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Since its debut in 1986, hundreds of studies conducted in diverse cultures around the world have supported hypotheses derived from TMT. A common feature of these studies is the mortality salience (MS) manipulation used to induce DTA. Typically, participants in the experimental condition are prompted to experientially process the prospect of death by writing about how the thought of their own death makes them feel, and what it would be like during the process of physically dying. Following such a task, and before DTA can be assessed, one or more cognitive distractions are typically used to help participants move from proximal to distal defense. In contrast, those in the control condition are reminded of other topics unrelated to death, such as dental pain, music, or test taking. Repeatedly, these studies have replicated and confirmed the effects of MS, that is, death reminders induce individuals to eagerly invest in the integrity of their CWV, the viability of their sense of self-esteem, and the strength and sustainability of their close personal relationships (Florian et al., 2002; Helzer & Pizarro, 2011).

Strengthening One’s CWV. In examining the nature of CWV bolstering, Landau et al. (2004) explored the effects of DTA and thoughts of the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the popularity of the incumbent American president George W. Bush, who, as head of state and commander in chief of the US military, represented a symbolically vital component of the dominant American CWV. Weeks before the 9/11 attacks, several national public opinion polls (e.g., CNN/Gallup Polls/Fox News) showed a roughly 50% approval rating for President Bush; however, just two days after the attack, that approval rating had surged to 90% (Zogby, 2004), where it remained for several months. The public reported high support for the measures implemented by the Bush government to handle the terrorist attack, including the military operation against the Taliban regime, the suspension of certain civil liberties, and the initiation of the war in Iraq (Huddy et al., 2002; Toner & Elder, 2001).

As TMT posits, the perception of strength projected by government leaders can help citizens manage the existential anxiety generated by their fear of death and uncertainty, thus the popularity of President Bush stemmed from the sense of protection he provided through the tough measures he implemented against those deemed (if not actually) responsible for the terrorist attacks. Across four studies, Landau et al. (2004) found both MS and terrorism salience produced greater support for President Bush at the expense of his rival candidate Senator John Kerry.

Boosting Self-esteem. Research examining the anxiety buffering function of self-esteem has demonstrated how defensive reactions to threats can be regulated and modified by experimentally manipulating participants’ self-esteem before inducing DTA. For example, Harmon-Jones et al. (1997) found boosting self-esteem by providing positive personality feedback can decrease defensive reactions to mortality threats. Conversely, Hayes et al. (2008) found that experimentally threatening self-esteem can increase the accessibility of death thoughts. In general, when self-esteem is low, individuals tend to be more prone to feeling vulnerable and anxious in response to threats and more reluctant to engage in self-related thoughts (Wisman et al., 2015), while at the same time relatively more inclined toward ethnocentrism (Agroskin & Jonas, 2013) and dissociation toward outgroup members (Greenberg et al., 1997). Reiss and Jonas (2019) have noted how low self-esteem inclines individuals toward feeling less vital and active, less motivated to engage in exploratory behavior, and less satisfied with life, which they experience as less meaningful (Routledge et al., 2010). In contrast, individuals high in self-esteem, though they may also quite naturally show negative responses to threats, tend to react with increased willingness to confront those threats, even to the point of joining the military and making personal sacrifices for their country (Juhl & Routledge, 2014).

In summary, in response to existential threats, as Reiss and Jonas (2019) conclude, whereas low self-esteem is generally associated with more passive defensive reactions, high self-esteem tends to motivate greater agentic involvement and more proactive defensive responses. However, the latter may often be a mixed blessing, given how, “individuals high in self-esteem are more inclined to prove their belongingness to a cultural worldview,” while, in the case of nationalist zeal, “these responses can also be very detrimental for peaceful solutions to intergroup conflicts” (p. 461).

Investing in Close Personal Relationships. The anxiety buffering utility of intimate relationships is also well documented in the TMT literature. For instance, across three studies, Florian et al. (2002) demonstrated the dynamic interaction between relational processes and psychological defenses. Specifically, close relationships inoculate existential threats; the perception of commitment in relationships is shaped by the need to suppress DTA; and the process of managing existential terror facilitates committing to close relationships. Florian and colleagues found that: (i) DTA results in higher reports of romantic commitment (Study 1); (ii) the salience of romantic commitment thoughts mitigates the influence of DTA on evaluations of social transgressions (Study 2); and (iii) the salience of thoughts about difficulties in romantic relationships makes death-related thoughts more salient than do thoughts about other non-relationship issues (Study 3). Along similar lines, Cox and Arndt (2012) reported like findings in their experiments demonstrating how people will rely on close relationships to reduce existential anxiety following MS, such that people will: (i) exaggerate the extent to which their significant others see them in a positive light (Study 1 & 2); (ii) show higher commitment to their significant others under the condition of DTA (Study 3); and (iii) reduce DTA in response to MS when perceived positive regard from significant others is made salient (Study 4).

However, not all people are capable of calling on the utility of their close relationships to cope with DTA. According to the attachment styles characterizing individuals’ relationships, they will respond differently when dealing with the existential anxiety during distal TM defense. As attachment research has demonstrated, those who are secure in their attachments tend to be more comfortable with closeness, more confident in others’ availability when needed, and have a more positive history of attachment than those who are either anxious in their desire to be enmeshed in their relationships, or those who tend to be avoidant in their attachments. Studies allying attachment style with distal TM defenses have shown attachment style to be closely linked to anxiety buffering distress regulation following MS: Securely attached individuals tend to be comfortable seeking support from their close relationships (Mikulincer et al., 1993), whereas those with anxious attachment are more inclined to focus on distress-related cues, and those with avoidant styles more likely to eschew close proximity with their partners, preferring to rely on themselves and therefore unable to benefit from the coping utility of their close relationships (Mikulincer & Florian, 1998).

The TMT literature examining attachment has evidenced the efficient regulating role of attachment style in managing the existential dread engendered by the fear of death. For instance, secure people have indicated a higher sense of lastingness (Florian & Mikulincer, 1998) than anxious and avoidant people and have reported themselves to be less fearful of death (Mikulincer et al., 1990). Moreover, Mikulincer and Florian (2000) found anxious and avoidant people reported higher severity judgements of transgressions in response to death reminders than secure people who showed more desire for intimacy. Florian and Mikulincer (1998) assert that secure people thus find it easier to build an adequate protective shield for managing death anxiety, whereas anxious people tend to experience overwhelming fear, and avoidant people are more inclined toward suppressing their dread. Their findings indicate anxious and avoidant attachment styles render individuals more susceptible to disquiet and apprehension when their mortality is made salient, and thus they must tend to rely more on CWV defense and/or self-esteem bolstering to buffer their anxiety.