Court; as also the said Constables are to present to the s'd Court, all such persons who sell their commodities at excessive rates."

" Our meaner sort that metamorphos'd are,

With women's hair, in gold & garments gay,

Whose wages large our Commonwealth's work mar,

Their pride they shall with moderation lay:

Cast off their cloathes, that men may know their rank,

And women that with outward deckings frank."

— Johnson's Wonder Working Providence.

At the same time, in order to increase the interest of home-made linen in every family, all persons possessing more than one spoonful of hemp seed, were required to sell it to such of their neighbors as were not provided with the seed, or else plant as many spoonfuls themselves as they had applicants for. Again on the 7th of June, the officers of the General Court met at Hartford, to take into consideration an excess in wages among all sorts of artificers and workmen. " It was hoped that men would be a law unto themselves; " but, finding to the contrary, the following act was passed: " That able carpenters, plowrights, wheel-rights, masons, joiners, smiths & coopers, shall not receive above twenty pence a day for a days work, from the 10. of March, to the 11. of October; nor above 18. pence a day for the other part of the year. They were to work " eleven hours in the summer time, besides that spent in eating or sleeping, and ten hours in the winter. Mowers, in time of mowing, were not to receive " above twenty pence for a day's work." Artificers or handicraft men and chief laborers, were restricted to eighteen pence for the first half year as above, and not more than fourteen pence a day for the other part of the year. " Sawyers for slit-work," or three-inch plank, were not to exceed above three shillings six pence a day for boards by the hundred: also that all boards should not be sold for more than five shillings six pence a hundred.

The hire of " four of the best sort of oxen or horses with the tacklin," was not to exceed four shillings ten pence a day from the 11th of March, to the 11th of October, for eight hours' labor, except they were employed in breaking up upland ground, for which work four shillings ten pence was allowed, even if they worked but six hours. For the same teams they allowed four shillings a day from the 11th of October, to the 11th of March, at six hours' labor. If any person either directly, or indirectly gave or took larger wages than this law allowed, they were to abide the censure of the court.

In order to promote the interests of exporting timber, for discharging debts or necessary provisions in exchange for cotton, sugar, molasses,!! spices and rum from the South and the Bermudas, on the 10th of September the General Court revoked the former order in regard to pipe-staves, and passed the following resolution, viz.: "that the size of pipe-staves should be four feet, four inches in length, half an inch at least in thickness, beside the sap." If under four inches in breadth, they were to pass for half staves, and none were to be accepted under three inches in breadth. An order was given that every town should appoint one experienced man who should be sworn to the service to inspect the staves, and that each parcel approved by him should be sealed. All such parcels approved and sealed, were made merchantable at five pounds per thousand. With vast acres of fine timber, and with one of the finest harbors on the coast, the planters of Fairfield, found an abundant source of wealth at hand. Black Rock became, and was for many years called, the sea-port harbor of Fairfield. The family of Grays appear to have been London merchants, and engaged in the New England shipping business with the Ludlow family. There is every reason therefore to believe that vessels were at an early date laden from Black Rock for England, Virginia and the West Indies. Among the first sea captains were Thomas Newton and John Cable.

Again another committee from Milford was appointed to settle the bounds between Pequonnock and Uncoway. In order to promote truthfulness, the want of which appears to have given some trouble in the colony, the court passed the following law: " For preventing the fowl and gross sin of lying," when any person or persons were found guilty of that vice, the particular court was given power " to censure such parties, either by fine or bodily correction, according to their judgment and the nature of the fault."

About this time the Dutch gave the Connecticut settlers no little trouble in regard to their claims in the colony, and in selling arms and ammunition to the Indians. Mr. Edward Hopkins, who was about to make a voyage to England, was appointed by the General Court "to arbitrate or issue the difference between the Dutch & Connecticut, that the matter might be settled." The great fear entertained throughout New England at this time was, that the Indians would form a combination in a general war against the planters.

A marked change was made at the General Court of election held at Hartford on the second Thursday in April. George Wyllis, Esq., was elected governor, and Roger Ludlow deputy-governor. Henry Gray was made a deputy from Fairfield. Previous to this time six magistrates had been annually chosen; but now it was decided that the number should be increased to eight, probably on account this year of Stamford sending two representatives to the Connecticut Court. It was also agreed for the time being, that the particular court should be held " about once in a quarter of a year."

An order was issued that no person within the jurisdiction of Connecticut should trade with the Indians on Long Island until further orders. Also, that no man within the colony should refuse merchantable Indian corn at 2s. 6d. a bushel for any contract made for the labor of man, cattle, or commodities, sold after the publishing of this order. The Indians becoming still more troublesome, great fears were entertained for the safety of the settlements, it having been discovered that Miantonimo, chief sachem of the Narragansetts, had entered into a combination with Soheage or Sequin, the sachem of Matabeseck (Middletown), and Sassawin or Sequassen the sachem of Sicaogg (Hartford), for the extermination of the English throughout New England. Sequin had all along given the river settlements trouble; and various efforts "had been made by the General Court to restrain his insolent conduct and acts of cruelty.

This plot was revealed to Ludlow by a Fairfield sachem. " About the 20th of August, the last day of the week, towards evening, there came the said Indian that lives near Mr. Ludlow's, in the field where he was with his hay makers, & desired that he might with Adam, his Indian, have some private talk. Mr. Ludlow with Adam accompanied him under a bush out of sight — he durst not go to Ludlow's house for fear of being suspected. Upon a promise of his name not being revealed, he proceeded to relate that Miantonimo had been to Long Island, & had induced all the sachems of the Island to engage in a conspiracy against the English, giving each of them 25 fathom of wampum, 20 of white & five of black. All the sachems on the Island & upon the main from the Dutch to the Bay, & all the Indians to the Eastward had also pledged their assistance. Many opposed the plot because the English were too strong for them, but Miantonimo said it could be done only by their united effort. In order to gain or compass Uncas, the Mohawks were entreated to join them, which was effected. The reason assigned for this was that the Narragansetts feared they would be punished for John Oldham's death; & that the English got possession of the best places in the country & drove the Indians away."

The plot was to be executed the next winter; every Indian plantation was to attack the English adjoining, and if more English than Indians, they were to be assisted by their neighbors; specially an attack was to be made on the principal magistrates and their families, which would easily dishearten the others. As soon as the Sabbath was over, Ludlow rode to New Haven and found that an Indian from Long Island had discovered the same to Governor Eaton, and that " upon Miantonimo's sending the head & hands of an Englishman to Long Island, which were to be sent among all the Indians on the island, they were to do the same, & send a head & hands to Miantonimo, meaning to knit them together." The next day Governor Ludlow went to Hartford, where an Indian of note, who it was feared would die of wounds, sent for Thomas Stanton and disclosed the same facts.

At this critical moment a special General Court assembled at Hartford, and agreed that a letter should be sent forthwith to the Bay, notifying them of the impending danger. The clerks of the bands in each town were ordered to be placed under oath by the governor, or some magistrate to examine every man's arms to ascertain the quantity of their powder and bullets, to take notice of all such as absented themselves at times of training, and to make a report of the same to the next court. The inhabitants of the towns were not allowed to permit the Indians to enter their houses; and the magistrates were prohibited from admitting more than one sachem, provided he came only with two men. A guard of forty men " complete in their arms " was stationed around the meeting-houses every Sabbath and lecture day. Each member of the court agreed to take an oath to keep secret their determination to defeat the plot of the Indians. The General Court assembled again on the 8th of September, and passed the following resolution:

" Forasmuch as the Indians have grown Insolent & combyne themselves together, being suspected to prepare for war. It is ordered that no Smith within these liberties shall trade any instrument, or matter made of iron or Steele with them, nor deliver any that are already made, without lycense from two Magistrates, nor buy any of their venison without further liberty be granted. "

It was ordered, that every town should be provided within fourteen days " with twenty half pikes of ten foot in length, at least in the wood:" Also, that each plantation should have two ward-men to give notice of sudden danger; to execute the order about admitting Indians into the plantations; and that a competent number of men should be daily kept on guard. New Haven also became agitated by the hostile attitude of Governor Keift, who had dispatched an armed force, to break up the settlements in Delaware. Their trading houses were burned and several English planters imprisoned. The damage done amounted to about a thousand pounds. One of the principal gentlemen of New Haven, by the name of Lamberton, was made an object of special indignities, and even an attempt made upon his life. Both Connecticut and New Haven made fruitless efforts to obtain redress. In the mean time they resolved to prepare for what seemed to be an inevitable war. On the 4th of October the General Court of Connecticut ordered that " there shall be 90 coats provided within these plantations within ten days, basted with cotton wool, & made defensive against Indian arrows."

Fairfield, while but a small plantation, and not yet subject to taxation or full representation according to the laws of the colony, was not called upon to furnish men. The planters were simply left to take care of themselves as best they could. The consternation among them, however, upon the discovery of the Indian plot to destroy the English, must have been very great. The friendly sachem who had disclosed the conspiracy to Ludlow, no doubt held in check the other sachems and their men. An account of the condition of affairs at this time at Fairfield is given in William Wheeler's Journal, in the following words:

"The Indians about Fairfield were fond of war, and often soliciting the Old Indian chief, for leave to destroy the English. Once they obtained it on condition of pulling up a large neighboring white oak tree. Well, to work they went, and stript off its branches, but still the trunk baffled their utmost endeavors.

'Thus,' says the Old Sachem, 'will be the end of your war. You may kill some of their pappooses, but the old plaguey stump tother side the great waters will remain and send out more branches.' "

With that marvelous energy which Ludlow possessed, and which enabled him to be prepared for every emergency, he used all the pacific measures necessary to keep peace with the Indians in Fairfield and its vicinity, which he happily effected. The increasing population of the plantations, and the beginnings of new settlements, brought the necessity of an effort to secure further progress in law and jurisprudence. A body of capital laws which had been prepared were submitted to the General Court in December. They were founded upon the Scriptures, and were twelve in number. Although these laws were very severe, they were in reality much more lenient than the laws of the Massachusetts colony) and contrast in a remarkable manner with the capital laws of England, where so many offenses were punished with death. ¹⁵

Although a cloud of threatened annihilation at the hand of the Indians hung over all the New England settlements, prosperity had crowned the unwearying toil of the planters with an abundant harvest. Each settlement presented an orderly, thrifty aspect, and " the wilderness now blossomed as the rose." The true condition of the settlements at this time is given by one of the most graphic writers of those days. In enumerating the blessings which had followed the labors of the planters, he says: " First, to begin with the encrease of food, you have heard in what extream penury these people were in at first, planting for want of food, gold, silver, rayments or whatsoever was precious in their eyes they parted with, (when ships came in) for this their beast that died, some would stick before they were cold, and sell their poor pined flesh for food at 6 d. per pound, Indian Beans at 16. s. per bushel; when Ships came in, it grieved some Masters to see the urging of them by people of good rank and quality to sell bread unto them. But now take notice how the right hand of the Most High hath altered all, and men of the meaner rank are urging them to buy bread of them; and now good white and wheaten bread is no dainty, but even ordinary man hath his choice, if gay cloathing, and a liquerish tooth after sack, sugar and plums lick not away his bread too fast, all which are but ordinary among those that were not able to bring their owne persons over at their first coming; there are not many Towns in the Country, but the poorest person in them hath a house and land of his own, and bread of his own growing, if not some cattel: beside, flesh is now no rare food, beef, pork, and mutton being frequent in many houses, so that this poor Wilderness hath not only equalized England's food, but goes beyond it in some places for the great plenty of wine and , sugar, which is ordinarily spent; apples, pears, and quince tarts instead of their former Pumpkin Pie. Poultry they have plenty, and great rarity; and in their feasts have not forgotten the English fashion of stirring up their appetites with variety of cooking their food; and notwithstanding all this great and almost miraculous work of the Lord, in providing for his people in this barren desart, yet are there here (as in other places) some that use these good creatures of God to excess, and others to hoard up in a wretched and miserable manner, pinch themselves and their children with food, and will not taste of the good creatures God hath given for that end, but cut Church and Commonwealth as short also: Let no such think to escape the Lord's hand with as little a stroke as the like do in other places.

Secondly, For rayment, our cloth had not been cut short, as but of late years the traders that way have encreased to such a number, that their shops have continued full all the year long, all one England; besides the Lord hath been pleased to encrease sheep extraordinarily of late, hemp and flax here is great plenty; hides here are more for the number of persons than in England; and for cloth, here is and would be materials enough to make it; but the Farmers deem it better for their profit to put away their cattel and corn for cloathing, than to set upon making of cloth; if the Merchant's trade be not kept on foot, they fear greatly their come and cattel will lye in their hands: assuredly the plenty of cloathing hath caused much excess of late in those persons, who have clambered with excess in wages for their work, but seeing it will be the theam of our next discourse, after the birds are settled, it may be here omitted.

Further, the Lord hath been pleased to turn all the wigwams, huts, and hovels the English dwelt in at their first coming, into orderly, fair, and well-built houses, well-furnished many of them, together with Orchards filled with goodly fruit trees, and gardens with variety of flowers: There are supposed to be in the Massachusetts Government at this day, neer a thousand acres of land planted for Orchards and Gardens, besides their fields are filled with garden fruit, there being, as is supposed in this Colony about fifteen thousand acres in tillage, and of cattle about twelve thousand neat, and about three thousand sheep: Thus hath the Lord incouraged his people with the encrease of the general, although many particulars are outed, hundreds of pounds, and some thousands, yet are there many hundreds of labouring men, who had not enough to bring them over, yet now worth scores, and some hundreds of pounds.

This spring Cowes and Cattle of that kind (having continued at an excessive price so long as any came over with estates to purchase them), fell of a suddain in one week from £22 the Cow, to 6, 7, or £8 the Cow at most, insomuch that it made all men admire how it came to pass, it being the common practise of those that had any store of Cattel, to sell every year a Cow or two, which cloath'd their backs, fil'd their bellies with more varieties than the Country of itself afforded, and put gold and silver in their purses beside."

Fairfield and the other Connecticut settlements, in a measure enjoyed the prosperity of the older towns, from which the planters purchased cattle, etc., at the low rates above mentioned. In this way, however, considerable wealth passed out of the colony.

In order to promote the shipping interests of Connecticut, the General Court passed a law, that all persons who had hemp seed should either sow it themselves, or sell it to others, for furnishing " cordage towards rigging of ships." Summer wheat in December was rated at 4s. 4d. a bushel; rye at is. 6d.; peas, 3s. 6d.; Indian corn 2s. 8d. The constables of the towns were ordered to receive produce only at these .rates, or in wampum " at 6 a-penny." Pipe-staves were ordered to be 4 feet 6 inches in length, and in breadth and thickness the same as before. Good reals of 8/8, and Rix dollars, were to be received and passed at five shillings apiece. ¹⁶

A still more stringent law was enacted against selling arms or repairing them for the Indians. A fine of ten pounds was levied upon any one disposed to evade this law without a license from the particular court, or from two magistrates for every gun sold; five pounds for every pound of powder; forty shillings for every pound of bullets or lead. Where a fine could not be obtained, corporal punishment was ordered to be administered, at the discretion of the court.

At the court of election held April 13, Ludlow was elected an assistant and Henry Gray a deputy for Fairfield. A general confederation of the colonies for mutual protection had been agitated for some time, and now became a question of great moment throughout New England. In the month of March, John Haynes and William Hopkins were appointed to go to Massachusetts to effect this end, with instructions " to reserve the privileges of our fundamental laws." Governor Fenwick, who was in charge of the fort and plantation at Saybrook and vicinity, was invited to join the confederation, with the promise that none of his privileges should be infringed upon. That justice might be fairly meted out in cases of jurisprudence, the subject of juries also became one of consideration. Juries appear to have existed from about 1640, as attendants upon the particular courts.

In the month of May the effort to bring about a general confederation of the colonies was most timely and happily effected. As early as 1638 articles of confederation for mutual protection, offense and defense, advice and assistance upon all necessary occasions were drawn. Mr. Fenwick, then governor at the fort at Saybrook, upon certain terms agreed to confederate with the other colonies to bring about the union. In 1639 a month had been spent by Governor Haynes and Mr. Hooker in Massachusetts for this purpose. The affairs in England and those of New England made it a matter of necessity that His Majesty's colonies in America should unite for mutual protection and defense. Contrary to the first intentions of the pioneers of New England, the settlements had been extended along the rivers and upon the sea coast, so that some of them were particularly exposed and defenseless against attacks from the Indians or foreign foes.

The difficulty which had previously prevented this union arose from an inability to agree upon equal terms with Massachusetts, which was the strongest and most arbitrary of the colonies. A variance existed between that colony and Connecticut, on account of the former claiming part of the Pequot country by right of assistance and conquest. They also had trouble in regard to their boundaries, both colonies claiming Springfield and Westfield. Notwithstanding their disagreements, in the month of May, commissioners were sent from Connecticut and New Haven to Boston during the session of the General Court. A spirit of harmony and mutual conciliation appears to have controlled their meeting; and on the 19th of May articles of agreement were signed by the colonies of Massachusetts, Connecticut and New Haven. They entered into a firm and perpetual league of friendship and amity, of offence and defence, mutual aid and succour upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the truth and liberty of the gospel, and for their own mutual safety and welfare," under the name of The United Colonies of New England. Commissioners were present from Plymouth, but they did not sign the articles of agreement, as they had not been authorized to do so; but at the meeting of the commissioners in September, they came vested with plenary power and added their signatures.

The articles agreed upon reserved to each colony an entire and distinct jurisdiction, and no two of them could be united into one, nor any other colony received into the confederacy without the consent of the whole. Two commissioners, who were required to be church members, were to be chosen annually from each of the colonies, to meet on the first Monday in September, first at Boston and afterwards at New Haven, Hartford or Plymouth. A president was to be chosen from among themselves, and they were vested with plenary power to declare war and peace, and to make laws and rules of a civil nature. All decisions made by the commissioners were binding upon the colonies; except in case of disagreement or a majority under six, when the affair was to be referred to the General Court of each colony; and could not be settled until the courts arrived at a unanimous agreement. Any breach of this compact on the part of one of the colonies to the injury of another, was to be settled by the other three colonies. Provision was made in regard to Indian fugitives from justice, and servants escaping from their masters. The expense of war was to be shared by each of the colonies in proportion to its ratable list of male inhabitants from sixteen to sixty years of age. No one colony could engage in a war without the consent of the others. If any of the colonies were invaded, their magistrates were to notify the other colonies, which were to send immediate relief — Massachusetts a hundred and each of the others fifty-five men, and more if necessary, according to the determination of the commissioners. Should an emergency occur, or sudden danger arise, by which all the commissioners should not have time to meet, four might determine upon a war.

This union was one of great importance to the New England colonies. It made them formidable at home and abroad. The Indians and Dutch were held in check. It also called forth the respect of their French neighbors. Through the vicissitudes of fortyyears.it proved of the greatest advantage to all the colonies, and remained in force until King James II. abrogated their charters. The first notice of the existence of a grand jury is given at an extra session of the General Court held July 5, when it was ordered that a grand jury of twelve men should attend the particular court annually in May and September, and as often as the governor and court should have occasion to call them together. At all times they were to be warned to give their attendance.

To prevent ill-advised marriages, the following law was passed:

"Whereas, the prosperity & well being of Comon weles doth much depend vppon the well gouerment & ordering of particular Familyes, w ch in an ordinary way cannot be expected where the rules of God are neglected in laying the foundation of a family state; For the preuention therefore of such evells & inconueniences, w ch by experience are found not only to be creeping in, but practised by some in that kynd, It is Ordered, that no prson whatsoeuer, male or female, not being at his or her owne dispose, or that remayneth under the gouerment of parents, masters or gardians or such like, shall ether make, or giue ertertaynement to any motion or sute in way of mariedge, w th out the knowledge & consent of those they stand in such relation to, vnder the seuere censure of the Courte, in case of delinquency not attending this order; nor shall any third prson or prsons intermedle in making any motion to any such, w th out the knowledge & consent of those vnder whose gouerment they are, vnder the same penalty."

The alarm of a general insurrection among the Indians increased. Miantonimo arrogantly proclaimed himself to be the chief sachem of all the New England tribes. Notwithstanding his treaty with the English at Hartford in 1638, at which time the conquered Pequots were divided between him and Uncas, he exhibited a spirit of great hostility towards Uncas, upon whom he visited his old hatred of the Pequots. His rancorous jealousy led him to plot against him, and to instigate others to acts of treachery and murder. At the same time he continued by art and intrigue to excite the Indians throughout New England to exterminate the whites. Many of the Indians had purchased guns and ammunition of the Dutch and French. They were exceedingly warlike in their demeanor, and great fears existed of a speedy attack upon all the white settlements. In July the General Court ordered that every plantation should be fully prepared for any emergency, and fines levied if the previous orders in this respect were not fully carried out. Letters were sent to the General Court of Massachusetts, requesting that one hundred men should be sent to assist the garrison at the fort at Saybrook. This demand was refused for the time being, on the ground of inexpediency. In the meantime the Dutch Governor had sent a letter of congratulation to Governor Winthrop on the union of the colonies. He complained of most grievous misrepresentations on the part of Connecticut and New Haven to their agents in Europe. He requested to learn the spirit of the colonies towards him, " that he might know who were his friends or his foes." Governor Winthrop replied to this letter, expressing his deep regret that any difference existed between the English and the Dutch; and suggested that their trouble should be settled either in England, Holland or America; that while the articles of confederation bound the colonies in New England in a bond of mutual protection, he hoped the old friendship between them and the Dutch would remain uninterrupted.

About this time an attempt was made by Miantonimo to murder Uncas. A report soon spread that the murder had been committed; and Miantonimo in order to hide his own treachery, killed the Indian whom he had employed to commit the act. Sequin also joined in the plot against Uncas and the white planters. No sooner had this intelligence reached the settlements, than it was discovered that Miantonimo was marching upon the Mohegans with an army of nine hundred men. Uncas having been made aware of his approach, resolved that the Narragansetts should not enter his town. He hastily called together between four and five hundred of his men and went out to meet the enemy. A battle took place about four miles from the town in which he lived. The Narragansetts were put to flight; Miantonimo was taken prisoner, and carried in triumph to Hartford. He begged that he might be left to the mercy of the English, but at the request of Uncas, it was decided that he should be kept as his prisoner.

At the meeting of the commissioners of the united colonies at Boston in September the conspiracy of Miantonimo against Uncas and the whites, and the murders he had committed, were proved. Lest the Narragansetts and the tribes tributary to them, should seek to avenge the death of their chief, it was decided to give him up to the mercy of Uncas, with the request that no torture or cruelty should be used, " but all moderation exercised in the manner of his execution." It was also decided that the colonies should assist in protecting Uncas against the Narragansetts, if they attempted to revenge upon him the death of Miantonimo, and "that Hartford furnish Uncas with a competent strength of English to defend him against any present fury or assault of the Narragansetts or any others." The outrages of the, Dutch upon the New Haven settlements at Delaware, and those upon the Connecticut river towns and on Long Island were laid before the commissioners by Governor Hopkins and Mr. Fenwick. It was decided that, as Governor Winthrop had previously in part answered the Dutch governor's letter, he should continue a further reply, by stating the injuries done by the Dutch to the English planters, and demand satisfaction; and that while the united colonies would not wrong others, they should defend each other in a just cause.

The death of Miantonimo having been left to Uncas, he was immediately notified of the decision. With some of his most trusty men to assist him, he took charge of his prisoner; and with two Englishmen, appointed, to see that no tortures were inflicted, they all marched to the spot where he had been taken. " At the instant they arrived on the ground, one of Uncas' men, who had marched behind Miantonimo, split his head with a hatchet, killing him at one stroke Uncas cut out a large piece of his flesh & ate it in savage triumph. He said, 'it was the sweetest meat he ever ate; it made his heart strong.' " He ordered that he should be buried where he fell, and caused a heap of stones to be erected over his grave. The spot has ever since been called Sachem's Plain, and occupies a beautiful rise of ground in the eastern part of Norwich.

In accordance with the resolutions of the commissioners, both Connecticut and New Haven sent armed men to protect Uncas. Governor Winthrop sent messengers to Canonicus, the aged Narragansett sachem, acquainting him with the mischievous plot of Miantonimo, and justifying his execution by his violation of the treaty of 1638, his attempt to murder Uncas, and his intrigues against the whites. They, then offered peace to him and the Narragansetts, in the name of the united colonies. The General Court of Connecticut passed a law authorizing the governor, the deputy-governor, or two magistrates " upon any sudden occasion or imminent danger to press men & ammunition for the defence of the country in their necessary travel from town to town: also that each of the towns should have fixed places, where guards should be stationed, from which points in case of danger the inhabitants might be given timely alarm." To avoid quarrels with the Indians, the planters were forbidden to trust them with goods or commodities, under a penalty of double the value of the sale; and " that they should not trade with the mat or in their wigwams, but in vessels or Pinnaces, or at their own houses, under a penalty of 20 s. each time."

In addition to the guard of forty men, it was ordered that one man out of every family should go fully armed to the meeting-house on the Sabbath and lecture days, under a fine of 12d. for every neglect of the same, " whereof 6 d. was to be paid to the party that should so inform, & 6 d. to the public treasury." A tax of forty pounds was levied on all the towns for repairing the fort at Saybrook. According to the determination of the commissioners, the soldiers in each of the towns were required to train six days in the year, which days should be appointed by the captains or chief officers of the train bands, namely, on the first weeks of March, April, May, September, October and November. " If the day appointed proved unseasonable, the Officers were to appoint the next fair day." Eight o'clock was the hour set for the training to begin. Those who were absent on such occasions were to be fined 2s. 6d. for every default, except they had been given a license for leave of absence under the hand of two magistrates. The clerks of the bands were to levy upon the delinquents within fourteen days after the forfeiture, and to take 6d. for themselves, and pay the remainder towards the maintenance of drums, colors, etc. If the clerks neglected their duty, they were obliged to pay double the amount of the soldier's fine. Those who were deemed expert soldiers were allowed release on half a day's duty. Roger Ludlow was appointed to call forth the soldiers of the towns " upon the sea coast," and to exercise them according to the above act, until some other officer should be appointed in his place. Thus Ludlow was not only the first judge of the town and county court, but the first military officer of Fairfield. In this dread hour, when the inhabitants were few in numbers, upon Ludlow fell the care and protection of the plantation of Uncoway.; Upon the Meetinghouse green he assembled his small band of officers and men at home, with the planters from the neighboring towns, and drilled them for the hour of approaching danger. Several within the past two years had joined the plantation, so that there were enough men to make a considerable show of resistance.

The appearance of an English soldier in those days was a formidable one to the red sons of the forest. His gay, military dress; his long pike of ten feet, tipped with sharp-pointed iron, which he carried in a rest fastened to a belt around his waist; his sword hanging in its scabbard at his side, and his long musket and steel bayonet, made him a spectacle of admiration and dread. But now that the Indians possessed English muskets, which they used with great skill, their attitude was one more dangerous than ever before.

During this year the Dutch had cause to deplore the great wrong done by their traders, in selling arms to the Indians. A quarrel had arisen owing to a drunken Indian having killed one of their number. The Dutch demanded that the murderer should be given up to justice; but their governor, not willing to excite the Indians, neglected to take steps in the case. In the meantime, some of the Dutch excited the Mohawks against the Indians in the vicinity of their settlements, who, in an unexpected moment, fell upon them, killing about thirty of their number. A Dutch captain, named Marine, obtained a commission from the governor to kill as many Indians as fell in his power. With a company of armed men he made a sudden attack upon them and killed about seventy or eighty men, women and children. The Indians, now fully aroused in that part of the country, began a furious and bloody war. They seized the Dutch cattle and hogs and burned them in their barns. Twenty or more Dutchmen were killed and others fled to their fort for protection. The Indians upon Long Island joined in the war, and burned the houses and barns of the Dutch planters. At this critical moment, the Dutch governor made application to Governor Eaton, of New Haven, to send one hundred men to his relief. In his extremity he also applied to Captain Underhill, of Stamford, to assist him, which so exasperated Captain Marine, that he presented his pistol at the governor, and would have shot him had he not been prevented by one who stood near. One of Captain Marine's attendants discharged his musket at the governor, and the ball hardly grazed him, when the man himself was shot dead by a sentinel. Those among the Dutch who had been determined upon a war with the Indians, now dreading its consequences, vented their indignation upon the governor for having given a commission to Captain Marine. In their fury they were ready to destroy him, and for his personal safety he was obliged to keep a guard of fifty Englishmen about him. The Indians continued their depredations and murders, so that by fall all the inhabitants of the Dutch and English settlements west of Stamford were driven in.

Among those most cruelly murdered, at this time, was Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, who for her religious tenets had been banished from Boston. Not only she, but every member of her household, her son-in-law, Mr. Collins, and several neighbors were killed, numbering eighteen in all. The fury of the Indians made great havoc among the cattle and the ingatherings of the summer harvest, which were burned without resistance.

The Dutch on Long Island who had been obliged to escape from their plantations to their fort, were driven to the necessity of killing their cattle for subsistence, until their condition became one of great distress, and one which called for Christian aid from their English neighbors.

New Haven had refused to send men to the assistance of the Dutch governor, upon the ground that it was incompatible with the articles of confederation. They also questioned the justice of this war. Nevertheless, it was decided to send them all the corn and provisions necessary for themselves and their cattle. Captain Underhill, of Stamford, rendered them great assistance. With a flying army of from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and fifty English and Dutch, he protected their settlements from total annihilation. It was estimated that he killed about five hundred Indians on Long Island. The Stamford Indians caught the war spirit of the neighboring tribes, and fears were entertained that the settlement would be cut off. In their distress they called upon New Haven to protect them, according to the articles of confederation, or bear the expense of their losses. The Narragansetts were enraged at the execution of Miantonimo. Every white man bore arms, and the gloom of a speedy conflict with the Indians on all sides, filled the hearts of the whites with the greatest apprehensions.

The General Court of Connecticut appointed Wednesday, the 6th of June, as a day of fasting and prayer in all the towns throughout the jurisdiction. The same day was observed in the New Haven plantations. Prayers were also offered for their gracious sovereign, King Charles I., around whom raged the horrors of a civil war. So great was the alarm among the chief 'officers of the colony, that, on the 3rd of January, the General Court of Connecticut ordered " one day in each month to be set apart as a day of humiliation, fasting and prayer, according to the course of their neighbors in New Haven, to begin upon Wednesday, the 10. inst." From Stamford the war spirit reached the Indians at Fairfield.

In the spring a man from Massachusetts was murdered by an. Indian, near Stratford. Ludlow demanded that the murderer should be given up to justice. This the Indians agreed to do, and desired that ten men should be sent out to receive him. When they saw the Englishmen approaching them, by mutual consent they unbound the prisoner, who forthwith plunged into the forest and made good his escape.

Ludlow regarded this treacherous act to be an insult to the town, seized eight or ten Indians, one or two of whom were sachems, and imprisoned them, until the murderer should be brought to him. The Indians then rose in the most hostile manner. Ludlow wrote to New Haven for advice and assistance. Twenty well-armed men were dispatched to his relief. In the meantime four of the neighboring sachems entered the town, and promised Ludlow that if the imprisoned Indians were released, they would deliver up the murderer to justice within a month. This proposition was agreed upon, and the prisoners were released, but there seems to be no evidence that they kept their word.

The rise of the Indians in Virginia and the horrible massacre of the whites which followed gave grounds for the belief that a further combination had been made between the Southern and New England Indians, for the extermination of all the white men in the country. Notwithstanding the dangers which surrounded them, the work of bringing order out of confusion was continued by the General Court.

In order to prevent unnecessary trials before juries, it was decided that all suits under 405. should be tried before the court of magistrates; and that in all jury cases the magistrates should have power, in case the jury disagreed, to send them out a second time. If they then disagreed, and did not render a verdict according to the evidence given in, the court was granted power to summon a new jury; and to alter the decisions of a jury in amount of damages given in "as should be judged most equal and righteous." If four out of a jury of six, or eight out of twelve agreed, their verdict was to be decisive. That honesty among merchants might be firmly established, the clerks in the several towns were required once in every year, to appoint a certain day and place, to give timely notice for the inhabitants to bring in their measures for inspection, that they might be tried and compared with the standard weights, measures, etc. Only such yards, weights and measures as had been sealed were to be sold. Good linen and woolen yarn fell under a careful inspection. Any one failing to obey orders, was subject to a penalty of 12d. each default, to be collected by the clerks; and if upon trial any measures were found lower than the standard, they were to cut out the seal. Owing to the injury done in the colony by sea captains and such as sold wine and liquor from vessels and in private houses, it was ordered " that no Berson should sell wine, liquor or strong water in any place, without a license from the particular court, or from two magistrates."

Seven men were to be chosen from each plantation to write out their individual opinions as to the manner in which the public lands might be improved for the common good; and their decision or that of any five of them was to control the other planters. This committee was also to order the common fencing around land under cultivation. It was provided that any particular person or persons should have liberty to fence his own allotments according to his or their discretion by mutual agreement, notwithstanding the above order.

On the 3rd of June the following important act was passed.

" Whereas many strayngers & passengers vppon occation haue recourse to these Townes, are streightened for waint of entertainment, It is now Ordered, that these seuerall Townes shall prouide amongst theselues in each Towne, one sufficient inhabitant to keepe an Ordinary, for provisions & lodgeing, in some comfortable manner, that such passengers or strayngers may know where to resorte; & such inhabitants as by the seuerall Townes shall be chosen for the said shall searuice, be presented to two Magistrats, that they may be judged meet for that imployment; & this to be effected by the severall Townes w th in one month, under the penalty of 40 s. a month, ech month ether Towne shall neglect y t."

Servants and apprentices were not to spend their time to their own advantage, under a penalty of serving their masters threefold the time so spent after their time of service had expired. The clerks in each of the towns were required to keep a record of all marriages and births within three days after a marriage or the birth of a child. A penalty of $s. was laid upon any man who did not within three days register his marriage. At this time Ludlow requested an answer to his letter, asking the General Court to determine the manner in which he should lay a tax upon the inhabitants of Stratford and Uncoway, and also to decide what he should charge for his services to the country. As yet Fairfield had not been subject to a public tax. According to the laws of Connecticut, before a company was allowed to enter upon the work of a new settlement, the General Court required that they should prove themselves capable of colonizing a town and maintaining a clergyman.

Thus far the town of Fairfield had steadily increased in numbers; but as yet no church had been built nor any regular minister settled over the parish. It was the custom in those days in the beginning of a settlement for the ruling elders and deacons to carry out the discipline of the society, until the services of a pastor could be secured. The anticipation, however, of a settled minister, with an increase in numbers from Concord, very considerably brightened the prospects of the plantation, so that Ludlow, eager to obtain the full privileges of an incorporated town, had applied to the General Court, to fix the amount by which the inhabitants should be taxed.

The heavy taxes at this time laid upon the plantations of Massachusetts, had become burdensome to many, and especially to the planters of Concord, who, to their great disappointment, "found the soil of hat town very barren & the meadows wet & useless." In 1643 they petitioned the General Court to abate their taxes on this account. Another difficulty had also arisen in regard to their inability to support two ministers. Some refused to bear their proportion of the public charge, some removed to older or newer settlements, and others returned to England, so that the town rapidly decreased in numbers.

In the summer of 1644 the Rev. John Jones, with about one-seventh or one-eighth of the planters of Concord and their families removed to Fairfield. The list of those who came, so far as it can be gathered from authentic sources is as follows.

Rev. John Jones, Joseph Middlebrook.

Thomas Bulkley. John Thompkins.

Daniel Bulkley. Ephraim Wheeler.

Thomas Jones. Thomas Wheeler, jr.

William Bateman. James Bennet.

William Odell. Richard Letten.

John Evarts. Benjamin Turney.

Peter Johnson. George Square.

Thomas Wheeler, sr., according to the Wheeler journal, had joined the plantation in 1640, and was, as has already been stated, the first settler at Black Rock. Ephraim Wheeler, Thomas Wheeler, sr., Thomas Wheeler, jr., William Odell, John Evarts, Joseph Middlebrook, James Bennet, Peter Johnson and Benjamin Turney afterwards settled at Pequonnock. There s ground for believing that some of this company first settled at Blackrock and very soon after went to Pequonnock. The others remained at Fairfield. Several joined the settlement this year from other towns, among whom were William Hill, sr., his son William Hill, jr., Richard Westcoat, John Green, Charles Taintor, Samuel Gregory, James Beers, Jehu and John Burr, with their kinsman John Cable. Besides these there are others, of which mention will be made hereafter. The Rev. John Jones was granted about seven acres of land in the rear of the Meetinghouse green, six acres of which was afterwards called his orchard. His dwelling-house, which probably had been built before his coming, stood back of Edward's pond, with mere-stones between it and the. green, running from the north-west corner of his land straight to Jehu Burr's home-lot. Thomas and Daniel Bulkley were granted home-lots in the Newton square, on the north-east side of the green, adjoining the parsonage land. The street running to the Sound between this square and the green was given the name of Concord street. Thomas Jones was granted the corner home-lot south-east of the Bulkleys; and William Hill, sr., a home-lot north-east of the Newton square, on Dorchester street, bounded northwest by the land of Peter Johnson and Robert Turney; south-east by his son William Hill, jr., and south-west by a highway running to the beach. He afterwards purchased ,of Alexander Briant, of Milford, the north-east corner lot of the Newton square, upon which he lived at the time of his death, which occurred before 1650, at which time this place is called that of his widow Sarah Hill. George Hull's home-lot lay north-west of William Hill's; William Bateman's on the same side of the square, between George Squire's and a lot for many years after called Lewis' lot. John Thompkins' home-lot lay west of the pond afterwards called Hide's pond.

There appears to have been a second dividend of the common lands about this time. Stratford laid claim to all the lands at Pequonnock lying on the east side of Mutton lane, which some years afterwards received the name of Division street. All that part of Pequonnock south-east of Golden-hill, between this lane and the Pequonnock river, was given the name of Wolves' Pit plain. It was the custom in those days to dig deep pits in the woods and on the plains, into which wolves and foxes unsuspiciously fell, and were taken by the planters. The high land at the harbor, west of Mutton lane, was called Greenlea. North of Greenlea, and west of Mutton lane lay the earliest settlement of Pequonnock. The small green near the old Pequonnock burying-ground appears to have been the common green used for training, etc. North-east and south-east of this green the first planters took up their home-lots. As their numbers increased, some of them, with their sons and sons-in-law erected dwellings at Greenlea. Others found home-lots and fine farming lands along the gradual rise of Tilesome (Toilsome) hill, the summit of which overlooks a magnificent view of the surrounding country and Long Island Sound.

On the east of the settlement, to the west banks of the Pequonnock river, was the Indian reservation of Golden-hill. Another reservation, called the Old Indian Field, which has already been mentioned, was laid out on a neck of land east of the Uncoway river at Black Rock.

North-west of what was called the Old Indian Field at Black Rock was Try's field, celebrated for having been the spot upon which the witch Knap was hung, and on the south-east Fairweather island and the village or " the plain of Black Rock." Fairweather island at that time, like the coast all along the Sound, was covered with beech trees. A road extended from Division street to the south-west end of the island, shaded by these trees. From time to time the cutting down of the beech trees for fuel, very materially affected the size and shape of the island, causing the sand and soil to be washed down into the harbor. Black Rock was so named from the black grass or salt grass, and the dark color of the rocks extending out into the Sound. Grover's-hill, which rises southward from the plain to a considerable height, affords a magnificent view of the Sound and the surrounding country. It was probably one of the points at a very early date, from which the guards of the town watched the maneuvers of the Indians, and the approach of Dutch and foreign vessels at this hostile period. The point of land rising between the west bank of the Uncoway river and the salt meadows on the west, was for many years called Seeley's point, and at a later date the Penfield mill property; while the rise of meadow land west of the salt meadows, received the name of Paul's neck. The hill which rises at the junction of the Uncoway river and Uncoway or Mill creek, was for many years called the Old Mill-hill. Northwest of this hill, between Paul's neck and Ludlow's pasture lot, lay the Windsor field. North of this, stretching towards Pequonnock, was the Concord field. A rise of ground in this field, overlooking a wide expanse of scenery, has been called Nature Displayed. North of this rises Holland hill, first called Tunzix hill. North-west of this hill lies Fairfield woods, in which was another wolves' swamp. At the foot of Holland hill, a peculiar bend in the old king's highway, gave rise to the name of Cheer, or Chair swamp. South-west of Concord field lay Barlow 's plains, extending through to Mill river. This plain was named after John Barlow, who removed thither from the Ludlow square. The locality appears to have been an aristocratic part of the town, a fine park having been laid out in it, around which the planters took up their home-lots. It became in time a famous resort for " turkey matches." Another place for these turkey matches was on the Black Rock turnpike near samp-mortar rocks. A medicinal spring existed here called the Honey-pot, so named from honey found near it, the waters of which the Indians believed possessed great healing properties. North-west of the park rises Clapboard hill, on the north of which is Osborne's hill, and on the west Round hill. The land lying between Barlow's plain and Hide's pond, was called " The Rocks." Between Paul's neck and Concord street, extending to the Sound, was the " middle meadow." All the upland on the coast lying between Concord street and Sasco neck, was called the " the great meadow before the town." Within this meadow, near Burial hill, was another pond surrounded with reeds. Seventeen acres running from the rear of Burial hill and the Burr property to the sea-beach, belonged to Ludlow, through which, from the north-west to the south-east was " a strip of reeds." West of this field, in the rear of the Burr square, were dense woods called Wolves' swamp. Along the coast south-west of Wolves' swamp to Sasqua hill, lay Sasqua neck, through which runs Pine creek. The land in this neck is intersected with innumerable small streamlets, which at high tide in those days overflowed the meadows. The island now known as Ward's island was soon afterwards allotted to Simon Hoyt, and called Hoyt's island. North-west of this lay another small island, named Evarts' island, while an island east of Pine creek covered with pines, at a later date granted to the Rev. Samuel Wakeman, was named Wakeman's island. Hawkins' point lay east of this island and Pine creek, while east of these lay the island or peninsula, now known as the Penfield reef, the Cows, and the causeway, upon the extreme east end of which stands a government light-house. Flat island is still found at the mouth of Pine creek. Between Sasqua neck and Mill river rose Sasqua hill, the summit of which commands an extensive view of Long Island Sound, Fairfield, Mill-plain, and the Sasqua fields on the west of the river. The beautiful valley southwest of Barlow's plain and the Rocks was given the name of Mill plain. The Sasqua fields lay between the west banks of Mill river and Maxumux or Bankside. The small winding stream which runs out of the west side of Mill river, a short distance above the mouth of the harbor, still retains the name of Sascoe creek. The stream which empties into the Sound about half a mile west of this creek, near Frost's point, also retains the name of Sascoe river. About one mile from its mouth it widens to a considerable extent, forming a large pond, which was called " the great pond" "the great mill pond in the Sasqua fields," and afterwards Sasco pond. Two other large ponds were found in these fields, one of which still exists, and is situated about half a mile south-west of the Sascoe mill pond. The other was but a short distance north-east of Pequot swamp, but was drained and filled up within the present century. ¹⁷

The highway which extended from Fairfield to Maxumux, forked from the Fairfield turnpike leading into Mill plain, across the fields to the east slope of Sasqua hill; ran below the hills along the west bank of Mill river, until it crossed the stone bridge over Sasco creek, wound west a short distance, when it again crossed a second stone bridge over the same stream called the Horse tavern (on account of its having been a drinking-place for horses) and taking a south-westerly course along the beach, crossed Sasco river to the grazing fields of Maxumux.

North and north-west of the town lay a vast wilderness of undivided land, inhabited by the Sasqua and Aspetuck Indians, which at a later date included the long lots and the upper meadow. These fields and meadows were portioned out, according to the necessity of the planters, to be improved by them, and were afterwards sold among themselves and to new-comers, although, in reality, they had no legal claim to them, save that authorized by the General Court of Connecticut.

The first grist mill was situated on the Sasqua river at Mill plain, and was erected by Thomas Sherwood of Fairfield. John Green soon after erected another mill above this on the same stream; hence the name of Sasqua was changed to that of the Mill river.

The Indians becoming more troublesome than ever, led the commissioners of the united colonies to meet at Hartford in September. It was agreed to send Thomas Stanton, with Nathaniel Willets, to the chief sachems of the Narragansetts, with the request that they should, for the time being, cease all hostilities against Uncas, until after a hearing before the commissioners. They were promised protection and a safe passage to and from Hartford. The Narragansetts sent one of their chief sachems with his attending counselors to accompany Stanton and Willets on their return. Uncas also appeared before the commissioners. After hearing the complaints alleged by the Narragansetts against him, whom they accused of refusing to receive a ransom offered for the life of Miantonimo, which they could not prove, it was agreed that all hostilities should cease "until after the next year's time of planting corn." The Narragansetts also promised that at the end of this time they would not make war upon Uncas, without giving at least thirty days' notice to the governors of Massachusetts and Connecticut. Some of the Long Island Indians were also present. They stated that having paid tribute to the English since the Pequot war, and never having injured any white settlers, either English or Dutch, they desired a certificate of their allegiance to the English, and that they might be taken under the protection of the united colonies. A certificate was given upon their promising that they would live at peace with the neighboring tribes, and not join them in their hostilities against the Dutch or English.

A general trade with the Indians was proposed, under a stock company of five or six thousand pounds, which was defeated by the Massachusetts commissioners. It was agreed that the verdict of any one of the General Courts should be treated with all due respect by the other courts throughout the colonies, until some other evidence should make it null and void. The danger of selling fire-arms and ammunition to the French and Dutch was commended to the serious consideration of the several jurisdictions. Connecticut ordered " that no persons within her liberties should sell nether gun nor pistoll, nor any instrument of war to Dutch or French men, under the penalty of forfeiting twenty for one; & suffering such further corporall punishment as the Court shall inflict."

The relief occasioned by the treaty with the Narragansetts and Long Island Indians, for the time being, caused great rejoicing in the colonies. The General Court of Connecticut appointed Wednesday the 9th of September as a public day of thanksgiving throughout the jurisdiction.

The court also took into consideration the necessity of relieving the planters of a surplus amount of corn, which, since wheat and other English crops had been abundantly raised, had fallen in price and become unsaleable. It was deemed advisable to make some further effort toward sending it abroad, which hitherto had been prevented for want of vessels to export it. In order to encourage its cultivation for this purpose, it was ordered by the court that no English grain should be sold out of the Connecticut river but to Edward Hopkins, Esq., Mr. William Whiting and such other merchants as they should appoint. These gentlemen were " to undertake the transportation thereof unto some parts beyond the sea," at the rate of four shillings a bushel. Wheat also and peas were to be sent and sold at three shillings a bushel. In case the vessel which transported " this adventure " was lost, one half of the valuation of the grain was to be at " the risk of the owners thereof." No one person was allowed to send more than one hundred bushels at a time. Upon the return of the ship the committee were to pay the owners of the grain, in the best and most suitable English commodities that were deemed necessary for the support of the plantations. At the same time it was made a law that any person who sent corn out of the country in any other way or by any other persons than by those the court appointed, should forfeit one-half the valuation of his grain, which was to be divided into equal parts, one-half to the discoverer of " the deceit," and the other half to be paid to the town treasury.

From the will of William Frost, dated 6th Jan. 1644-5, we learn that he left the following bequest: " And to the town of Uncowah I give & bequeath tenn pounds in good pay, towards building a meeting house to be paid when y' is half built." Henry Gray, his son-in-law, was to pay this sum at the specified time, and Ephraim Wheeler and Daniel Frost, as overseers of his estate, were to see that the will was " performed to the intent thereof." The church covenant, under which the first settlers of Uncoway united, was, without doubt, the same as that used by the members of the West Parish of Green's farms, and in the North-west Parish of Greenfield hill, the covenant in both parishes being the same. The only extant parish record of the Fairfield church is that begun by the Rev. Joseph Webb in 1694. The first meeting-house erected at Fairfield was called Christ's Church, and stood upon the Frost square south-east the school and town house, facing north-east. It was evidently a building of good size and comfortable accommodations. The school-house probably served as a Sabbath-day house. The church society received the name of the Prime Ancient Society.

An important step toward the maintenance of ministers and poor young men at Harvard College was at this time taken by the commissioners of the united colonies. It was proposed that every person of intelligence and means in all the plantations in the New England colony should voluntarily agree to give annually a certain fixed sum for these purposes. This order was confirmed by the General Court of Connecticut on the 25th of October. Mr. Jehu Burr and Ephraim Wheeler were appointed to this trust for Fairfield.

Cattle of all kinds were kept by herdsmen annually appointed and paid by the towns to care for them. The Maxumux land was a favorite grazing place. In those days, while bears and wolves were numerous, a herdsman was indispensable. That each owner might be able to recognize his cattle or swine in case they strayed from the herdsmen, a law was passed requiring that every owner should have ear marks or brands on all his animals over half a year old (except horses), and that their several marks be registered in the town book. Letter B of Fairfield Votes presents many interesting marks of the different owners of cattle.

The previous requirement in the fundamental order, that the General Court should consist of a governor, or someone appointed by him as moderator, with four other magistrates, was changed at this time, and it was made lawful for the governor or deputy-governor and a large part of the magistrates and deputies to be a legal court. At the court of election held on the 10th of April, Ludlow was chosen one of the magistrates of .the General Court, and Thomas Newton a deputy from Fairfield. The requirement of six days in the first weeks of the several months for training was changed to three days.

Two colony fairs were annually allowed to be held at Hartford, on the second Wednesdays in May and September.

The distance of Fairfield from Hartford seriously interfered with cases referred to the General Court, in consequence of which Governor John Haynes, upon the motion of Ludlow, in behalf of the plantations, " consented to hold a court twice this year at the seaside," with liberty to take what magistrates he pleased with him. The appearance of the governor himself among the inhabitants of Fairfield, and so important an event as his presence in the court, must have been an occasion of no small excitement among the planters of Uncoway and Cupheag. It was also ordered that a letter should be addressed to Governor Fenwick, desiring him, " if occasion would permit," to go to England to obtain an enlargement, of the Connecticut patent, " and for the further advantages of the Country." Mr. Fenwick did not accept the appointment, and New Haven soon after concluded to join with Connecticut in obtaining patents of their lands from Parliament. On the 11th of November Thomas Gregson, Esq., was appointed from New Haven to undertake a voyage to England, for this purpose, but the loss of the ship in which he sailed and the condition of affairs in England resulted in giving up the project for the time being.

In July two hundred pounds were levied upon the plantations towards purchasing the fort at Saybrook, to be paid in grain, at such prices as a committee appointed to receive it should agree upon. The measures which had been adopted to make peace with the Indians proved unsuccessful. The Narragansetts could not restrain their resentment towards Uncas, but, in violation of their treaty, invaded his territory, assaulted him in his fort and killed several of his men. A special meeting of the commissioners was called and held at Boston on the 28th of June. Again messengers were dispatched into the Narragansett and Moheagan countries, inviting them to attend the meeting of the commissioners, with assurances of protection and a just settlement of their difficulties. The Narragansetts received the messengers with courtesy, but upon hearing their proposition became infuriated and utterly refused to visit Boston. Nothing but the blood of Uncas would satisfy them. They abused the messengers and threatened to kill the English cattle, and shoot every Englishman who stepped out of his door. One of their sachems declared that whoever began the war, he would continue it until Uncas should be delivered up to them.

Roger Williams of Rhode Island wrote to the commissioners that an Indian war was inevitable, but that he had concluded a neutrality with them in behalf of Providence and the towns upon the Aqujdney Islands. Still hoping to prevent so great a calamity, the commissioners sought the advice of the magistrates, church elders and principal military officers of Massachusetts. They promptly replied, and gave their unanimous opinion that according to the engagement made with Uncas, they were obliged to defend him in his fort and to protect him and his men in all their estates and liberties without delay, or he would be destroyed. It was agreed that war should be declared, and that three hundred men should be immediately raised and sent against the Narragansetts. Of this force it was voted that Massachusetts should send one hundred and ninety men, Plymouth and Connecticut forty each, and New Haven thirty. From the Connecticut and New Haven soldiers, who had formerly been sent to protect Uncas, and who were at this time about to return home, forty men, under the command of Captain Humphrey, were immediately impressed in Massachusetts. In three days, completely armed and victualed, they set out for the Moheagan country. The General Court also ordered that the magistrates, or the greater part of them, should, if they saw fit, press men and ammunition for a defensive war, or defend the Moheagans until the next sitting of the court. New Haven gave the same order. Captain Mason was forwarded a commission to take command of the Connecticut troops upon their arrival at Moheagan. Major Edward Gibbons of Massachusetts was appointed commander-in-chief of the whole army, with instructions to offer peace to the Narragansetts upon honorable terms. In case they refused to enter into a treaty with him, he was further instructed, that if they would neither fight nor accept his offer of peace, to invade their country and to erect forts upon the Niantick river and Narragansett, in which to store the corn and goods which he should take from them.

Hoping to make peace with the English, the Narragansetts sent a present to Governor Winthrop, requesting that they might make war upon Uncas in order to revenge the death of Miantonimo. The present was refused, but upon their desire that it should be left with the governor until they could communicate with their sachems, it was allowed to remain. The commissioners, however, without delay ordered it to be returned by messengers sent to inform the Narragansett sachems that they would neither accept their present nor offer them peace until they had had made satisfaction for past injuries and given security for their good conduct in the future. When the messengers informed Passacus, the chief sachem of the Narragansetts, of the object of their visit, that the English were as desirous of peace with him and his men as they had ever been, he requested them to take back the present, and to say that he and some of his chief men would immediately visit Boston. The messengers returned with the Indian present, and wrote to Captain Mason that there was a prospect of peace. The commissioners, however, regarding the step as one of delay on the part of the Narragansetts in order to make time for war, reproved the. messengers for bringing the present back and for writing without authority to Captain Mason.

A few days after Passacus, Mehsamo, the eldest son of Cannonicus, and Wytowash, three principal sachems, with Awashequen from the Nehantic tribe, and a long and imposing retinue of attendants visited Boston. They again desired a year's planting time, which was refused by the commissioners. When pressed with the injuries done to Uncas, their threats against the English, and with the great expense the latter were suffering in order to protect Uncas and maintain the peace of the country, the sachems reluctantly acknowledged their breach of the treaty. According to an Indian custom they presented a stick to the commissioners, in token of their submission and desire to make peace according to their wishes. They then inquired what the English wished.

Two thousand fathoms of white wampum was demanded by the commissioners as but a small sum for the danger and expense incurred by the trouble the Narragansetts had made. They required that all the captives and canoes taken from Uncas should be returned to him, and that any future troubles with him should be submitted to the English. They also promised that Uncas should return all the captives and canoes which he had taken from them. In order to give proof of their sincerity hostages were demanded. These terms seemed hard to the Narragansetts, but after some abatement in the amount required, on the 30th of August they reluctantly signed the articles of peace, which only fear of the English arms led them to do. Some of their men were left as hostages until a certain number of their children should be delivered as a faithful security of their sincerity to this treaty.

Again joy reigned in the homes of the English, and on the day the troops were disbanded a general thanksgiving was celebrated by all the towns in the colonies. The names of Jehu Burr and Thomas Sherwood appear on the list of deputies from Fairfield sent to attend the meeting of the General Court, on the 11th of September, at which time Ludlow accompanied them as one of the magistrates of the court.

The principal act of this court appears to have been that of appointing the constable of Hartford to make out an account of the expenses incurred by the colony in defense of its own rights, and the support given to Uncas. The provisions gathered were to be sent to Mr. Whiting, the treasurer of the colony, who was to sell them and pay the proceeds of the sale to the soldiers engaged in the undertaking.

In December a tax of four hundred pounds was laid upon all the plantations of Connecticut towards paying the expenses of the late expedition against the Narragansetts, out of which Stratford and Fairfield were taxed to the amount of forty-five pounds. This year Ludlow was again elected one of the assistant judges of the General Court; and Jehu Burr and Anthony Wilson were chosen deputies from Fairfield. An important act was passed on the 11th of April in regard to juries, viz.: that whatever alterations should at any time be made by the magistrates in cases of damages given in by a jury, it should be made in open court before the plaintiff and defendant, or on affidavit sent that they had been summoned to appear.

Ludlow and the Fairfield deputies took exception to a jury of six allowed in 1644, and insisted that twelve jurors should always be had in jury cases. They agreed, however, that eight or twelve might bring in a verdict. One of the greatest honors offered to a pioneer of New England was at the sitting of this court paid to Ludlow. He was "desired to take some paynes in drawing forth a body of lawes for the government of this Commonwealth, & present them to the next General Court; & if he can provide a man for this occasion, while he is employed in the said searvice, he shall be paid at the Country chardge."

It was also ordered that there should be two particular courts held the next preceding day before the two standing General Courts, that at both the assistance of Ludlow might be had in such actions as were presented, either from the river settlements or the seaside. The taxes of Fairfield and Stratford were ordered to be divided between the two towns. To add to the punishment of persons who had been whipped for any scandalous offense, an act was passed, that they should not be allowed to vote in town or commonwealth, " until the Court should manifest their satisfaction." Owing to the inconvenience of the planters in attending the court of election in April, when the plantations required full attention, it was voted to change the date to the third Thursday in May.

This year the Dutch became more exacting concerning their territories both at New Haven and in Connecticut. At Hartford they maintained a distinct government, and would in no wise submit to the laws of the colony. At the meeting of the commissioners at New Haven in September the troubles of the Dutch were laid before them. A letter was written and sent to Governor Keift, in which an effort was made to compromise the difficulties between them and the English, to which the Dutch governor returned a haughty reply. The Indians continued exceedingly troublesome. A plot was set on foot to murder Governor Hopkins, Governor 'Haynes, Secretary Whiting, and Uncas, which was revealed to the whites by an Indian employed by Sequassen to commit the murders. The Milford Indians proved very troublesome, and attempted to burn the town by setting fire to the swamps on the west and north, which the planters discovered in time to extinguish it and save the town.

Meanwhile the Indians about Milford, Stratford and Fairfield suffered from a descent upon them by the Mohawks, who attempted to surprise them in their fort. The English discovering the design, informed those in peril, who immediately set up the war-whoop. Their men flocked to the fort. A battle took place, in which the Mohawks were overpowered, and several of them taken prisoners. One of their captains was bound and left tied up in the salt-meadows to starve and to be tortured to death by mosquitoes. An Englishman by the name of Hine discovered him, and set him at liberty. This act was ever afterwards treated with marked consideration by the Mohawks.

The Fairfield Indians appear to have rendered some assistance on this occasion. " It happened one day that six of the Mohawk tribe being hotly pressed by the Fairfield Indians, were secreted by one of the Wacklins (Wakelys) of Stratfield under some sheaves of flax, and being directed homewards, were the occasion of the long amnesty that subsisted between that tribe & the English." No doubt this kindness of Hine and that of Wakely saved a great deal of future trouble for the planters in this region from the Mohawks. The perfidious Narragansetts did not fulfill any of the promises they had made to the English; but continued in acts of direct treachery and intrigue against them, of which the commissioners rave them to understand they had full knowledge. The Dutch and Indian war continued. A battle was fought at Horseneck or Stricklands' Plain. After a long and obstinate resistance, the Dutch were victorious, md the Indians put to flight. Many were slain on both sides, and their lead buried in heaps, and covered with earth, giving their graves the appearance of small hills.

At the court of election held in Hartford in May, Ludlow was again elected one of the magistrates, and Charles Taintor and Edmund Harvey deputies from Fairfield. A particular explanation of the tenth fundamental article was called for by some of the attendants of this court, it never having been fully understood. It had been previously thought that a particular court could not be legally held without the presence of the governor, or deputy-governor, or someone chosen by the governor as moderator, and four magistrates. A more full interpretation of the article vas entered upon, and it was, finally "ordered, sentenced & decreed" that the governor or deputy-governor, with two magistrates, should have power to keep a particular court; and in case the governor or deputy-governor could not be present, if three magistrates met, they might choose one of themselves as a moderator. A guard of eight complete in their arms every Sabbath and lecture day, was at this time ordered to be kept in each of the towns at the seaside; and as the population became more numerous it was to be increased. It was enacted that the taxes upon the towns for the general support of the colony should be brought in yearly in the month of September. Ludlow was appointed to give out warrant for the taxes at the seaside. The soldiers in each of the towns were authorized to make choice of their military officers, and present their names to the particular court, to be acted upon according to the judgment of the court.

Owing to many abuses, committed from the frequent use, of tobacco, it was ordered that no person under the age of twenty years, nor any one lot yet accustomed to its use, should take the weed until he had obtained, " a certificate under the hand of some who are approved, for knowledge & skill in phisicke, that it is useful for him, & that he has received a licence from the Court for the same: " — " and for the regulating of those who had already made it necessary for their use," it was ordered "that no man in the colony after the publication hereof, shall take any tobaco publicquely in the street, nor the field or woods, unless when travelling at least ten miles, or at the ordinary time of repast, commonly called dinner; or if it be not then taken, yet not above once in the day at most, & then not in company with any other. Nor shall any inhabitant in any of the towns, within this jurisdiction take tobacco, in any house in the same town where he liveth, with or in the company of any more than one who useth & drinketh the same weed with him at that time, under a penalty of six pence for each offence against this order, in any of the plantations thereof." The constables were appointed to present the names of such as transgressed this act to the particular court.

To prevent the abuse of wine and strong water, it was ordered: " That no inhabitant in any town should continue in a tavern or victualing house in the town in which he lived more than half an hour at a time, drinking wine, beer, or hot water." Neither should any one sell wine or any drink " above the proportion of three to a pint of sack; " nor should wine be sold " to a private resident or to those who come for it," unless by a note signed by "someone Mr. of a family, & he an allowed inhabitant of the town." Neither were hotel keepers permitted to sell or draw hot water to any but in case of necessity, under the censure of the court in any one of the above cases.

At the next particular court held on the 3rd of June, Thomas Newton, of Fairfield, was fined £5 " for his misdemeanor in the vessel called the Virginia, (in which he was probably captain) in giving Philip White, wine when he had too much before." It was also resolved, that Ludlow, having perfected a body of laws, not only the man hired to labor for him should be paid by the court, but that Ludlow himself should " be further considered for his services."

Arrangements were entered upon to engage any one disposed to undertake the whaling business for the term of seven years. Black Rock afterwards became for many years a noted whaling ship port. Although the Narragansetts and Nehantic Indians still continued in an alarming attitude, the commissioners at a special meeting in July obtained a continued promise of peace. At the court of election in May, Ludlow was for the third time chosen deputy-governor of the colony. Andrew Ward and Charles Taintor were elected deputies from Fairfield. Salaries of £30 annually were directed to be paid to the governor and deputy-governor, as a compensation for their official expenses. At the sitting of the General Court on the 18th of May, Ludlow and the Fairfield deputies, not wholly satisfied with the movement of the three first Maxumux farmers, who it appears had purchased the Maxumux lands of the Indians on their own responsibility, brought the affair before the court, which resulted in the following resolution:

" Whereas, There are certain farms to be set forth upon the borders within the limits of Fairfield, It is ordered there shall be no further proceeding in taking up any ground there about, until it be viewed by some that shall be appointed by such as shall keep the next Court at Fairfield."

An important movement had taken place among the planters at Fairfield. The fine meadows and planting fields of Maxumux had attracted their attention, and some of them had contemplated a settlement there. At a particular court held at Fairfield on the 10th of October, the Bankside farmers were allowed to proceed in their undertaking. Among the early documents preserved in the state capitol at Hartford, is the following, dated 1648:

"Imprimis. It is agreed that Thomas Newton Henry Gray & John Green, shall have liberty to sit down & inhabit at Machamux; & shall have for each of them laid out as in propriety to themselves & their heirs forever, twenty acres in upland, to be indifferently laid out by the appointment of said town, in a convenient place, where it may not be too obnoxious to the depasturing & feeding of the cattle of the said town. And that if they improve the said land, to make a sufficient mound or fence, or mounds & fences, to secure their said town & land from the trespass of the cattle of the inhabitants of said town. And their said fence shall be viewed by the said town, or their deputies,, whether sufficient or no, & shall be therein subject to such orders as the town shall make about other farms of the town.

" Item. That there shall be sufficient passage & way or ways for the cattle of said Fairfield to pass to the sea shore; & all the way to feed & depasture to & again in those parts; & that neither the inhabitants of the said town nor their cattle may be prevented that way.

" Item. That there may be a convenient quantity of meadow laid out by the inhabitants of said town, or their deputies, to the parties above said, for their comfortable subsistence in that place. And that the parties above said shall only keep their own sheep in & upon their said land, & commons adjoining, & not take cattle to foragement and depasture in the commons of the said town.

" Item. That the aforesaid parties & their heirs be subject to all taxes & rates of the said town wherein they have a common benefit, together with said town, & are subject to the officers of said town, save only in watching & warding.

" Item. That there may be liberty to said parties to take in two more inhabitants by full consent & approbation of the town of Fairfield; & that they be approved as aforesaid, there may be like quantity of upland & meadow set out to them by the town upon the terms aforesaid.

"Item. It is agreed that if the said town & the parties are not agreed between themselves about the upland & meadow, then the court to be indifferent judges."

The two parties chosen to join this enterprise were Daniel Frost, of Fairfield, and Francis Andrews, of Hartford. This land, which was purchased from the Maxumux Indians, stretched from a white oak tree near Frost point, one English mile along the sea coast towards Compaw, and six or seven miles inland. The Maxumux Indians lived on an elevated bank east of this strip of land overlooking a grand expanse of water, Long Island in the distance, and a charming view of meadows and fine rolling hills on the west, north and north-west. A few years after they removed from their sea-side planting field to Clapboard hill, which was set apart as a reservation for them.

Each of these five farmers were granted ten-acre home-lots. Daniel Frost's home-lot lay on the point, and was " bounded on the north & west with the highway, on the east with the land of the Old Indian field; & on the south with the sea beach." Henry Gray's home-lot was next west of Daniel Frost's. Thomas Newton's lay west of Henry Gray's. John Green's and Francis Andrew's lay west of Thomas Newton's. The name of Maxumux gave place to that of Bankside, and the planters were for several years called " The Five Bankside Farmers " and " The West Farmers." John Green became so prosperous a land-holder, that the name of Green's Farms was applied to the vicinity west and north-west of Bankside as early as 1699. Near the west limits of this purchase, was an island of about one hundred acres, first named Farmer's island, and the Great island, then Fox island, and in time, falling into the possession of the Sherwood family, it came to be called Sherwood's island. West of this island lay another of about ten acres which has always been known as the little island. East of Sherwood's island, standing well out in the Sound, was still another small island, which has entirely been washed away by the action of the waves and storms of more than two centuries. At the sitting of the General Court in May, Ludlow offered a motion that Moses Wheeler should be made a ferryman across the Housatonic at Stratford, which was also referred to the next court at Fairfield, " both in behalf of the country & the town of Stratford."

On the 2nd of February Henry Jackson was given liberty from the town to erect a grist mill on Uncoway creek. ¹⁸ A severe law was enacted to prevent the Dutch from selling arms or ammunition to the Indians, under which any of them found guilty of this offense, not subject .to the laws of the colony, " should be shipped for England & sent to Parliament." In July every soldier belonging to the train-bands was granted half a pound of powder a year, to be used on training days, which was to be provided by the masters and governers of each family in which said soldiers belonged, to be called for and used at the discretion of the captains or principal officers of the train-bands.

At this time Connecticut seemed nearly overpowered, not only by the claims of Massachusetts, but by those of the renowned Peter Stuyvesant, who claimed that all the territories, rivers, streams and islands from Cape Henlopen to Cape Cod, and all the lands and plantations in the united colonies, belonged to the Dutch under an ancient grant to the Dutch, and afterwards purchased by them of the Indians. They also demanded a ship which he had ordered to be seized in the Harbor of New Haven. The hostile attitude of the Dutch and the murder by the Indians of one John Whitmore, a highly respectable resident of Stamford, as well as the murder of several Englishmen who were part of a crew belonging to a vessel which had been cast away near Long Island, filled the minds of the inhabitants of Fairfield, Stamford, and others along the coast, with the greatest anxiety for their own safety.

At the meeting of the commissioners on the seventh of September at Plymouth, Governor Hopkins and Ludlow, represented Connecticut. John Endicot and Simon Bradstreet were present from Massachusetts, William Bradford and John Brown from Plymouth, and Governor Eaton and John Astwood from New Haven. This was a gathering of some of the most noted and sterling characters of New England, men whose faces were care-worn with anxiety of mind, furrowed and weather-beaten with fatigue consequent upon their frequent long journeys by sea, or through the almost trackless wilderness of New England.

Soon after, Uncas, with several of his men, was sent to Stamford to discover the murderers of Mr. Whitmore. The passage through Fairfield of so great a chief must have created considerable excitement and curiosity on the part of the planters as well as of the natives. Uncas having questioned the principal Indians of Stamford, discovered that the son of one of the sachems, and another Indian " fell a trembling," and were believed to be the conspirators in the murder; but before they could be seized they both made good their escape. The other Indians, either through fear of their sachem or out of attachment to his son, could not be induced to testify against them. Thomas Newton, who had been one of the most enterprising planters in Fairfield, at this time fell into trouble with the authorities of . the town and colony; and to escape the severity of the law for the charge brought against him — which Savage says was probably witchcraft — he escaped from prison and fled to the Dutch for protection. A large reward was offered to secure his return; but he was protected by the Dutch governor, who believed him innocent, and who afterwards made him one of his military captains. He became one of the most prominent men of Newtown, Long Island. Several planters at Fairfield were fined twenty shillings at the time of his escape; and Thomas Staples was fined forty shillings, which leads to the suspicion that his friends believed him innocent.

The Narragansetts and the Nehantics, still intent upon their treacherous course toward the English, had not fulfilled their promises; but on the contrary had hired the Mohawks and the Pocomtock Indians to unite with them in totally destroying Uncas and the Mohegans. The fear of an Indian war was as great at this time as when the Pequots threatened the extermination of the whites. Thomas Stanton was timely dispatched to confer with them. Upon his arrival he found the Pocomtocks assembled and awaiting the Mohawks, but upon his informing them that the English were resolved to defend Uncas at all costs, they abandoned their project and returned home. The Narragansetts and the Nehantics thus finding themselves deserted, gave up their design.

Ludlow was this year chosen one of the magistrates of the General Court, and George Hull and Andrew Ward deputies from Fairfield. To the application made in May of the previous year by Ludlow and the Fairfield deputies that Maxumux or Bankside should be set forth upon the borders or within the limits of Fairfield, the General Court appointed Daniel Titterton and John Hurd of Stratford to survey and view the said land, "& consider thereupon how convenient it is for them & inconvenient for this commonwealth to have the said premises settled upon the town of sd. Fairfield, & make return thereof to the next General Court." Twenty pounds required and paid by Fairfield and Stratford, was declared in full of all accounts for their proportion of the public rates. Ludlow was appointed to levy the taxes at the seasons agreed upon by the people of Stratford " both for what is lacking & also for the future," toward the maintenance of their pastor, the Rev. Adam Blackman.

It was ordered that the fort and buildings at Saybrook, which had been purchased by the General Court of Connecticut of Mr. Fenwick in 1648, and destroyed by fire soon after, should be rebuilt at a point called New Fort-hill at the charge of the commonwealth. At a particular court held in Hartford on the 7th of June, Mr. John Webster of Hartford was appointed to assist Ludlow in holding a particular court, at Stratford "next Thursday come fortnight " for the execution of justice. On the 22nd of July a special meeting of the commissioners was held at Boston, at which time it was resolved that the sachem of Stamford, whose son was supposed to have murdered Mr. Whitmore should be seized and imprisoned until the murderer was given up to justice; the murderers of the Long Island seamen and planters were likewise demanded. But a short time before the meeting of the commissioners, a bold attempt had been made upon the life of Uncas, by an Indian hired by the Narragansetts and Nehantics to assassinate him. The wounds he received were at first thought to be mortal, but he soon recovered, and appearing before the commissioners at this time, eloquently set forth his long and valuable services in the defense of the English and their rights; and urged as a return of his faithfulness, that they should provide for his safety and avenge his cause. A rumor was in circulation that a daughter of Ninigrate was about to marry a brother or son of Sassacus. This gave ground to fear that a plot was now on foot by the Narragansetts and Nehantics to collect the scattered Pequots and to return them to their own country as a separate nation. The commissioners, regarding an Indian war inevitable, gave orders that all the colonies should forthwith be made ready for such an emergency. ¹⁹

At this time the Massachusetts commissioners objected to any decision of the other commissioners in regard to the Connecticut boundary line and the purchase of the fort at Saybrook until Connecticut exhibited her patent, and proved priority oi possession before the date of John Winthrop's arrival at Saybrook. To their arbitrary pleadings Governor Hopkins and Ludlow responded, reminding them that the situation of Connecticut in 1638 was a very different one from that of the present time. They disclaimed all right of priority on the part of Massachusetts, on the ground that having departed from that jurisdiction upon their own determination, and withdrawn without any form of government, they had not considered themselves within the boundaries of their patent; but, on the contrary, within the limits of the Connecticut patent of Viscount Say and Seal, Lord Brook and their associates, and therefore involved in their interest. In regard to the Connecticut patent, they showed that a copy of it had been exhibited at the time of the confederation, " which had been well known to many," and that it had recently been acknowledged by the honorable committee of Parliament; and that all included within its limits had been given equal privileges and power, as all others under the patents of Massachusetts and Plymouth. In reference to any breach of brotherly love between the colonies, they claimed that love was ever to be based upon truth and peace; and " that in all the proceedings of the confederation, it was their desire that truth & peace might embrace each other; " and " that all things which were rational & consistent with truth & righteousness should never be an occasion of offence to any."

Governor Haynes laid a copy of the Connecticut patent before the commissioners, and the governor offered to prove its validity upon oath. ²⁰ They acknowledged that they had not the original Connecticut patent, but a copy of it, to the truth of which Governor Hopkins was willing to give oath. At a particular court, held the 13th of September, at Hartford, when acting upon the vote of the commissioners, it was decided to make war upon the Stamford Indians, in order to induce them to deliver up the murderers of Mr. Whitmore. Mr. Ludlow and Mr. Tallcot, of Hartford, were appointed "to ride over to New Haven the next day to confer with Governor Eaton & the other magistrates of that colony, about this matter, & to return as speedily as possible."

On the 18th of September Ludlow was appointed by the General Court of Connecticut to prepare the soldiers of Fairfield and Stratford with provisions and all other necessaries for the design upon the Stamford Indians, George Hull, of Fairfield, and William Beardsley, of Stratford, were chosen to assist him. This movement so alarmed and intimidated the Stamford Indians, that they proved peaceable ever afterwards; but it does not appear that the murderers were given up to justice.

A form of church discipline, entitled the Cambridge platform, having been agreed upon at Boston on the 17th of October by the ministers throughout New England, it was adopted by the General Court and all the churches of Connecticut soon after. This platform, with the ecclesiastical laws of the colonies, formed the religious constitution of the Established Church of New England for about sixty years, or until the Saybrook platform was agreed upon.

Within the past two years affairs of grave importance had taken place in England. Cromwell, who had become " entire master of Parliament & of the king, attempted to quell the disorders he himself had so artfully raised." He called a secret council of the chief officers of the army, with a view of debating the best mode of governing the nation, and of disposing of the king's person. Charles had offered to resign to Parliament " the power of the army & the nomination of all the principal officers, provided at his death these prerogatives should revert to the crown." (December 24, 1647.) The Independents, however, who had the Parliament in control, coerced them into sending four proposals to the king of such a character as left him only the power to reject them. On the 3rd of January, 1648, Parliament voted " that no more addresses should be sent to the king, nor any letters or messages received from him; & that it should be treason for any one, without leave of the two houses to hold any intercourse with him." From this time Charles I. was in reality dethroned, and the constitution formally overthrown. The king was placed in close confinement; cut off from his friends, correspondents, and even deprived of his servants. The Scotch in vain protested against the course pursued by Cromwell and the Independents. In all parts of the kingdom tumults, insurrections, and conspiracies prevailed, which Cromwell's army soon subdued. In vain Prince Charles in July (1648) with offers of ships from the English navy, made every effort in Holland and at home to restore his father to the throne. Step by step the unhappy king was stripped of all temporal power, and upon his head was visited the sins of those who had resolved upon his death. The council of general officers in November voted that the king should be " proceeded against in the way of justice." Foremost among these was General Edmund Ludlow, a cousin of Roger Ludlow. Cromwell took possession of the Parliament and established the Rump, as it was called. The king was accused of treason, and a High Court of Justice appointed to try him. He was brought before this tribunal, and impeached " as a tyrant, traitor, murderer, & a public and implacable enemy of the commonwealth." The unhappy king sustained the majesty and dignity of his position. " He never forgot his part either as a prince or a man." On Saturday, the 27th of January, 1649, judgment was pronounced upon him. Only two days were allowed between his sentence and execution. On the afternoon of January 30 he was led to the block. As the executioner severed his head from his body, " a deep groan burst from the multitude." His son. Prince Charles, was proclaimed his successor on the 11th of February following; but to all intents Cromwell was the ruling spirit of this unhappy period.

The death of Charles L was received by all the American colonies, except those of New England, with deep sorrow; with the latter it was looked upon as the overthrow of English church and state, and the establishment of a new government based upon republican principles, and the establishment of the tenets of the Independents. They, however, did not enjoy their full anticipation of peace, either civil or religious. " The rights of freemen'' became the one all-absorbing topic of the day, and dissatisfaction and gloom followed quickly upon the news of the unsettled state of affairs in the mother country.