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The Werkhof

As the political situation in Germany intensified, Eberhard tried to gain the support of likeminded people within the country and abroad. Early in 1933 he sent a message to a community in Switzerland, imploring them to work for unity as a “witness to the power of Jesus in the present world situation.”

The Werkhof had started in November 1930. Its members came from the Swiss peace movement, inspired by Leonhard Ragaz who was, in turn, influenced by Hermann Kutter, whose book They Must had had such a profound effect on Eberhard in 1910. Ragaz and Eberhard Arnold had been corresponding and exchanging articles since 1920. Eberhard wrote about him in an article in the Wegwarte in 1928:

It was given to Leonhard Ragaz to point the way to the kingdom of God. He did this by means of his books, lectures, conferences, and his periodical, Neue Wege, with their untiring challenge; but most of all by laying down his professorship in an attempt to immerse himself in the problems of the proletariat.

We should remember that Leonhard Ragaz, at a time when those who largely accepted his views later were still tied to bourgeois conventionality, pointed out the radical difference between official Christianity, even that of genuine leading Christians, and what the kingdom of God truly is. Leonhard Ragaz is able to point us to that cause which consists purely in God’s actual rulership. This means that God alone, and no human being, is supreme. And this very fact makes it possible for true social justice to break in, taking the form of brotherhood, where God’s spirit of unity is all that counts because it is stronger than all other spirits.

Our deep concern as a Bruderhof is to continue on the way that is pointed out and clearly marked for us, while remaining in strong and living contact with Leonhard Ragaz and his work. We owe him thanks for an important help in understanding God’s will as it has appeared in Christ and as it seeks to take shape in his church, which already now lives and proclaims the kingdom of God, changing nothing of its character.1

A friendship developed between the Werkhof and the Bruderhof. But by fall 1932 the Werkhof was disintegrating, torn apart by strong opinions. As one of its members said later: “There were as many ideas as there were idealists. The diversity of opinions about leadership, the form of meetings, the education of the children, the attitude to politics resulted in frictions and tensions within the group.”2 Some of the members visited the Rhön Bruderhof to see what they could learn. Sensing a profound unity and an atmosphere of love, they decided to withdraw from the Werkhof and join the Bruderhof. Believing that God was leading the two groups together, they were eager to go back and tell those who remained that they had found a place where the love and unity the Werkhof wished for were reality. While still at the Bruderhof, Peter and Anni Mathis and Leo and Trautel Dreher discussed this idea at a meeting:

Peter Mathis: We have to go to Leonhard Ragaz and simply testify to what has happened.

Leo Dreher: We should challenge them to complete unity. They should allow themselves to be led by the Spirit of the church.

Trautel Dreher: It is quite simple. Peter and Anni should go back and bring those who want to come.

Eberhard: We want to appeal to the Werkhof to unite insofar as they know themselves to be one in faith and in the uniting Spirit. It can be granted to them because it is a matter of grace; we simply have to ask God for it. It is not ultimately to the Werkhof that we must turn but to God’s Spirit and the complete gospel of Christ and of God’s kingdom. The reason we should do this is that these dear people have put the greatest effort into struggling for community for years and years, although their motives were often mixed. We have to respect that. Perhaps the hour of their call has come; may God grant it. It is wonderful.

For the sake of the public witness it is important that we form one big community. We went so far as to say to them: We ask this not only for your sakes but for ours, because our Bruderhof is much too weak. We need your help. Has the hour come for us to stand together as one great witness? What concerned us was that the world is going to destruction and the kingdom of God is approaching, but this did not fall on good soil and hardly sank in . . . We have heard from all sides that a real unity in the Spirit and a true spiritual community has been missing at the Werkhof for a long time. Therefore the Werkhof cannot be thought of as “church” in the sense of true community of the Spirit and a way of life. We are not asking the members of the Werkhof to come to the Bruderhof, but we are ready to unite with those among them who believe in the spirit of unity and are ready to unite with us in obedience to that spirit.

The question of where that shall take place—whether on our little hill or in a Swiss canton, on the American prairie or in the Canadian Rockies, or in some completely different place—all that we leave open. We declare ourselves ready for everything the Spirit says to the churches. We are certain, however, that the Spirit says the same to all the churches. And when it is a question of uniting in life community, we have to be completely one and we must not make any conditions.3

Eberhard respected Ragaz’s calling as similar to that of John the Baptist, of “a voice calling in the wilderness.”4 But he believed that unity was the decisive mark of the church of God and the most important witness needed in the world.

The most necessary premise—the uniting spirit—is missing at the Werkhof, though we do have great respect for the reality of a life devoid of private property . . . Our times are so tremendously serious that there is nothing more needful than the witness of a life based on the spirit of unity. Only a witness of deed and action can be of any help. Words are now being suppressed in Germany . . . Their place has to be taken by the witness of deeds and by passing on the call from person to person.5

Unfortunately, those left at the Werkhof resented the Bruderhof’s desire to join forces. Ragaz felt that his work was being criticized, and he accused the Bruderhof of presuming to be the only true church. As he wrote on February 22, 1933:

Dear friends, I agree with you regarding the evaluation of the church, both in itself and also in relation to the organized church, as well as to socialism. I also believe that the church is the ultimate word of holy sociology; I believe in the promise given to it, I believe in its blessing and in its authority, and I believe that you on the Bruderhof are a church of this kind and share in its promise. But at this point the problem arises, which amounts to a question to you, or rather to the question to you: Are you only a church or the church—excluding other forms of the church, which might also still be found elsewhere? . . . Several statements in letters and otherwise during the past few months make me unsure regarding this matter, and I am turning to you with the request now, to give me completely clear information regarding this.6

This question led to serious discussions in the Rhön brotherhood on the meaning of the term “church.” On March 9, Eberhard answered Ragaz:

We thank you warmly and respectfully for the brotherly service in your letter of February 22. It touched us deeply, and we took it as a service from one who calls like John the Baptist, one of the few who have pointed to and prepared the way that has led us into the charge of the church and of the kingdom.7

If anyone asks us if we, a group of weak and needy people, are the church of God, then we must answer: No, we are not. We are the objects of the love of God like all other people. Like all other people, and still more than they, we are unworthy, unfit, and incapable for the working of the Holy Spirit, for the building of the church, and for the mission to the entire world. But if the question is asked: Is the church of God with you? Does the church of God come down where you are? Then we must answer: Yes, it is so. Wherever believers are gathered, having no long­er any other will but the one, single will that the kingdom of God may come and that the church of Christ may be made manifest as the perfect unity of his spirit, there, in every such place, is the church, because the Holy Spirit is there.8

Unfortunately, however, stemming from this discussion Ragaz grew more critical of Eberhard and the Bruderhof. As the evil of Hitler’s policies became more strongly evident—which should have brought together all who wished to serve God’s kingdom—the rift between Leonhard Ragaz and Eberhard Arnold grew deeper.

v

A new election of the Reichstag had been scheduled for March 5. During the campaign, Hitler proclaimed repeatedly that Marxism was the archenemy of his party. “Our fight against Marxism will be relentless, and every movement which allies itself to Marxism will come to grief with it.”9

Two days after the election, on March 7, a police officer appeared at the Rhön Bruderhof. He informed the community that complaints alleging that they were communists had reached the district administrator’s office in Fulda, accusing them of printing inflammatory pamphlets and hiding weapons. Since the district administrator at the time was Baron von Gagern, a friend of the Bruderhof, it was easy to counter these accusations, and things seemed to settle down.

On March 23, the Reichstag convened in the Kroll Opera House (since the parliament building had burned down), and Hitler introduced the measure that would enable the Reichskanzler to prepare laws without the approval of the Reichstag and without reference to the president. As he stepped forward to stand beneath a swastika banner in his brownshirt paramilitary uniform, he was greeted with “Heil!” by his party.10

He started out by speaking of the “dethroning of the German monarchy” in the Revolution of 1918 and of the dangers of communism. This worldview, he said, had permeated society and threatened its basic principles of religion, morality, family, and economy.

Starting with the liberalism of the past century, this development will end, as the laws of nature dictate, in Communist chaos . . . Beginning with pillaging, arson, raids on the railway, assassination attempts, and so on—all these things are morally sanctioned by Communist theory . . . The burning of the Reichstag, one unsuccessful attempt within a large-scale operation, is only a taste of what Europe would have to expect from a triumph of this demonical doctrine . . .

The Government of the National Revolution basically regards it as its duty, in accordance with the spirit of the Volk’s vote of confidence, to prevent the elements which consciously and intentionally negate the life of the nation from exercising influence on its formation. The theoretical concept of equality before the law shall not be used, under the guise of equality, to tolerate those who despise the laws as a matter of principle or, moreover, to surrender the freedom of the nation to them on the basis of democratic doctrines . . .

The Reich Government intends to undertake a thorough moral purging of the German Volkskörper. The entire system of education, the theater, the cinema, literature, the press, and radio—they all will be used as a means to this end and valued accordingly. They must all work to preserve the eternal values residing in the essential character of our Volk. Art will always remain the expression and mirror of the yearning and the reality of an era . . . Blut und Rasse [blood and race] will once more become the source of artistic intuition . . . Reverence for the Great Men must be instilled once more in German youth as a sacred inheritance. In being determined to undertake the political and moral purification of our public life, the government is creating and securing the requirements for a genuinely profound return to religious life . . .

The National Government perceives in the two Christian confessions the most important factors for the preservation of our Volkstum. It will respect any contracts concluded between these Churches and the Länder [states].

Their rights are not to be infringed upon. But the Government expects and hopes that the task of working on the national and moral regeneration of our Volk taken on by the Government will, in turn, be treated with the same respect. It will face all of the other confessions with objective fairness. However, it cannot tolerate that membership in a certain confession or a certain race could mean being released from general statutory obligations or even constitute a license for committing or tolerating crimes which go unpunished. The Government’s concern lies in an honest coexistence between Church and State; the fight against a materialist Weltanschauung and for a genuine Volksgemeinschaft equally serves both the interests of the German nation and the welfare of our Christian faith . . .

For years Germany has been waiting in vain for the redemption of the promise to disarm given us by the others. It is the sincere desire of the National Government to be able to refrain from increasing the German Army and our weapons insofar as the rest of the world is also finally willing to fulfill its obligation of radically disarming. For Germany wants nothing except equal rights to live and equal freedom.

However, the National Government wishes to cultivate this spirit of a will for freedom in the German Volk. The honor of the nation, the honor of our Army, and the ideal of freedom—all must once more become sacred to the German Volk!

The German Volk wishes to live in peace with the world . . .

The distress of the world can only come to an end if the appropriate foundation is created by means of stable political conditions and if the peoples regain confidence in one another.

To deal with the economic catastrophe, the following is necessary:

1. an absolutely authoritarian leadership at home to create confidence in the stability of conditions;

2. safeguarding peace on the part of the major nations for a long time to come and thus restoring the confidence of the peoples in one another; and

3. the final triumph of the principles of common sense in the organization and leadership of the economy as well as a general release from reparations and impossible liabilities for debts and interest.11

Leaders of other parties spoke in response to Hitler’s speech. Otto Wels, chairman of the Social Democrats countered forcefully: “No Enabling Law gives you the right to annihilate ideas that are eternal and indestructible.”12 But the resolution passed: Adolf Hitler now had complete power over Germany.

At the Rhön Bruderhof, the brotherhood met to discuss their position. Eberhard wished to go to Kassel, the regional government seat, and then to Berlin to speak openly with the officials in charge, even with Hitler himself. He read out parts of Hitler’s speech and then asked each member to respond.

Emmy Arnold: I believe that the journey to Kassel is urgent in order to sense exactly what is in the wind outside. We must know what is really happening, because nothing is written about it. A man in our neighboring village said one can’t use the word “justice” anymore or one is immediately called a communist. The father-in-law of a woman in Heubach was beaten to death in Fulda. Now the Jews are persecuted, and Christians will be next.

Heiner Arnold: After Hitler’s speech I sense the necessity to stand together in the deepest unity and action of the heart.

Liesel Wegner: We do not know how long we can still be together after this cutting, brutal speech.

Trudi Hüssy: We must continue to build and not be held back by thoughts of what might happen. Sending Eberhard on our behalf to this present government is a very awesome thing to do, a historical act.

Annemarie Wächter: Listening to Hitler’s speech, I felt as though we were an embassy in another country, with a completely different language and a completely different atmosphere. It is of the utmost importance that we represent within this embassy that other land—a land that is known to us—so powerfully that our testimony must be heard and cannot be ignored. We must all be filled from within by this living Spirit and be able to think of nothing else, so that we stand completely in the joy and power of the Spirit—and in unity.

Alfred Gneiting: The time has come when we will be forsaken and alone, forsaken by all who have till now stood close to us.

Adolf Braun: Historically, the times of freedom of spirit, of constitutional freedom, are very short, and the times of persecution are very long. Persecution is now coming, and we must call up all the strength we have in order not to be smashed to pieces right now. The state once more shows its claws like a beast of prey. The journeys to Kassel and Berlin are the most important next steps.

Arno Martin: When such a mass of people are ready to submit their whole will to a satanic power, how much more must we be enthusiastic, courageous, and on fire for God’s cause, for the cause that really has a future.

Eberhard: We must ask Jesus to lay his hand on us so that we are free from inertia. We cannot free each other, but he must free us. We must be free from tiredness and worry, everything that robs us of the courage and energy to be active. We shall carry on mission without the slightest fear of men. We will not be allowed to publish a magazine now; we will go like the Anabaptists of the sixteenth century, from person to person.

He went on to lay out the path that he would follow. He felt clearly that the voice of the church needed to speak out, and for this reason they should remain in Germany to give witness. He mentioned several times over the next two years his desire to meet Adolf Hitler personally.

We shall stay in this place where we have been led until God directs us to leave. We will go on building and working and must not give up praying for the means required.

I look into the future without fear. I believe we can speak very clearly with this government, if from the first we take the initiative and openly express what we feel is positive and what we feel is negative. I hope I can speak with Adolf Hitler. We must ask God for an opportunity for an open exchange with him.

In this hour it is not good to have such a large group of novices. During the passion week we should concentrate on accepting most of them as full members. We have to gather closely and firmly together in the brotherhood. Any visitors who are a disturbance need to leave. The brotherhood circle has to become an army, led by the Spirit.

Then we need to concern ourselves with people who are suffering or in prison. We should go to authentic sources and do as much as we can. We have to become very active.13

The following Sunday, Eberhard spoke to all members and guests:

Right now our society is unhealthy: present-day churches, the present-day economic system. We cannot go along and must seek a different way, even if it is very modest. For we reject political attempts to improve public conditions; we renounce playing any role in middle-class society today.

He then spoke of the efforts of well-meaning Christians to mitigate or correct various excesses of the Nazi movement. He made his point by referring to the symbol of the swastika, a hooked cross.

It would seem to be possible to reach larger numbers of people by compromising with evil. The danger is, however, that while you try to knock off the hooks which have grown on the cross, you are still unable to check the movement of the rolling wheel. For the swastika is not static; and it moves in a definite direction. The Reichkanzler’s last speech makes very clear in which direction the swastika is going. The cause of the cross is completely different; it moves in absolutely the opposite direction.

Hitler spoke of the swastika as the sign of the sun, already used by Germanic ancestors. In the Far East it is seen as a symbol of the rotating movement of all things according to the law of cause and effect—the karma.

The rotating sun-wheel points to this stern sequence of cause and effect, sin and expiation, crime and retaliation. That is why the Nazi movement has a certain right to claim the swastika. First, there is the rotating movement (cause and effect) represented by this symbol; second, there is the idea of retaliation, of punishment, of judgment, of the karma—the concept that guilt calls inexorably for punishment. The state claims that it is justified in using the heaviest punishment against any act that threatens this government. National Socialism cannot be traced to the cross; it is a movement in absolute opposition to the cross.

We have to acknowledge the direction given by Paul, “Let every person be subject to the governing authorities,” who have the power to punish evil and protect good, to demand retribution. That’s what the governing authorities are there for, a weapon in the hands of the judging God of the Old Testament, in the hands of God who still must rule as judge over those not yet ready to follow his spirit.

I would feel authorized by the brotherhood to reach out to the president of our government, and if at all possible to Hitler personally. I would not only acknowledge his power as our governmental authority, but rather would bring more sharply to his mind—in the sense of God’s justice—that he should only judge and punish evil with true justice, without excess. And not in such a way that good elements are also punished. They say, however, that the churches, the schools, the administration of justice—everything—should only serve the purposes of the nation. But that is not the final purpose of government: it must go further. The final purpose of governmental authority is to place the nation in the service of justice, for good against evil.

In all modesty, we have to represent to the government the prophetic spirit of the New Testament. We have to say to the government: we respect your task, your mandate; you are the government we must acknowledge. There is a higher law, however, which places the service of perfect love, the service of community and unity right into the midst of chaos. Accept this service for yourselves, let yourselves be reminded of the ultimate and final goal. This ultimate goal is the kingdom of peace and unity represented and lived already here and now by the church of Jesus Christ.

In this sense we appeal to you: allow us to live in this country—ruled by you—as a church with a quite different mandate. Over against governmental authority and the judgment you exercise, we represent God’s ultimate and final purpose. And all nations, including the German nation, will find fulfillment when the kingdom of peace and joy descends on earth. Then there will indeed be a classless society, in which God alone rules and no human dictator.

You men of the government must receive that message, lest this ultimate goal vanish from your hearts. Therefore tolerate communities that live in this way, rejecting private property and armed violence. Allow them to live in this land; Germany will be the better for it.14

v

The county seat governing the Rhön Bruderhof was in the city of Fulda; at the regional level the Bruderhof was answerable to the office in Kassel. Both Eberhard and Emmy had acquaintances in government positions. He wanted to speak directly to those in the highest positions to explain the Bruderhof’s position and try to establish a friendship. This, he believed, would be the best protection for the group as well as for its foreign and Jewish members.

The Bruderhof’s private school was supported by the government. The building had been completed in 1928; the Regierungspräsident (regional governor) in Kassel, Dr. Friedensburg, had attended the opening ceremony. He had joined the community members on plain wooden benches and was moved when everyone stood up and sang a familiar hymn. When the cold winter weather set in, he phoned to ask how the children were doing and sent a truckload of coal for heating.15 In mid March 1933, however, Dr. Friedensburg was relieved of his post as governor. On March 28, Eberhard took a trip to Kassel to meet his replacement.

The brotherhood gathered in the morning before he set off. “I would like a direction from the brotherhood for the charges that I will take with me from God and from the church,” Eberhard said.

We must be aware that this trip brings a decision as to whether we want to stay here or leave the country. We must consider the following: if part of the brotherhood is deported (the Swiss or Baltic members), we must see that as a good reason for us all to emigrate together. It will require a vital decision. We are not bound to any place. God will prepare the place for us, we do not know where. Perhaps that place is here—if we can carry on the work we are required to do and continue in our task of mission. Under no circumstance can we deviate from our one goal of the kingdom of God.16

They sat together in an intimate circle. Easter was approaching, and they remembered Jesus, who had died at the hand of the Roman government. They all knelt down and prayed for guidance and protection.

The new regional governor was Baron von Monbart. He showed little interest in what Eberhard had to say, and the trip was a disap-pointment.

On his way home Eberhard stopped in Fulda to see the District Administrator Baron von Gagern. Von Gagern had admired the Bruder-hof ever since Eberhard had stopped in at his office years earlier to ask about purchasing the neglected Rhön farmstead—although he had not had the money to pay for it. The district administrator was a devout Catholic and had listened in amazement when Eberhard told him that he believed in miracles as his economic basis, and he had never been disappointed. Over the years von Gagern had watched the Bruderhof grow and flourish.17 Now he too was feeling the noose tightening. “Herr Arnold,” he said, “I have to tell you that I have received complaints against you. These will have to be investigated.”

When Eberhard got home, he walked through the kitchen and asked the girls to bake a cake. “I think we will soon have a visit from the police,” he explained. Two days later he asked if the cake was ready.

“Oh, Eberhard, I didn’t think you were serious!” Sophie answered.

“Of course I’m serious,” Eberhard said. “We need to be ready for our guests.”18

They arrived on April 12: six rural police led by the district chief of police, five SS men, and a representative of the Nazi Party. They stayed for five hours, looking through the bedrooms, the library, and the office for anything that would “endanger the state.” Then they went into the dining room where Sophie served them cake and coffee. Eberhard explained to them: “We respect the government in everything that does not conflict with our conscience as Christians. We must live for peace, for justice, for the joy of God’s kingdom in full community, and we will not lift a finger for the armed services.”

Although the men were quite friendly, the brothers and sisters were left with a sense of foreboding.

v

Communists, Social Democrats, and trade unionists were beaten and their offices trashed by storm troopers. On March 20, Himmler announced the opening of a concentration camp for political prisoners in Dachau, just outside Munich. Two days later, two hundred prisoners were transferred there from other jails. The Nazi’s hatred was directed most intensely against the Jews. Storm troopers broke into synagogues, smashed the windows of Jewish shops, and beat and humiliated Jews on the streets. On April 1, a national boycott of Jewish shops was declared. Signs appeared: Deutsche! Wehrt Euch! Kauft nicht bei Juden! (Germans! Beware! Do not buy from Jews!) Laws excluded them from universities, from legal professions, and from any position of public service.

During this period, the Bruderhof print shop printed the chapter “Light and Fire” of Eberhard’s book Innerland. This was a conscious testimony in the face of National Socialism, and later that year Eberhard sent a copy to Adolf Hitler personally. Here he explored in greater depth the confrontation between Christians and the state:

Times of darkness call for faith in light from above. Before this light, all darkness will retreat, just as morning triumphs over every night. The ugliness and horror of darkness and its cold, murderous spirits must penetrate our consciousness. In utter helplessness, we must be on watch for the hour of redemption.19

Christ stands in opposition to every worldly ruler. His kingdom is not of this world. Therefore he said: “The princes and powers of this world lord it over the people, but you should not.” A Christian, therefore, is not a ruler, and a ruler is not a Christian. A ruler must exercise judgment with the sword. In the church of Christ there is an end of war and violence, lawsuits and legal action. Christ does not repay evil with evil. His followers show his nature in all their doings. They act as he did: they do not resist evil, and they give their back to the smiters and their cheek to those that pluck off the hair. Their task is to reveal the kingdom of love. Legal authorities are appointed to shed blood in judgment; the church of Christ, however, has the task of preserving life and soul. The law courts of the state must bring evil to account; the church of Jesus Christ must repay evil with good. The authorities that sit in judgment must hate and persecute the enemies of their order; the church of Christ must love them.

With the instrument of governmental authority, God’s wrath punishes the wicked. Through the authorities, he compels nations that are estranged from him to protect themselves from the worst harm so that the whole land does not become guilty of bloodshed, the whole earth does not have to be destroyed. Christ gives his church a completely different task. She must confront the forcible execution of justice in the world state with the peace of unity and the joy of love, with brotherly justice. She builds up and maintains her unity with no other tools than those of love and the spirit. In the faith of the church, death and the law come to an end. The freedom of the kingdom of God begins in the church.20

He wrote about the swastika, claiming it for all peoples, including the Jews:

The swastika (symbolizing both a wheel of fire and the turning wheel of the sun) points to this kindling of flame, which from remotest times was held to be holy. The swastika is an ancient symbol of fire sticks laid at right angles. The hooks at the ends of the sticks suggest quick motion like a whirling wheel, showing the quick rotation that causes ignition. The spark is the result of the motion. Thus in the Far East the swastika, as the fire-cross denoting kindling in primitive times, became the symbol for cause and effect. Rotary friction was recognized as the cause and fire as the effect.

The fact that we find this fire-cross of two hooked sticks as early as the new stone age proves that it had universal significance. As a symbol of life and community, the kindling of fire by the twirling of sticks is the common property of all peoples. As a symbol of fire-kindling and of the sun-wheel, the swastika belongs to primeval people. All descendents, without distinction of race and blood, have a right to it. So it is not surprising that all the Aryan tribes as well as the Phoenicians of Canaan preserved this sign of the life-giving power of sunlight and fire-kindling. Fire, the kindling of fire, and the community of fire belong also to the Jewish inhabitants of Canaan.21

He addressed the question of blood and race—an idea that would lead to the murder of millions of Jews:

Without the fire of the Holy Spirit, community dies. It peters out in slavery to alien peoples where other flames burn—unholy fires of our own works and the emotional enthusiasm of blood, which is demonic.22

Innerland, and the chapter “Light and Fire” in particular, was a deliberate public statement Eberhard Arnold made at this decisive moment of Germany’s history.

v

Everyone living at the Rhön Bruderhof recognized the need to be firmly grounded. On April 15, Eberhard baptized a group of twenty-one, including his two youngest children, Hans-Hermann and Monika. The next day, Easter Sunday, he spoke very seriously:

There is so much suffering in the world. We hear rumors of a new European war. When a political and military alliance is formed between Italy and Germany, the war will be upon us. Right now Herr von Papen and Goering are in Italy negotiating with Mussolini. At the same time there is the war between China and Japan, and inside Russia the Soviet army is ready for war. A student told me that faculty circles in Marburg are definitely of the opinion that Germany will be at war in a very short time. And Marburg is a center for National Socialist university people.

Christ was killed by the most disciplined army and the most thorough legal system: Rome. He was murdered by the most pious and religious people. He was crucified by the majority cry of the democratic masses. His execution was based on political and religious reasons, and we in our day can expect such executions once again—for political and religious motives . . . In other words, in this year—1900 years after Jesus died on the cross—we find ourselves standing under the sign of the gallows, the cross. So with trembling hearts we hear that in the year 1933 Hitler has erected a gallows in Germany. The important thing now is to ask ourselves whether we are prepared in this year to be hanged on this gallows—in Fulda or Kassel or Berlin—to be hanged even this year.23

The brotherhood circle met every night after dinner. As they encouraged one another to trust in God, Eberhard repeatedly emphasized the seriousness of the hour.

We gather for prayer in order to confess our nothingness and inadequacy, to declare before God that we cannot say the kingdom of God is here, but to plead that it come. We approach God with empty hands. We raise them and open them to him, and we kneel before him to express our smallness and emptiness. In this way we come to God in the absolute certainty that Jesus’ words are true: The kingdom of God has drawn near! And when you ask God for the Holy Spirit, nothing will be impossible for you. Miracles will take place, mountains will be torn from their position, and the whole situation as it is on earth will be changed.

This is true not only for you and the limited extent of your daily life, but if your prayer is genuine, if you really want nothing but the kingdom of God, then you will think of all the countries of the world. You will call upon God to intervene in the history of the nations, in the history of classes, in the history that has brought injustice to its climax; you will call upon him to come with his judgment and to let his righteousness and his peace break in like the dawn. That is the prayer of the church of God.

It is dangerous to call upon God in this way, for it means we are ready, not only to rise from our place, but to be hurled down from our place. Let us concentrate all our powers on Jesus’ nearness, on the silent coming of the Holy Spirit, ready for everything to be changed by his intervention.24

v

When the summer semester opened on April 1, Hardy transferred his studies from the University of Tübingen to Zurich. From the safety of Switzerland, he wrote a letter at his father’s request to Elias Walter, a Hutterian elder in Alberta, Canada, informing Walter of the perilous situation confronting the Bruderhof.

April 27, 1933

Unfortunately, my dear father can no longer write in specifics about our Bruderhof because we are under constant police surveillance. Letters may be opened at any time without our knowledge. It is now forbidden in Germany, on pain of imprisonment, to write to anyone abroad about what the present authorities have done, will do, or allow to be done. Therefore we ask you not to write a single word about the German government in any letter you write to Germany. If you do, our servants of the Word will be put into prison.

Twice, armed police were on our property, the second time only a few days ago on the Wednesday before Easter. They surrounded our place with armed men as though we threatened them with war. Nineteen hundred years ago Jesus said, “You came out with swords and staves to take me, as though against a murderer” (Matt 26:55).

We will not leave Jesus Christ and his way. My father has notified the authorities . . . that we must live for peace, for justice, and for the joy of God’s kingdom in full community, that we cannot lift a finger for the armed services of the German military but that we do respect and recognize the government wherever that does not conflict with our conscience as Christians and does not contradict the words of Jesus Christ.

They occupied our houses for five hours with armed power and searched everything. They examined our writings and books for anything against the government. It was clear that they would find nothing, because nothing evil or violent can ever be among us . . . A high government official warned us ahead of time that because unknown enemies had denounced us, armed police were coming. So my dear father . . . had asked for a cake to be baked, and when they came, he invited them to coffee and cake. The miracle happened: they came in a spirit of enmity, but all twelve men accepted our hospitality. They sat with my dear father at our communal table listening to the truth of the Gospel . . .

We expect the government to make it difficult for our school to continue. My father asks me to tell you that we will emigrate only if we simply have to shake the dust from our feet. We shall do it immediately if we are no longer allowed to proclaim the full gospel; if we may no longer go out on mission; if we are no longer permitted to instruct children and young people in the right way; and if no more people come to us seeking God and his kingdom, Christ and his church, who long for the life and movement of the Holy Spirit.

We do not know when things will come to that point in Germany. At present our church continues to gather and increase in inward strength and in mission. This was shown at our Easter celebration when more were baptized, and more were present at the Lord’s Supper than we have ever had. Our dining room will soon be too small for all the brothers and sisters.

So our community asks you: please be on the lookout for a place for a hundred and twenty or more of us to come to you in America before long, should the time come for God to give us the great joy of being joined with you as neighbors.

All the brothers and sisters greet you, especially my dear father, in courageous faith and with joy and unity in the love of Christ. I have been entrusted to receive here in Switzerland all letters from you that deal with difficult questions concerning the German authorities and emigration.25