Читать книгу A History of Matrimonial Institutions (Vol. 1-3) - George Elliott Howard - Страница 51

[82] The question for the Germans will be again referred to; see chap. vi, below.

[83] Gaius, I, 55, Poste, 61.

[84] Such is the view of McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 136-40, 181 ff., 205 ff., 214, 260-62, where Maine's theory of agnation is criticised.

[85] "The last vestiges of the two disappeared from the law together. But, in fact, agnation went first. The paternal powers were susceptible of abridgment and restriction in various ways short of extinction. The wife might become free from them; the children also; and yet they might remain for the slaves. And it was thus gradually that they perished. But agnation is perfect, or it ceases to be agnation. And the moment the ties of blood through women received civil effects agnation was no more."—Patriarchal Theory, 182. On the decay of agnation and patria potestas see Sohm, Institutes, 357, 358, 389-93, 438-47; Puchta, Institutionen, II, 18, 384 ff., 431 ff., 457 ff.; Muirhead, Introduction to the Private Law of Rome, 422 ff., 343-49; Maine, Ancient Law, chap. v; Morey, Roman Law, 78, 129, 150, 240-43, 248.

[86] McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 190.

[87] Ibid., 194, 195.

[88] Ibid., 204-14. Cf. Muirhead, Introduction to the Private Law of Rome, 43.

[89] Plutarch, Roman Questions, VI, tells us that "in early times the prohibition of marriage extended as far as the tie of blood; and, if this be received, it involves—since the gentiles considered themselves to be of the same blood—that there could not be marriage between persons of the same gens."—McLennan, op. cit., 206, 207.

[90] Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 95, 96, also denies (against Marquardt, Privatleben, I, 22, 29) that the distinctive feature of the Roman family is dependent on the patriarchal authority, since the elements of agnation and paternal power are Aryan. Bernhöft, "Germanische und moderne Rechtsideen im rezipirten röm. Recht," ZVR., IV, 234, holds that Roman agnation does not depend upon blood-relationship, but upon power; and this was an Aryan characteristic; idem, Röm. Königszeit, 69 ff., 94, 201. McLennan's hypothesis is plausible, though not strongly supported by proof. Cf. Starcke, Primitive Family, 101; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 384, 385.

[91] Such are the isolated facts comprised in the early annals which seem to imply acknowledged kinship in the female line, even precedence of the latter; the fact that the status of slaves, illegitimate children, and the children of concubines was determined by the condition of the mother; the effects of marriage by usus; the supposed evidences of former wife-capture and wife-purchase, marking the transition to the agnatic system; the instances of wife-lending as by the elder Cato; and especially the plebeian element; for cognation, not agnation, prevailed among the plebeians, and possibly among them kinship was at first counted only through the mother; see Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 9-13, 14; Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 115; Bernhöft, "Zur Geschichte des europäischen Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 197-201; "Germanische und moderne Rechtsideen im rezipirten röm. Recht," ibid., IV, 227 ff.; Staat und Recht der röm. Königszeit, 192, 202-7; Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage, 408-26; Sohm, Institutes, 360, 361, notes; Karlowa, Die Formen der röm. Ehe, 1 ff.; McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 194 ff., 205 ff., 259 ff.

[92] "Die Ehe des römischen Civilrechts (justum matrimonium) war eine formgebundene, durch und durch künstliche Institution."—Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 10. Cf. Bernhöft, Staat und Recht der röm. Königszeit, 196 ff.

[93] See, for example, Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 4, 5; Kohler, in ZVR., IV, 266 ff., who regards Bachofen as the "Altmeister der ethnologischen Jurisprudenz;" and Giraud-Teulon, Mariage et la famille, 146 ff., passim. Cf. Kautsky, in Kosmos, XII, 348.

[94] Delbrück, "Das Mutterrecht bei den Indogermanen," in Preussische Jahrbücher, XCVII, 15, characterizes the work as "fantastic," though resting upon "einer äusserst ausgebreiteten Gelehrsamkeit." Dr. Starcke's criticism is too severe: "We should rather call his 'Mutterrecht' the rhapsody of a well-informed poet than the work of a calm and clear-sighted man of science."—Primitive Family, 243. For the best analysis of Bachofen, see ibid., 241-51. Cf. also Bernhöft, "Zur Geschichte des eur. Familienrechts," in ZVR., VIII, 4, 5; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 98 ff.; McLennan, Studies in Ancient History, I, 319-25; Giraud-Teulon, La mère chez certains peuples de l'antiquité, 6 ff.; Zmigrodski, Die Mutter, 178 ff., 196 ff., 311 ff., passim; Schmidt, Jus primae noctis, 31, 36-38, 178, 190; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 14 ff., 257, 258; Kautsky, "Die Entstehung der Ehe und Familie," Kosmos, XII, 256, 257, 348; Achelis, Die Entwicklung der Ehe, 6 ff.; Posada, Théories modernes, 47 ff., 148; Chamberlain, The Child and Childhood in Folk-Thought, 12 ff.

[95] The author first discusses the account given by Herodotus and others of Lycian customs, which account, he declares, contains the clearest and most valuable evidence of the existence and character of Mutterrecht (v). Then follows a similar treatment of the evidence derived from Crete, Athens, Lemnos, Egypt, India and central Asia, Orchomenos and the Minyœ, Epizephyrian Locris, Elis, Lesbos, Mantinea, the Cantabrians, and from the Pythagorean system.

[96] Das Mutterrecht, vi, xviii-xix, xxi, passim.

[97] Ibid., vi. "Wie auf die Periode des Mutterrechts die Herrschaft der Paternität folgt, so geht jener eine Zeit des regellosen Hetärismus voran."—Ibid., xviii. For many illustrations, see the Index at "Aphrodite," "Demeter," and "Apollo," the names of the divinities presiding respectively over the three phases.

[98] "Es kann nicht verkannt werden: die Gynaikokratie hat sich überall in bewusstem und fortgesetztem Widerstande der Frau, gegen den sie erniedrigenden Hetärismus hervorgebildet, befestigt, erhalten."—Ibid., xix; cf. xviii, 17-18.

[99] Ibid., 18, passim. Cf. Starcke, 245.

[100] "Das demetrische Prinzip erscheint als die Beeinträchtigung eines entgegengesetzten ursprünglichern, die Ehe selbst als Verletzung eines Religionsgebots.... Nur aus ihm erläutert sich der Gedanke, dass die Ehe eine Sühne jener Gottheit verlangt, deren Gesetz sie durch Ausschliesslichkeit verletzt. Nicht um in den Armen eines Einzelnen zu verwelken, wird das Weib von der Natur mit allen Reizen, über welche sie gebietet, ausgestattet; das Gesetz des Stoffes verwirft alle Beschränkung, hasst alle Fesseln, und betrachtet jede Ausschliesslichkeit als Versündung an ihrer Göttlichkeit."—Das Mutterrecht, xix. In general, on the antagonism of Aphrodite to marriage, see ibid., 13, 71, 134, 137, 310, 320, 325.

[101] "Die Prostitution wird selbst eine Bürgschaft der ehelichen Keuschheit, deren Heilighaltung eine vorausgegangene Erfüllung des natürlichen Berufes von Seite der Frau erfordert."—Ibid., xix.

[102] Ibid., xxiv.

[103] Starcke, Primitive Family, 246. On the Amazon myth see Bachofen, Das Mutterrecht, xxiv ff., 85. For many examples of amazonism noticed in the work see Index at "Amazonen;" and compare Giraud-Teulon, Mariage et la famille, 302-28, who accepts the view of Bachofen and gives an elaborate discussion. According to Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Ancient Laws of Russia, 16 ff., there are evidences of amazonism found among the Slavs. Compare Stricker, "Untersuchungen über die kriegerischen Weiber," Archiv für Anthropologie, V; and his Amazonen in Sage und Geschichte.

[104] Das Mutterrecht, xiii, xiv. See Starcke's fine translation of these passages, op. cit., 243-45.

[105] Das Mutterrecht, 19; cf. Starcke, 245.

[106] Starcke's summary, op. cit., 244; Bachofen, xxvii.

[107] Starcke's summary, op. cit., 244, 245; Bachofen, xxix.

[108] Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ZVR., X, 190, 191, rejects the use of Mutterrecht as being practically of "no significance," preferring Matriarchat (from ἄρχειν = "to lead") to denote the uterine system of relationship; and Gynaikokratie, "gynocracy" (from κρατεĩν = "to rule") to express the idea of the domination of women over men. "Gynocracy" is used to express this idea by the Jesuit Lafitau (Mœurs des sauvages, 1724), borrowed from Strabo (Geogr., lib. iii); Peschel, Races of Man, 234; Ploss, Das Kind, II, 393. Mucke, Horde und Familie, 108 ff., 114 ff., 174 ff., passim, rejects the use of Mutterrecht and Vaterrecht, and adopts the terms "gynocratic" and "androcratic" family; but these designations had already been employed by other writers, e. g., by Ploss, op. cit., II, 393-96. "Metrocracy" also appears: Westermarck, Human Marriage, 98.

But Dargun's use of Mutterrecht and Vaterrecht to express maternal or paternal kinship, and Matriarchat and Patriarchat to express maternal or paternal power, seems preferable, in order to avoid confusing the two conceptions; see above, chap. i, p. 21. Compare further Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 11, who uses Mutterfolge and Vaterfolge respectively as opposed to Matriarchat and Patriarchat; also Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 122-24, who gives definitions of "marriage" and "family;" and Westermarck, "Le matriarcat," Annales, 115 ff., who shows that in practice writers have used "matriarchate" in three senses.

[109] Les origines du mariage, 302-28.

[110] Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 17; Unger, Die Ehe, 9. See also Gumplowicz, Grundriss der Sociologie, Abschnitt III, who holds that a period of gynocracy preceded the androcratic stage; Barazetti, in ZVR., IX, 304-7. See also Gage, Woman, Church, and State, 13 ff.

[111] Kautsky, "Die Entstehung der Ehe und Familie," Kosmos, XII, 343, 344.

[112] Peschel, Races of Man, 233, 234.

[113] Tylor, Method of Investigating Institutions, 252.

[114] Letourneau, in Annales de l'institut international, 155: "Le mot [matriarcat] doit disparaître, parceque la chose n'a jamais existé."

[115] Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 213 ff. But this author (112 ff., 116) shows that among primitive men the sexes were not fully differentiated; so that women often possessed "amazonian" characteristics.

[116] Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 48, 161 ff., 176 ff., 183. According to Grosse, among the lowest existing races patriarchalism prevails. Examples of women exercising political authority in the clan (Sippe) are exceedingly rare, although such may be found occasionally, as among the Huron and Iroquois, and some other peoples.

[117] Kohler, "Die Ehe mit und ohne Mundium," ZVR., VI, 328, 329. Cf. Powell, "Wyandot Government," I. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 59-69.

[118] Friedrichs, "Ueber den Ursprung des Matriarchats," ZVR., VIII, 381, 382, though he shows elsewhere that paternal authority may coexist with mother-right: "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ibid., X, 206. Cf. Mucke, Horde und Familie, 108 ff., 114 ff., passim, who maintains that the family, androcratic or gynocratic, originates in slavery through rape or purchase. In the gynocratic family the woman is owner and mistress of the man, as the man is lord of the woman in the androcratic family.

[119] Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 67-85.

[120] For an example see Powell, op. cit., and his "Wyandotte Society," A. A. A. S., XXIX, 675-88.

[121] For his theory see the Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht; and compare chap. i, pp. 20-23, above.

[122] See Post, Ursprung des Rechts, 52-56; Die Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 94, denying the existence of a period of gynocracy; also Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 748; Ploss, Das Kind, II, 393; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 216-19; Letourneau, L'évolution du mariage, 131.

[123] Westermarck, Human Marriage, 41; Curr, The Australian Race, I, 60, 62, 69. Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 2 ff., insists that Mutterrecht denotes merely exclusive kinship through the mother and is entirely consistent with paternal authority. Cf. Mucke, 173 ff.

[124] Starcke, op. cit., 65; cf. ibid., 229. Fear of the blood-feud through the wife's relatives, as among the Amaxosa, may sometimes act as a check upon the power or brutality of the husband: Rehme, "Das Recht der Amaxosa," ZVR., X, 39, 40.

[125] For example, by Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage, 70 ff., passim; Lippert, Kulturgeschichte der Menschheit, II, 7; Bernhöft, "Zur Gesch. des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 161 ff.; Engels, Ursprung der Familie, 17; Kulischer, "Die geschlechtliche Zuchtwahl," ZFE., VIII, 140; "Intercommunale Ehe," ibid., X, 193; Morgan, Systems of Consanguinity, 480, 487 ff.; Ancient Society, 418, 500-502, 384 ff.; Bastian, Rechtsverhältnisse, xviii, lix; McLennan, Studies, I, 92, 95, passim; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 86 ff., 98 ff.; Post, Anfänge des Staats- und Rechtsleben, 19; Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 16 ff.; Grundlagen des Rechts, 182 ff.; Familienrecht, 54 ff.; Ursprung des Rechts, 46 ff.; Wilken, Das Matriarchat, 7; Gumplowicz, Outlines of Sociology, 110 ff.; and especially Kohler, in ZVR., IV, 266, 267; V, 334 ff., and elsewhere throughout his numerous papers.

[126] Thus Giraud-Teulon (op. cit., 70), a zealous advocate of the theory of promiscuity, declares: "Avant d'accepter une semblable hypothèse, il convient cependant de reconnaitre que l'on n'a pas encore trouvé de peuplade vivant actuellement en état de complète promiscuité." But, he adds, the facts observed among living tribes "sont en tel nombre, en telle concordance, et confinent de si près à la promiscuité absolue, que ce n'est pas sortir du champ des hypothèses scientifiquement permises que de supposer dans l'enfance de l'humanité un état de pur communisme." On the lack of positive proof cf. also Kautsky, "Die Entstehung der Ehe und Familie," Kosmos, XII, 198 ff.; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 41; Morgan, Ancient Society, 500 ff.; McLennan, Studies in Ancient History, I, 85 ff., 93 ff.; Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 662, 664; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 130, 131.

[127] "Communal marriage" is the name introduced by Sir John Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 86, 98, 103, 104-9, whose theory is criticised by McLennan, Studies, I, 329 ff. "Gruppen- oder Hordenchen" is the term employed by Post, Familienrecht, 57, 58; Grundlagen des Rechts, 200, 201; Anfänge, 10 ff. For the so-called Australian group-marriage see Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 50 ff., 99 ff., 159 ff.; the criticism of Curr, The Australian Race, I, 106-42, which should be compared with Kohler, "Das Recht der Australneger," ZVR., VII, 326 ff., 329 ff., 337 ff.; his Zur Geschichte der Ehe, 64 ff.; Cunow, Australneger; Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia; and Crawley, Mystic Rose, 475 ff. In general, on group-marriage see Kulischer, in ZFE., VIII, 140; X, 193; Bernhöft, "Altindisches Familienorganisation," ibid., IX, 5 ff.; Schroeder, Das Recht in der geschlechtlichen Ordnung, 19 ff.

[128] On the horde see Bernhöft, "Zur Gesch. des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 167; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 41, 52; Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ZVR., X, 194, 197, 198; idem, ibid., VIII, 378, 379; Kautsky, "Die Entstehung der Ehe und Familie," Kosmos, XII, 193 ff. (the Stamm); Post, Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 4 ff.; Familienrecht, 57, 58; Kohler, in ZVR., VII, 381; Mucke, Horde und Familie; Grosse, Die Formen der Ehe, 59, 62; Frerichs, Zur Naturgeschichte des Menschen, 106, 107; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 121 ff., 153; Gumplowicz, Outlines of Sociology, 110 ff.; and the literature cited below on the Australian class-systems, and on the works of Morgan and Spencer.

[129] Westermarck, op. cit., 52.

[130] For this class of evidence, see Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage, 1 ff.: Post, Familienrecht, 57, 58; Anfänge, 17 ff.; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 69 ff., 104 ff.; Bernhöft, "Zur Geschichte des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 161 ff.; McLennan, Studies, I, 83 ff.; Morgan, Ancient Society, 500 ff., passim; Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 168-80; Ploss, Das Weib, I, 331, 360 ff., 370 ff., 383 ff.; Kulischer, "Die geschlechtliche Zuchtwahl," ZFE., VIII, 140, 141; Friedrichs, "Ursprung des Matriarchats," ZVR., VIII, 370 ff.; Mucke, Horde und Familie, 65, 138 ff., who deny that these customs are evidences of promiscuity; as also does Schmidt, Jus primae noctis, 36 ff.; Kohler, "Ueber das Negerrecht, namentlich in Kamerun," ZVR., XI, 419, 422; "Studien über Frauengemeinschaft," ibid., V, 334 ff.; Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe, 14, 64 ff., 146; and elsewhere in his various monographs; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 187, 326-29; Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Anc. Laws of Russia, 6 ff.; Schneider, Die Naturvölker, I, 267 ff.; II, 413 ff., who, rejecting the doctrines of evolution and survival, holds to the biblical legend of the "fall of man."

[131] The result of the recent researches of Spencer, Starcke, Westermarck, Letourneau, and others will be discussed in the next chapter.

[132] Read especially the section of Bernhöft, "Zur Geschichte des eur. Familienrechts," 161-221, on "Askese und Hetärismus," who is criticised by Mucke, Horde und Familie, 122; Guyot, Prostitution, 12 ff.; Mantegazza, Geschlechtsverhältnisse des Menschen, 366 ff.; and the detailed and learned monograph of Rosenbaum, Geschichte der Lustseuche im Alterthume (Halle, 1893). An examination of the whole subject is given by Westermarck, Human Marriage, chap. iv.

[133] In this connection are adduced the cases in which courtesans have been held in high esteem, sometimes in higher regard than married women, as in Athens and India: Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage, 43-45; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 132, 133, 537, 538; Post, Geschlechtsgenoss., 31; Schroeder, Das Recht in der geschlechtlichen Ordnung, 244 ff.; Bernhöft, "Zur Gesch. des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 172-74; Kohler, "Ueber das Negerrecht," ibid., XI, 419; Westermarck, op. cit., 61 ff., 80, 81, who denies the inference of promiscuity from this custom and mentions many low tribes among whom chastity is observed. Cf. Friedrichs, in ZVR., VIII, 374 ff.; Schneider, Die Naturvölker, II, 473, 474, who ascribes the custom to religious impulse—the consecration of virgins to the cult of Aphrodite.

The custom, found among Egyptians, Tibetans, Wotjäken, American Indians, and other peoples, permitting girls freely to prostitute themselves before marriage is similarly put in evidence: Herodotus, II, 121, 124, 125, 126; IV, 176; V, 6; Post, Grundlagen, 187; Geschlechtsgenoss., 29-31; Familienrecht, 346; Buch, Die Wotjäken, 45 ff.; Kohler, in ZVR., V, 335 (Wotjäken); Bernhöft, op. cit., 165, 166; Giraud-Teulon, op. cit., 52, 53; Unger, Die Ehe, 12, 13; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 220 ff., 343; Waitz, Anthropologie, II, 112, 113 (Africa); Ratzel, Hist. of Mankind, II, 128 (Brazil and ancient Peru); Pratz, Hist. de la Louisiane, II, 386 (Natches Indians); Stevenson, in XI. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 19, 20 (the Sia); Turner, ibid. XI, 189 (the Innuit).

[134] On the so-called "Probeehen" or "Probenächte," see Buch, Die Wotjäken, 50, 51, 53, 57; Kohler, in ZVR., V, 346, 351, 338, 339; Post, Anfänge, 21; Düringsfeld, Hochzeitsbuch, 9; Schmidt, Jus primae noctis, 40; Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 261 ff.; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 84; and especially Fischer, Ueber die Probenächte der teutschen Bauernmädchen, who gives a detailed historical investigation from the early Middle Ages onward, with interesting examples. Cf. Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Anc. Laws of Russia, 12, 13 (the Kirchgang or Dorfgehen of Switzerland, Baden, and Würtemberg).

Among the Todas, after a marriage is arranged, the bride has a proof-time of a night and a day. On the "expiry of this brief honeymoon," the damsel is required to make up her mind "either to accept or reject her suitor."—Marshall, A Phrenologist amongst the Todas, 212.

[135] Strabo, II, 515; Lubbock, op. cit., 131; Giraud-Teulon, op. cit., 3; Post, Geschlechtsgenoss., 29, 43 ff; Anfänge, 21; especially Hellwald's chapter entitled "Zeitehen und wilde Ehen," Die mensch. Familie, 438 ff.; and Kulischer, "Communale Zeitehen," Archiv für Anthropologie, XI, 228 ff.; Waitz, Anthropologie, III, 105 (proof and temporary marriages among American Indians); II, 114 (same in Africa); Klemm, Kulturgeschichte, II, 78 (N. A. Indians); Turner, in XI. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 189 (Innuit); McGee, The Seri Indians, in XVII. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., Part I, 280.

[136] Plutarch, Lycurgus, c. 15 (Sparta); Friedrichs, "Ursprung des Matriarchats," ZVR., VIII, 372, 373; Post, Anfänge, 25; Geschlechtsg., 34 ff.; Nadaillac, L'évolution du mariage, 17 ff.; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 131, 132, who mentions the well-known case of Cato's lending his wife Marcia to his friend Hortensius; Buch, Die Wotjäken, 48; Kohler, in ZVR., III, 398, note (India), 399 (Germans); V, 336 (Wotjäken), 342 (Alaska), 353 (Creeks); VII, 326 (Australia); VIII, 84 (Birma); XI, 422 (Kamerun); Jolly, in ZVR., IV, 331, 332 (Hindus); Smith, Kinship and Marriage, 116; Waitz, Anthropologie, II, 114 (Africa); Nelson, "The Eskimo about Bering Strait," in XVIII. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., Part I, 292; McGee, in XV. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 178 (Sioux); Westermarck, op. cit., 74 n. 1, mentions, with the sources of information, many tribes among whom wife-lending prevails.

"Exchange of wives" is common among the Eskimo. "For instance, one man of our acquaintance planned to go to the rivers deer hunting in the summer of 1882, and borrowed his cousin's wife for the expedition, as she was a good shot and a good hand at deer hunting, while his own wife went with his cousin on the trading expedition to the eastward. On their return the wives went back to their respective husbands." Sometimes in such cases the women are better pleased with their new mates and remain with them. "According to Gilder (Schwatka's Search, 197) it is a usual thing among friends in that region to exchange wives for a week or two almost every two months." Egede (Greenland, 139) says such temporary exchanges take place at festivals. So also at Repulse Bay, at certain times there is said to be a "general exchange of wives throughout the village, each woman passing from man to man till she has been through the hands of all, and finally returned to her husband."—Murdoch, "Point Barrow Expedition," IX. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 413. Cf. Turner, "Ethnology of Ungava Dist.," ibid., 189. The loaning of wife or daughter to a guest, or the prostitution of the wife for hire, appears among some South American tribes: Martius, Ethnographie, I, 118; idem, Rechtszustande, 65.

[137] Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 130-32, 536 ff.; Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage, 5 ff., who says: "Le mariage (en prenant ce mot dans son sense étroit) apparaît chez les races inférieures comme une infraction aux droits de la communauté, et partant, comme la violation d'une loi naturelle: de là, à le considérer comme la violation d'une loi religieuse, il n'y avait qu'un pas." See the criticism by McLennan, Studies, I, 335 ff., who rejects the theory of expiation for violation of communal right; because usually the woman does not belong to the husband's tribe, and because often the privileges are exercised by friends of both bridegroom and bride. Cf. Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 149-56; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 17, 34, 65, 245 ff.; Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 169; Kohler, in ZVR., VII, 327 (Australia); Mucke, Horde und Familie, 138-40, who rejects the theory; and Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Anc. Laws of Russia, 10, 11, who refers to the promiscuous intercourse practiced at various festivals, resembling the assemblies on the Roumanian Gainaberg which Kohler has discussed in ZVR., VI, 398 ff. These may be compared with the license practiced at certain gatherings among the Arunta and several other Australian tribes: Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, 96 ff.

[138] "Thus Herodotus states, in Babylonia, every woman was obliged once in her life to give herself up, in the temple of Mylitta, to strangers, for the satisfaction of the goddess; and in some parts of Cyprus, he tells us, the same custom prevailed. In Armenia, according to Strabo, there was a very similar law. The daughters of good families were consecrated to Anaitis, a phallic divinity like Mylitta, giving themselves, as it appears, to the worship of the goddess indiscriminately."—Westermarck, Human Marriage, 72; Herodotus, I, c. 199; Strabo, XI, 532. As to Babylon Herodotus may have been mistaken; cf. chap. iv, below. See further illustrations in Bernhöft, op. cit., 169 ff.; Giraud-Teulon, op. cit., 7 ff.; Ploss, Das Weib, I, 383 ff.; Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 171; Friedrichs, in ZVR., VIII, 373, who enumerates the peoples where the custom has existed; idem, ibid., X, 215, 216; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 356 ff.; and Howard, Sex Worship, 103-16, 201, passim, who holds that sacred prostitution, and many of the other sexual practices usually assigned as survivals of promiscuity, are evidences of phallicism.

[139] The monograph of Dr. Karl Schmidt, Jus primae noctis, is the most elaborate work on the subject. The author denies (41 ff., 365 ff., 379) that the custom existed in feudal Europe or elsewhere as a right; and he holds that the practices so called are not evidences of promiscuity. His views are sharply criticised by Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 349 n. 4; and especially by Kohler, in ZVR., IV, 279-87. Schmidt has a supplementary discussion in ZFE., XVI, 44 ff.; and is reviewed unfavorably by Kohler, ZVR., V, 397-406. See also Schmidt's Slavische Geschichtsquellen zur Streitfrage über das Jus Primae Noctis; Kohler, Urgeschichte der Ehe, 140; idem, in ZVR., VII, 350, 351; VIII, 85; Schneider, Die Naturvölker, II, 471-73; Giraud-Teulon, op. cit., 32-41; Weinhold, Die deutschen Frauen, I, 300, 301; Letourneau, L'évolution du mariage, 56-62; Suggenheim, Geschichte der Aufhebung der Leibeigenschaft, 104, who believes the "right of the lord" existed in France far down into the Middle Ages; Bachofen, Mutterrecht, 12, 13, 17, 18, passim; Post, Anfänge, 17, 18; idem, Geschlechtsgenoss., 37; Kulischer, "Die communale Zeitehe," in Archiv für Anthropologie, XI, 228 ff., who refers to the recent existence of the alleged custom in Russia; Friedrichs, in ZVR., X, 214, 215; Starcke, op. cit., 124-26. There is a learned discussion in the quaint De uxore theotisca, cap. i, of Grupen; the literature cited in Bibliographical Note II should be consulted; and Schmidt has appended a very full bibliography to his book. The term jus primae noctis is especially applied to the alleged "right of the lord" in feudal times; but the existence of even this custom as a legal privilege is still an unsettled question.