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[1] "The expression 'human marriage' will probably be regarded by most people as an improper tautology. But, as we shall see, marriage, in the natural-history sense of the term, does not belong exclusively to our own species. No more fundamental difference between man and other animals should be implied in sociological than in biological and psychological terminology. Arbitrary classifications do science much injury."—Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, 6. In like spirit, Hellwald entitles his book Die menschliche Familie.

[2] A brief and clear account of some of the more important works is given by Bernhöft, "Zur Geschichte des europäischen Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 4 ff., 384 ff. Compare the criticisms of Spencer, Starcke, and Westermarck contained throughout their respective treatises.

[3] For a proof of the efficiency with which the "statistical method" may be applied to anthropological and sociological questions, see the paper of Dr. Tylor, "On a Method of Investigating the Development of Institutions, Applied to Laws of Marriage and Descent," Journal of the Anthropolog. Institute, Feb., 1889, 245-69. Cf. Westermarck, Human Marriage, 1-7; Starcke, Primitive Family, 1-16; Bernhöft, op. cit., 1-4.

[4] See the suggestive paper of Winsor, "The Perils of Historical Narrative," Atlantic Monthly (Sept., 1890), LXVI, 289-97.

[5] Bernhöft, op. cit., 1-4, has noted the danger of inference, especially from written laws, where there has been a mixture of races and institutions: "Denn die Rechtsinstitute sind eben nicht aus einem einheitlichen Prinzip erwachsen, sondern aus einem Kompromiss verschiedener Prinzipien entstanden, welche sich gegenseitig einschränken und durchbrechen."

[6] It is a merit of Westermarck's book that he has "put particular stress upon psychological causes which have often been deplorably overlooked."—Op. cit., 5. Cf. also Starcke, op. cit., 4.

[7] "Yet nothing has been more fatal to the Science of Society than the habit of inferring, without sufficient reasons, from the prevalence of a custom or institution among some savage peoples, that this custom, this institution, is a relic of a stage of development that the whole human race once went through."—Westermarck, op. cit., 2. Cf. Post, Studien zur Entwicklungsgeschichte des Familienrechts, 1-3, 58.

[8] Marquardt, Das Privatleben der Römer, I, 1. The theory is also held by Bluntschli, Theory of the State, 182-89; Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte, 391-95; Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 113; Müller, Handbuch der klass. Alterthumswissenschaft, IV, 18-20; Gilbert, Handbuch der griech. Staatsalterthümer, II, 302; Maine, Village Communities, 15 ff.; Ancient Law, 118 ff.; Early Law and Custom, chap. iii; Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 111 ff.; Grote, History of Greece, I, 561; Thümser, Die griech. Staatsalterthümer, 28 ff.

[9] Plato, Laws, Book III, 680, 681: Jowett, Dialogues, IV, 209; Aristotle, Politics, Book I, 2 ff.: Jowett, I, 2 ff. These are followed by Cicero, De Officiis, I, 17.

[10] "They (the Cyclops) have neither assemblies for consultation nor themistes, but everyone exercises jurisdiction over his wives and his children, and they pay no regard to one another."—Odyssey, Book IX, 106 ff., as rendered by Maine, Ancient Law, 120. Cf. Odyssey, Book VI, 5 ff.; Bryant's Trans., I, 144, 215, 216. On the themistes, as inspired commands of the hero-king, handed down to him from Zeus by Themis, see Maine, chap. i; and on the import of the passage in Homer compare ibid., 120, with Freeman, Comparative Politics, 379 n. 20, and Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 3, 4.

[11] Ancient Law, 118.

[12] Clients, servants, and even those admitted to the hearth as guests, by observance of the proper rites, were regarded as members of the family group and sharers in the sacra. Hearn, Aryan Household, 73, 107 f.; Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 150; Maine, op. cit., 156 ff., 185 ff. (sacra).

[13] For the Roman patria potestas see Poste, Gaius, 61 ff.; Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 57-102; Sohm, Institutes, 120 ff., 356 ff., 385-95; Bernhöft, Römische Königszeit, 175 ff.; Puchta, Institutionen, II, 384 ff.; Morey, Outlines of Roman Law, 23, 24; Scheurl, Institutionen, 271, 272; Kuntze, Excurse, 570 ff.; Maine, Ancient Law, 123 ff., 130 ff., 227, 228; Hadley, Roman Law, 119 ff.; Clark, Early Roman Law, 25; Muirhead, Hist. Int. to the Private Law of Rome, 27 ff., 118, 222; Lange, Römische Alterthümer, I, 112 ff.; Grupen, Uxore romana, 19 ff., 37 ff.; Bader, La femme romaine, 75 ff.; Tardieu, Puissance paternelle, 5 ff.; Bourdin, Condition de la mère, 9 ff. On the power of the father to expose female infants during the early empire see Capes, Age of the Antonines, 19 f.

[14] Maine, Ancient Law, 122, and chap. vi.

[15] On the Roman agnation see Poste, Gaius, 113 ff.; Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 64 ff.; Sohm, Institutes, 124, 355 ff.; Puchta, Institutionen, II, 17 ff.; Moyle, Institutiones, I, 155, 156; Morey, op. cit., 6, 34; Kuntze, Excurse, 435-37 (Agnationsverband); Lange, Römische Alterthümer, I, 211 ff.; Muirhead, Hist. Int. to the Private Law of Rome, 43 ff., 122 ff.; Hadley, Roman Law, 130 ff.; Maine, op. cit., 56, 141 ff.

[16] Maine, op. cit., 142.

[17] Ibid., 144.

[18] Ibid., 141.

[19] Ibid., 141 ff., 145 ff.

[20] Ibid., 118 ff., passim.

[21] Ibid., 123, 124, 128. See the table of comparative groups in Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte, 394. For the Ionic groups cf. Schömann, Antiquities, 317, 364; Athenian Constitution, 3-10; Wachsmuth, Hist. Ant., I, 342 f.; Müller, Handbuch, IV, 17-22; Grote, Hist. of Greece, III, 52, 53. In general, cf. Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 141 ff.; Hearn, Aryan Household, 63 ff., 112 ff., passim; Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte and Alt-arisches Jus Gentium.

[22] For Freeman's well-known theory of political expansion see Comparative Politics, chap. iii.

[23] Maine, Ancient Law, 125 ff., 26. On the new mode of adoption in India see Mayne, Hindu Law and Usage, 88 ff.; Lyall, Asiatic Studies, chap. vii; Fortnightly Review, Jan., 1877; Jolly, Hindu Law of Partition, 144-66. On the formation of non-genealogical clans see Hearn, Aryan Household, 296 ff. Cf. Post's discussion of "Künstliche Verwandtschaft" in Studien zur Entwicklungsgeschichte des Familienrechts, 25-42: Kohler, ZVR., V, 415-40.

[24] Maine, Early Law and Custom, chaps. iii, iv, viii. For ancestor-worship see especially Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 9-52; Hearn, Aryan Household, 15 ff., 45, 46, 59, 60; Taylor, Primitive Culture, II ("Animism"); Mayne, Hindu Law and Usage, 55, 438; Lyall, Asiatic Studies, chap. ii; Duruy, History of Rome, I, 206; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 413; Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 24, 25, passim, who holds against Schrader, Sprachvergleichung (2d ed.), 613-15, that ancestor-worship arose before the separation of the Aryan races. Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 49-51, and Hearn regard the religious tie as of more importance than the blood-bond in the formation of the gentile groups, Aryan Household, 66; and Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 7 ff., 11 ff., also makes the formation of the first recognized groups of relationship depend on the sacra. Cf. Kohler, in ZVR., VI, 409-17, for animism; and for additional references, a subsequent note.

[25] Early Hist. of Institutions, 64 ff., 115 ff., 217 ff., 306-41; Village Communities, 15, 16, passim; Early Law and Custom, chaps. iii, iv, and especially chaps. vii, viii, where adverse criticism is considered. Cf. McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 1-23, for a collation of the more important passages of Maine's writings.

[26] "The rudiments of the social state, so far as they are known to us at all, are known through testimony of three sorts—accounts by contemporary observers of civilization less advanced than their own, the records which particular races have preserved concerning their primitive history, and ancient law." Of these three sources of information, Maine regards ancient law as the best. He fails entirely to appreciate the true importance of the first source, from which, obviously, are derived most of the data of recent ethnical, anthropological, and sociological investigation, including much that Maine himself has presented. Cf. the criticisms by Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 713, 714; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 6 ff.; McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 29, 30.

[27] Primitive Family, 94, 95.

[28] Principles of Sociology, I, 713-37.

[29] Ibid., 716, 717, 540-53.

[30] See below, chap. iv. Mr. Spencer also points out that Maine does not take into account "stages in human progress earlier than the pastoral or agricultural."—Op. cit., I, 724 ff.

[31] The Patriarchal Theory, edited and completed by Donald McLennan (London, 1885).

[32] Ancient Law, 118-20, 123.

[33] The marriage of Jacob with Laban's daughters is the case in point. In "beena" marriage—the name given to the institution in Ceylon—"the young husband leaves the family of his birth and passes into the family of his wife, and to that he belongs as long as the marriage subsists. The children born to him belong, not to him, but to the family of their mother. Living with, he works for, the family of his wife; and he commonly gains his footing in it by service. His marriage involves usually a change of village; nearly always (where the tribal system is in force) a change of tribe—so that, as used to happen in New Zealand, he may be bound even to take part in war against those of his father's house; but always a change of family. The man leaves father and mother as completely as, with the patriarchal family prevailing, a bride would do; and he leaves them to live with his wife and her family. That this accords with the passage in Genesis will not be disputed." Patriarchal Theory, 42, 43. Nevertheless, in this case McLennan is certainly mistaken. We have here to do with that form of wife-purchase called "marriage by service;" see Lichtschein, Die Ehe, 10, 11; the argument of Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 239-44; and Friedrichs, Familienstufen und Eheformen, ZVR., X, 207, 208. "Beena" marriage existed, however, among other Semitic peoples and possibly also among the Hebrews: Smith, Kinship and Marriage, 108, 175-78, 146. It is found also in Africa and in many other places: Wake, op. cit., 149, 299-301; McLennan, op. cit., 43; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 109, 389-90; Tylor, On a Method of Investigating Institutions, 246 ff.; Starcke, op. cit., 78; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 255, 266.

[34] On the Hebrew family see Patriarchal Theory, 35-50, 132, 133, 243-47, 273, 274 note, 289, 306, 307, 315, passim.

[35] Filmer's Patriarchia, or the Natural Power of Kings appeared in 1680; Locke's Two Treatises on Government, in 1690. Both works are reprinted in the ninth number of Morley's Universal Library.

[36] See Patriarchal Theory, 36 ff., 243 ff., 273 note, where a summary of Locke's argument, with additional evidence against the existence of agnation and patria potestas and in favor of an original maternal system among the Hebrews, will be found.

[37] Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage; Wilken, Das Matriarchat bei den alten Arabern, a work suggested by Smith's "Animal Worship and Animal Tribes," Journal of Philology, IX, 75-100. These writers have found among these Semitic tribes the system of kinship through the mother in actual use, with traces of polyandry, exogamy, and the totem gens; and Wilken believes that he finds evidences of early promiscuity. See especially Kohler, Ueber das vorislamitische Recht der Araber, ZVR., VIII, 238-61; and Friedrichs, Das Eherecht des Islam, ibid., VII, 240-84, especially 255 ff., who shows that the Mohammedan house-father exercises great authority over his wife, yet she has her own property and receives a dower. At present, relationship in Arabia is generally counted in the male line; and therefore, Westermarck, Human Marriage, 102, note 4, regards the conclusion of Smith that originally the system of female kinship exclusively prevailed as "a mere hypothesis."

[38] Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 244.

[39] According to Ewald the ancient Hebrew father might "sell his child to relieve his own distress, or offer it to a creditor as a pledge."—The Antiquities of Israel (London, 1876), 190; Westermarck, op. cit., 228; and the Levitical law prescribes death as the penalty for striking a parent (Leviticus 20:9; Exodus 21:15, 17); but the penalty could only be administered through appeal to the whole community, Westermarck, op. cit., 228. Cf. Michaelis, Commentaries on the Laws of Moses, I, 444, who shows that the mother, as well as the father, might sometimes choose wives for the sons; while McLennan and Locke prove that the position of the mother in Israel was higher than is consistent with Roman patriarchalism.

[40] Human Marriage, 97-104, notes. Cf. Friedrichs, "Ueber den Ursprung des Matriarchats," ZVR., VIII, 371-73; Kohler, ibid., VI, 403 (Korea); VII, 373 (Papuas).

[41] Compare Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 267 ff., 362 ff., 382, 396 ff.; especially Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ZVR., X, 209-12; and Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 3, 28, 118, who believes the so-called "mixed systems" are merely a consistent union of two entirely different principles—the principle of relationship with the principle of power or protection.

[42] Starcke, op. cit., 26, 27 (Australia), 30 (America), 58 ff., 101 ff. Compare the criticism of Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 456 ff.; and on the development of the patriarchal family, see Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, II, 505-54.

[43] Westermarck, op. cit., 224-35, gives an enumeration. Noteworthy examples of patriarchal power are afforded by the ancient Peruvians and Mexicans, and by the modern Chinese and Japanese. On the Nahua and Maya natives see Bancroft, Native Races, II, 247-53, 663-68. Cf. Kohler, "Das Recht der Azteken," ZVR., XI, 54, 55; also ibid., VI, 374 (Chinese), 333, 334; VII, 373 (Papuas).

[44] Op. cit., 225.

[45] Bachofen, Das Mutterrecht; McLennan, Studies, I, 121 ff., 195 ff.; idem, Patriarchal Theory, 50 ff., 71 ff., 96 ff., 120 ff., 250 ff.; Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 8, 13, passim; Giraud-Teulon, Les orignes du mariage, 130 ff., 286 ff., 329 ff.; idem, La mère chez certaines peuples de l'antiquité; Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 4 ff.; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 153, 154. Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 393 ff., holds that the primitive Aryans must necessarily have recognized relationship through the mother. For the literature of this subject see the next chapter.

[46] Delbrück, "Das Mutterrecht bei den Indogermanen," Preussiche Jahrbücher, XCVI, 14-27, a clear summary of the results of recent research. Cf. his Die Indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen (Leipzig, 1889). According to Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 453-80, especially 459, 460, patriarchalism was fully established at the earliest dawn of Indic history; but there are nevertheless traces of earlier mother-right.

[47] Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte (2d ed.), 536 ff.; Jevons's Translation, 369 ff.; Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 51-58. Max Müller declares that "whether in unknown times the Aryas ever passed through that metrocratic stage in which the children and all family property belong to the mother, and fathers have no recognized position whatever in the family, we can neither assert nor deny."—Biographies of Words, xvii.

[48] Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 359 ff., especially 382, where a thorough and detailed criticism of McLennan's theory is given.

[49] Bernhöft, "Die Principien des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., IX, 418, 419, 437 ff. See also his Römische Königszeit, 202 ff.; and his articles in ZVR., VIII, 11; IV., 227 ff.; and compare Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 91-94, 108. Starcke, op. cit., 101-18, also gives a searching examination of the theory of McLennan and the earlier views of Dargun, rejecting their conclusions.

[50] Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 108.

[51] Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 13. Cf. the Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 95, 117 ff., passim.

[52] Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 41, 42, 4 ff., 28, 29-42, 118, passim.

[53] Dargun, op. cit., 41.

[54] Ibid., 3 ff., 28, 36, 86 ff., 155, passim. As remarked in the text, the whole work is concerned with the thesis in question. The distinction is also made in the Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 18.

[55] See Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 86-116, for his criticism of the linguistic argument.

[56] Ibid., 91, 92. Cf. a similar protest against conclusions as to the primitive Aryans derived from Greek and Roman sources, ibid., 116; and Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 14.

[57] Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 69, denies that women have ever attained political headship; but (113, 114) declares, though the researches of the philologists make it probable that the Aryans lived under the rule of house-fathers, that neither this fact nor any other circumstance tells against the view that mother-right coexisted from antiquity; while, in a still more remote period, this may have implied matriarchal power in the family; but of such a matriarchate no proofs are presented.

[58] Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 64. This work is continued in the Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, the two books really constituting a single treatise. Compare the more conservative view of Jolly, Ueber die rechtliche Stellung der Frau, 4 ff., 20-22, and Hindu Law of Partition, 76 ff., who, however, denies the existence of an authority on the part of the Hindu husband equal to that of the Roman pater.

[59] Bernhöft, "Zur Geschichte des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 12, 15, who also regards the view of Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 8, 13, as extreme. Cf. his "Principien des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., IX, 416, n. 39. Kohler favors the patriarchal system and agnation for the Indic peoples, in ZVR., VII, 201, 210, 216; X, 85. Hearn, Aryan Household, chaps. iii-vi, passim, takes practically the same view as Maine regarding the patriarchal theory, rejecting entirely for the Aryans the matriarchal hypothesis.

[60] The rita-conception is well expressed by Dr. Botsford: "This mankind learned from the revolution of sun and stars, from the succession of the seasons, from the unchanging movements of nature. The conception thus gained was transferred to human modes of activity. The sexes in marriage were subject to the naturalis ratio, as well as the continuance of the race through successive generations. The relation of parents to children with their reciprocal obligations and privileges—the protection and support which the father, as the stronger, offered, the kind care of the mother for her infants, the reverence and affection with which the children requited their services, the love of youth and maiden, leading to marriage—all these rested, in the rita period, on the one foundation of natural law."—Athenian Constitution, 29, 30.

[61] The discussion of the two general phases of rita and dharma, with their transitional stages, constitutes one of the most valuable parts of Leist's contribution to comparative jurisprudence: Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 3, 111 ff., 132, 133, 174 ff., 606; Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 175-285. Cf. Botsford, op. cit., 24, 25, 26 ff., for an excellent account; on the Roman stages see Muirhead, Private Law of Rome, 14-23; and for the Greek themis and the themistes of the hero-kings consult Maine, Ancient Law, chap. i.

[62] For a definition of dharma see Bernhöft, "Ueber die Grundlagen der Rechtsentwicklung bei den indogermanischen Völkern," ZVR., II, 266 ff., 261 ff.

[63] Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 122 ff., 125-33.

[64] Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 10 ff., 21 ff., 25 ff., divides the rita period into two stages: that of the "primitive Aryan household," and that of the "early Ayran household," and thinks that the latter stage is represented by the house-communities of the southern Slavs; but this may be doubted. Dr. Botsford favors the existence of agnation and the absolute power of the father in the rita period; and believes that the liberal tendencies, presently to be pointed out, are a development of the dharma period, beginning before the separation (24-26). On agnation and the power of the early Aryan house-fathers see Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte, 386 ff.; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 319 ff., 326 ff.; Delbrück, Die indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen, 382, 586-88, 543, 544; Jolly, Ueber die rechtliche Stellung, etc., 4 ff., 20-22; Hindu Law of Partition, 76 ff.

[65] Leist, op. cit., 80.

[66] On ancestor-worship, in connection with the literature already cited, p. 13, note 4, see Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 7 ff., 121 ff.; Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 59-118; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 318; Schneider, Die Naturvölker, I, 202 ff., II, 64 f., 75, 76, 108, 126 f., 255 ff., 369; Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 408 ff.; "Studien über künstliche Verwandtschaft," ibid., V, 423-25; also for the Papuas, ibid., VII, 373. For the influence of ancestor-worship among the Slavs see Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Anc. Laws of Russia, 33 ff.; among the American aborigines, Peet, "Ethnographic Religions and Ancestor-Worship," Am. Antiquarian, XV, 230-45, and "Personal Divinities and Culture Heroes," ibid., 348-72.

[67] McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 10-14, 275 ff., 282, 284, 294, criticises Maine's theory of adoption. Kohler's investigations show that adoption, artificial brotherhood, milk-kinship, and like institutions have widely prevailed and rendered important service. Adoption, he holds, may arise in different motives; sometimes being due to sexual communism, when it is a means of assigning the children to particular fathers; but very generally arising in the desire for descendants to perpetuate the family-worship: "Studien über die künstliche Verwandtschaft," ZVR., V, 415-40; see also for much important matter his various other writings in ZVR., III, 408-24, 393 ff. (India); VI, 190 (Chins), 345 (Indian Archipelago), 377-79 (China), 403 (Korea); VII, 218 ff. (Punjab); VIII, 100 (Rajputs), 109-12 (Dekkan), 243, 244 (Arabia). See also Post, Familienrecht, 25-42, for an interesting account; also Mayne, Hindu Law and Usage, 60 ff., 77, 99-207; Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 103 ff., 115, 606; Tornauw, "Das Erbrecht nach den Verordnungen des Islams," ZVR., V, 151; Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ibid., X, 237-45; Starcke, Primitive Family, 146, 233; Huc, Chinese Empire, II, 226.

[68] Leist, op. cit., 103, 115, 504 ff. On the position of the house-mother cf. Hearn, Aryan Household, 86-91.

[69] Leist, op. cit., 122, 123, 126 ff., successfully combats the theory of Kohler ("Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 394), who declares that it is a cardinal principle of Indo-Germanic legal evolution that "die Vaterschaft beruht auf dem Rechte des Mannes am Weibe, kraft dessen dem Hausvater das Kind des Weibes zukomme, ebenso wie dem Eigenthümer des Feldes die Frucht." The same view is expressed by Kohler in Krit. Vjschr, N. F., IV, 17, 18; and in "Vorislamitisches Recht," ZVR., VIII, 242. Cf. Unger, Die Ehe, 11, 77; Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 95 ff., 99, 158.

[70] Although the married son possessed a hearth and was a free member of the gens, "his house did not become fully independent in religious and property matters till the death of the father and the final division of the property."—Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 27, and the sources there cited. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 326 ff.; Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 124.

[71] McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, chaps. xvi, xvii; Leist, op. cit., 124, 504 ff.

[72] Leist, op. cit., 496-508; Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 424 ff.

[73] Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 95, 96. Lack of space prevents any attempt at a detailed discussion of the old Aryan or Indic family and matrimonial law; a general reference must suffice: Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 59 ff., 496 ff.; Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 7 ff., 57 ff., passim; Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte, 379-95; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 305-36; Jolly, Rechtliche Stellung, 1 ff.; idem, Hindu Law of Partition, 70 ff.; Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 342-442; and his various articles, ibid., VI, 344-46 (Indian Archipelago and Caroline Islands); VII, 201-39 (Punjab); VIII, 89-147, 262-73 (Indian customary law); IX, 323-36 (Bengal); X, 66-134 (Bombay); XI, 163-74 (Indian North-west Provinces); Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 2-67 (excellent); Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 159 ff., 355 ff., index; Bernhöft, "Altindisches Familienorganisation," ZVR., IX, 1-45; McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 50 ff., 96 ff., especially the chapters on "sonship among the Hindoos," 266-339, combating the view of Maine, Early Law and Custom, 78-121, 232 ff.; Early Hist. of Inst., 116-18, 310 ff.; and Mayne, Hindu Law and Usage, 50 ff., 60 ff., passim; Starcke, Primitive Family, 100 ff.; Letourneau, L'évolution du mariage, index; Hearn, Aryan Household; Unger, Die Ehe, 21-27; Bader, La femme dans l'Inde antique, 39 ff.; Jacolliot, La femme dans l'Inde, 7 ff.

[74] Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 50; Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 59 ff. Westermarck, Human Marriage, 230, justly observes that the power of the father among the Greeks, Germans, and Celts, "to expose his children when they were very young and to sell his marriageable daughters, does not imply the possession of a sovereignty like that which the Roman house-father exercised over his descendants at all ages."

[75] Leist, op. cit., 60, and 59 ff., for his discussion of the Aryan custom of exposing new-born children.

[76] Botsford, op. cit., 51; Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 118, 120, notes; Plutarch, Solon, 13.

[77] Botsford, op. cit., 52; Leist, op. cit., 57, 58, 64, 11 ff.

[78] Ibid., 57-102.

[79] In the post-Homeric age agnation did not exist; see Botsford, op. cit., 73. In general on the Greek family see Hruza, Ehebegründung nach attischem Rechte, 8 ff.; McLennan, Studies, I, 121-23, especially the essay on "Kinship in Ancient Greece," ibid., 195-246 (favoring the maternal system); Botsford, op. cit., chaps. i, ii, iii, supporting the patriarchal theory; but Dr. Botsford's patriarchal family is not that of Sir Henry Maine; Lasaulx, Zur Gesch. u. Philos. der Ehe bei den Griechen, 3 ff.; Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 2, 3, 14; Giraud-Teulon, Les origines, etc., 286-301; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 24 ff., 355 ff., 366 ff., who criticises McLennan's view in detail for the Aryan peoples; Kovalevsky, Tableau, 35, 36; Bernhöft, "Das Gesetz von Gortyn," ZVR., VI, 281-304, 430-40; and his "Ehe- und Erbrecht der griechischen Heroenzeit," ibid., XI, 326-64, both articles being of great value; Kohler, "Die Ionsage und Vaterrecht," ibid., V, 407-14, who proves the existence of "judicial" fatherhood; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 232, 233; Unger, Die Ehe, 52-65; Bader, La femme grecque, I, 41 ff.; II, 1 ff. See also Hearn, Aryan Household, and Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, for much valuable matter.

[80] McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 120-31; Studies, I, 68 ff., 118; Giraud-Teulon, Les origines, etc., 329-32; Kovalevsky, Tableau, 31, 32; Maine, Early Hist. of Inst., 216 ff., passim.

[81] The South Slavonian house community is an early institution; see Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der Südslaven, 2 ff., 64-128; Botsford, op. cit., 12-21; Giraud-Teulon, op. cit., 340, 341; McLennan, op. cit., 71-119; Maine, Ancient Law, 118; Early Law and Custom, 232-82. But it is not primitive. Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Anc. Laws of Russia, chaps. i, ii, finds many survivals, as he believes, of an earlier maternal system of kinship and succession.