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Chapter VIII
Family Life
ОглавлениеWhen Hamilton left the army he diligently studied law, and in a few months felt himself able to take up a new and congenial profession. To one of his warmest friends he wrote:
Alexander Hamilton to Richard K. Meade
Albany, August 37, 1782.
... As to myself, I shall sit down in New York when it opens; and this period, we are told, approaches. No man looks forward to a peace with more pleasure than I do, though no man would sacrifice less to it than myself, if I were not convinced the people sigh for peace.—I have been studying the law for some months, and have lately been licensed as an attorney. I wish to prepare myself by October for examination as a counsellor; but some public avocation may possibly prevent me. I had almost forgotten to tell you, that I have been pretty unanimously elected, by the Legislature of this State, a member of Congress, to begin to serve in November. J do not hope to reform this State, although I shall endeavor to do all the good I can.
God bless you,
A. Hamilton.
Robert Morris had, however, been so impressed with Hamilton's mental qualities and great energy that in May, 1782, he appointed him receiver of the Continental taxes in the State of New York, a position which proved to be a thankless and uphill job. It would appear that he accepted the office only after continued urging, and remained a congressman at the same time. So in debt was the country then that it was spoken of as a "bankrupt Confederation." His friend, Chancellor Livingston, smarting under his own excessive taxation, thus wrote to Hamilton at a later time:
Robert R. Livingston to Alexander Hamilton
Clesmont, 5th March, 1787.
I received your information relative to the law for dividing the district. I am much obliged by your attention to that object. While I condole with you on the loss of the impost, I congratulate you on the laurels you acquired in fighting its battles. I see you are making some progress in the new system of taxation, but I could hardly credit my eyes when I saw Jones opposed to the clause for a tax on houses, since if I am not extremely deceived I heard him commend to you your ideas on that subject at a law dinner. Be very tender on the point of taxation. I am convinced no direct tax of any importance can be raised. The minds of the people in this part of the state are sore and irritable— The Collectors are all disturbed upon not being able to collect the quota of the £50,000 tax. Indeed the improvident grants of money both in this and Dutchess County for the building of Court Houses and the collection of arrears all within six months have fallen extremely heavy. You will be astonished when I tell you that my tax in this past year upon an estate which has never produced me £400 per annum is upwards of £600 in certificate and; £260 specie, including arrears of one year and one year's arrears when I lived in Philadelphia and was not an inhabitant of this State. I shall endeavor to make my stay here useful by effecting some changes in the representation which I have good hopes of accomplishing in Dutches County. When I have conversed with most of the leading people at this end of it who agree with me in thinking a change necessary, the County will I think remove five of their old members.
I expect that this will product some attack on me or my salary by those who know I opposed to them. All I expect for my friends will be that they do not suffer such reductions to be made as will be dishonourable to [illegible]. A liberal and honourable appointment such as would enable me to live as I would wish constantly in New York I cannot expect it from the prevailing party.
Hamilton was elected to Congress in November, 1782, and held this office for a year, meanwhile studying and acting as Receiver of Taxes. When finally devoted himself to law, he did not entirely relinquish his other affairs, for his interest in the young government was incompatible with more selfish concerns, so that from 1786, when he took part in the Annapolis Convention, to May, 1787, when the new convention was called to meet in Philadelphia, his practice was of secondary moment. In his own State he fairly lashed the obstructionists into line, the rout of Clinton and his followers taking place at the meeting in Poughkeepsie, and as a result he, with Yates and Lansing, were sent to Congress as delegates.
Hamilton lived in New York most of the time, and after his triumph in securing the adoption of the Constitution by his own State received the great ovation which his talents and labor had merited. The Federalists at first were by no means in harmony, and Clinton and his faction were loath to accept a new plan of government which would interfere with the exercise of local power and the continuance of existing privileges. Hamilton, almost alone, fought the majority, and by sheer endurance and obstinacy and unanswerable arguments won over many of his most stubborn adversaries. He did what was necessary to stir up public opinion and to bring all disorderly and warring elements into unity, so that the Constitution was ratified and New York tardily came into line in favor of a National Government. The victory was nowhere more appreciated than in his own State, and a great Federal parade and celebration took place in New York City, a miniature full-rigged ship being carried through the streets, which was typical of the Federal party, and bore the name "Hamilton."
The depleted condition of the Treasury at this time, and the same causes that led the unruly troops to rebel at an earlier period, must have existed to some extent throughout Hamilton's early tenure of office. His cash-books certainly indicate that he was practically obliged to equip his company of artillery out of his own pocket, and it is probable that he was helped by others, for he had no money, or at least very little. When he first had time to keep accounts, we find this borne out by various entries, but usually on the credit side.
MILITARY ACCOUNT
On September 13, 1789, when called to the Treasury, he still lived in New York, but later went to Philadelphia in August, 1790, where he resided until 1795, when he came back to his own city. After his resignation on the 31st of January, 1795, he went to the house of his father-in-law. General Schuyler, at Albany, and in the fall of that year returned to New York and again took up the practice of his profession. From a document, signed by Richard Varick, then the mayor of New York, in the Congressional Library, it is stated that he was extended the freedom of the city, and welcomed with great cordiality by all classes. On February 27, 1795, a banquet was given by the Chamber of Commerce to manifest its respect for Alexander Hamilton, the late Secretary of the Treasury. An account of the affair is thus given in a contemporary paper:
A splendid Dinner was given at their Hall in the Tontine Coffee House.
The Corporation on the festive occasion was honored by the Company of the Chancellor of the State, the Judges, the Speakers of the Assembly, the Recorder of the City, the President of Columbia College and many others present of which a great number were merchants. The company consisted of two hundred guests, the room not being large enough to accommodate more. Great decorum as well as conviviality marked the entertainment, and the Company expressed peculiar satisfaction in this opportunity of demonstrating their respect for a man who by discharging the duties of an important office, HAS DESERVED WELL OF HIS COUNTRY. A toast was drunk as follows:
1. President of the United States .... 3 cheers. 2. The Vice President and Congress .... " 3. The Governor of the State .... " 4. Agriculture .... 5. Commerce .... 3 cheers 6. Industry and Improvement .... " 7. Liberty and Law .... " 8. Social order and social happiness .... " 9. The People of the United States Brothers of one Family .... " .... " 10. General Wayne and the Army .... " 11. National Credit .... " 12. Integrity and Knowledge .... " 13. Patriotism and Honest Favour .... " 14. The Esteem of their Fellow Citizens an Inestimable reward, to those who have deserved well of their country—3 times .... 3 cheers.
Volunteer Toasts.
1. By the chair. The immortal memory of Baron Steuben.
2. By Mr. Hamilton. The merchants of New York, may
they never cease to have Honour for their commander. Skill for their Pilot and Success for their Port—9 cheers.
3. By the Chancellor. May Love and Honour be the Reward of Virtue.
4. By Judge Lansing. The Commerce of the City of New York.
5. By Judge Benson. The Honest Merchant.
After Mr. Hamilton had withdrawn. By the chair—Alexander Hamilton—9 cheers.
Hamilton, during the early years of his practice, lived at 57 Wall Street before' his removal to Philadelphia with the rest of the Cabinet. On his return in 1795 he occupied a small house at 56 Pine Street, and later moved to 58 Partition Street (now Fulton Street), then to Liberty Street, near Broadway. From there he went to 26 Broadway/ where he lived until 1802, when he built and occupied his country seat, nine miles above the city, which he called "The Grange," after the Scotch home of his ancestors.
From his letters to his wife at various times we find that she visited, in his absence, at the house of Dr. Cochran, as well as that of G. L. Ogden, at 69 Stone Street, and various other places.
When he lived at 26 Broadway, the west side of that thoroughfare below Trinity Church was, with one exception, built up and occupied by well-to-do and prominent persons. This exception was a small gun-shop on the south-west corner of Morris Street. On the east side all were private dwellings except two, one a shoemaker's shop at 28, and the other a small wooden house below that of Governor Jay. According to my uncle, James A. Hamilton, this was owned and occupied by Slidell, a German candle maker, the grandfather of John Slidell, who figured in the Civil War. This little man was often seen in the afternoon sitting on his wooden stoop, in apron and cap, smoking his pipe, with drip candles hanging in the window.
New York, in 1786, was a city containing 24,000 white males, almost three times as many as there were in 1756; and in 1796, 50,000. The Dutch element preponderated up to the commencement of the eighteenth century, and this was especially the case during the early years of Hamilton's practice. Brissot de Warville made many pungent comments upon the manners of the community, and in 1794 said: "Colonel Lamb, who was at the head of the Custom matters, envelopes all his operations in the most profound mystery, it is the effect of the Dutch spirit which still governs this City. The Dutchman conceals his gains and commerce; he lives but for himself." And again: "If there is a town on the American Continent where the English luxury displays its follies, it is New York. You will find there the English fashions. In the dress of the women you will see the most brilliant silks, gauzes, hats, and borrowed hair. Equipages are rare but they are elegant. The men have more simplicity in dress. They disdain gewgaws, but they take their revenge in the luxury of the table. Luxury forms already in this town a class very dangerous to society, I mean, bachelors. The expense of women causes matrimony to be dreaded by men."
Angelica Church wrote from London, March 4, in this connection, to her sister: "I would write you an account of fashion,'but I hear American ladies are at the head of everything that is elegant; give my love to Alexander, and tell him that some day when I am in very gay and witty humour I will write to him."
When in Philadelphia Hamilton lived, for a part of the time, outside of the city at the Hills, where Robert Morris had his magnificent country estate, but before this at the south-west corner of Walnut and Third Streets. Although the Hamiltons did not stay very long at one place, the Schuyler homestead at Albany was always open to them, as well as to the various children of the General, and it seems to have been a refuge in time of trouble and illness. Chastellux described his meeting with Alexander Hamilton and the wife at the father-in-law's house, probably at the time when he was preparing himself for his profession. Among the other French travellers who visited the Schuylers during the Revolution, he thus speaks of the family: "It consisted of Mr. Schuyler, his second daughter, whose face is gentle and pleasing; a Miss Peggy Schuyler, whose features were animated and interesting; and another charming daughter only eight years old, and of three boys, the oldest of whom is fifteen, and who are the finest children possible, and then he is himself a man of about fifty, but already ailing and subject to gout. He has a considerable fortune, which will increase for he owns an immense extent of territory, but his talents and acquirements gain him greater respect than his wealth." General Schuyler always suffered from this disease, which seems to have been the curse of his adult life, and there is scarcely one of the later letters written by him that does not contain some allusion to his sufferings and incapacity. It seriously interfered with his various military campaigns, and more than one of his malignant enemies had intimated that he made it an excuse for his reluctance to meet the enemy! It certainly led to his being carried upon the shoulders of men, or by more comfortable conveyances, to the scene of his active operations in the northeastern part of the State during the border operations. He gloomily writes to his daughter, July 28, 1795: "I have not drank any champagne since I experienced Its pernicious effects upon me—and shall not venture on It again." He also announces his intention of going to the Lebanon Springs for a cure.
WALL STREET IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
The children referred to by Chastellux and others grew up and married and went their various ways, none of them, however, achieving any great distinction. The daughters, especially Angelica, as has been said, were witty and attractive. Between Elizabeth Schuyler, her husband, and her brothers and sisters, there always existed a pleasant relation, but none of them entered into the intimate life of the Hamiltons except General Schuyler, Angelica Church, his daughter, and Philip, son of John Bradstreet Schuyler, who spent most of his early life with them.
The children of Elizabeth and Alexander Hamilton were eight in number, the first Philip being born January 22, 1782, while a second Philip came June 2, 1802, and was named after his elder brother, who had been killed in a duel the year before. Between these two were,
Angelica, | born | September 25,1784. |
Alexander, | " | May 16,1786. |
James Alexander, | " | April 14, 1788. |
John Church, | " | August 22, 1792. |
William Stephen, | " | August 4, 1797. |
Eliza, | " | November 20, 1799. |
Philip, the first child, seems to have been the most beloved and the most written and spoken about of all, for he was evidently the flower of the family. In a letter to General Meade, from Philadelphia, dated March, 1782, when Hamilton had left the army and was preparing to take up his professional work, an amusing allusion is made to the birth of this child.
PHILIP HAMILTON (THE FIRST): AGE 20
Alexander Hamilton to Richard K. Meade
Philadelphia, March, 1782.
A half hour since brought me the pleasure of your letter of December 1st. It went to Albany, and came from thence to this place. I heartily felicitate you on the birth of your daughter, I can well conceive your happiness on that occasion, by that which I felt on a similar occasion. Indeed, the sensations of a tender father of the child of a beloved mother, can only be conceived by those who have experienced them.
Your heart, my Meade, is peculiarly formed for engagements of this Kind. You have every right to be a happy husband—a happy father. You have every prospect of being so. I hope your felicity may never be interrupted. You cannot imagine how entirely domestic I am growing. I lose all taste for the pursuits of ambition. I sigh for nothing but the Company of my wife and my baby. The ties of duty alone, or imagined duty, Keep me from renouncing public life altogether. It is, however, probable I may not any longer be engaged in it. . . .
Imagine, my dear Meade, what pleasure it must give Eliza and myself to Know that Mrs. Meade interests herself in us. Without a personal acquaintance, we have been long attached to her. My visit at Mr. Fitzhugh's confirmed my partiality.
Betsy is so fond of your family that she proposes to form a match between her boy and your girl, provided you will engage to make the latter as amiable as her mother.
Truly, my dear Meade, I often regret that fortune has cast our residence at Such a distance from each other. It would be a serious addition to my happiness if we lived where I Could see you every day; but fate has determined it otherwise.
I am a little hurried, and can only request, in addition, that you will present me most affectionately to Mrs. Meade, and believe me to be, With the warmest
And most unalterable friendship
Yours A. Hamilton.
On many occasions we find in letters that passed between his father-in-law and himself, as well as others, frequent references to the career of this promising boy, who, at the time of his death, was, evidently, dearer to Hamilton than any of his other children, and this feeling seems to have been shared by the family. Many years after the Meade letter Angelica Church wrote from London:
"I have received with inexpressible pleasure your long letter, and thank my Eliza for the agreeable details respecting your children. Philip inherits his father's talents. What flattering prospects for a mother! You are, my dear sister, very happy with such a Husband and such promise in a son."
Philip, like his father, had attended Columbia College, where he graduated with high honors in 1800, and was intended for the bar, but in a discussion with one George I. Eacker regarding a political matter, a challenge passed between them, and the young man, who was less than twenty, fell November 23, 1801, at the same place where Hamilton himself met his death three years later.1 It would appear that, like his father, he too was forced into an encounter which was in conflict with all his principles.
Many accounts of the circumstances which led to the affair have been given, but none of these are capable of verification, although the most probable is the one which states that the quarrel grew out of a Fourth-of-July speech made by Eacker in praise of Burr, and in which he incidentally reflected upon Alexander Hamilton.
In the duel, which was fought at three o'clock in the afternoon, Philip received a mortal wound, but lingered on until the morning of the next day.
The event attracted a great deal of newspaper discussion, and as at that time the American Citizen and General Advertiser was bitterly inimical to Hamilton, it was its endeavor to show that his son was to blame. The Evening Post, however, took the ground that the affair was due to the intolerable provocation of Eacker. It appears from this description that Philip Hamilton and a young man named Price were at the theatre in a box adjoining that of Eacker, and that they indulged in satirical comments upon a Fourth-of-July oration. Eacker, overhearing them, invited the young men to step into the lobby, and called some one a d-d rascal. They adjourned to a public house, where an explanation was demanded, and when asked whom the offensive expression was meant for, he declared that it was intended for each. As they parted Eacker said, " I shall expect to hear from you," when they replied, "You shall." A challenge followed. Eacker met Price on the following Sunday, and four shots were exchanged without harm to any one. The seconds interfered, and the parties left the field. On the next day Hamilton met Eacker, and received a shot through the body at the first discharge, and fell without firing.
Angelica Church wrote to her brother, who was in Albany: "His [Hamilton's] conduct was extraordinary during this trial. I cannot reach particulars now, my sister is a little composed, and the corpse will be removed from my house within an hour." About two weeks afterward General Schuyler wrote:
Philip Schuyler to Elizabeth Hamilton
Albany, Dec. 6, 1801.
My dearly beloved and Amiable Child: I trust that resignation to the Divine Will has so far tranquillized your mind as to mitigate the severity of the anguish which has been inflicted on you and all of us. It ought my beloved child to afford us much consolation that our dear departed child afforded such decided evidence of his aversion to shedding of blood, that he pursued every measure which propriety and prudence could dictate to avoid it, that thus he has left this life without seeking or even wishing to take away that of his intemperate adversary, and that we have reason to trust that by the unbounded mercy of his Creator, his Spirit is in the realms of Eternal bliss.
In a letter to my Dear Hamilton, I urged him to bring you with him to us, I must reiterate the request to you my Dear Child that I may have the consolation of embracing you, of mingling my tears with yours and with Hamilton, and then by comforting each to dry them.
I suggested measures for this Journey since which have reflected if there should be no sledging that It would be better to send my strong horses to your Brother's at Rynbeck with my Coachman to relieve your horses, but If there should be sledging, I will send my covered Sled and horses to your Brothers and then your Coaches may be left there—but I ought to be advised in time of the day on which you will probably leave New York.
Your Coach is sufficiently roomy to bring the nurse and the three younger children with you which vill add greatly to our satisfaction.
Adieu my Dear Love—Your Mama and sister unite with all in love to you, your Hamilton and the dear Children and in prayers that every blessing of which mortality is susceptible of may be yours and theirs.
I am my dearly beloved Child,
Most tenderly & affectionately yours
Ph. Schuyler.
Hamilton never fully recovered from this loss, for the career of the young man had been his pride, and he had high hopes that he would, eventually, take up his own work. Letters from Talleyrand and many friends speak of this and all condoled with him later.
But few of Philip Hamilton's letters to his father are preserved, and these show that a most affectionate sympathy existed between the two, for the father, despite his absorption in public affairs, and the demands upon his time which were constantly being made by others, conducted his boy's education, giving him frequent hints in regard to the selection of studies, and the manner in which he should live, and a set of rules for the guidance of the son after his graduation from Columbia, when he was preparing for his chosen profession. These were:
RULES FOR MR. PHILIP HAMILTON
From the first of April to the first of October he is to rise not later than six o'clock; the rest of the year not later than seven. If earlier, he will deserve commendation. Ten will be his hour of going to bed throughout the year.
From the time he is dressed in the morning till nine o'clock (the time for breakfast excepted), he is to read law. At nine he goes to the office, and continues there till dinnertime. He will be occupied partly in writing and partly in reading law.
After dinner he reads law at home till five o'clock. From this time till seven he disposes of his time as he pleases. From seven to ten he reads and studies whatever he pleases.
From twelve on Saturday he is at liberty to amuse himself.
On Sunday he will attend the morning church. The rest of the day may be applied to innocent recreations.
He must not depart from any of these rules without my permission.
Several years before he entered Columbia, when Philip was a small lad at school, the father wrote to him:
Alexander Hamilton to his son Philips
Philadelphia, Dec. 5, 1791.
I received with great pleasure, my dear Philip, the letter which you wrote me last week. Your mama and myself were very happy to learn that you are pleased with your situation, and content to stay as long as shall be thought best for you. We hope and believe that nothing will happen to alter this disposition. Your teacher also informs me that you recited a lesson the first day you began very much to his satisfaction. I expect every letter from him will give me a fresh proof of your progress, for I know you can do a great deal if you please, and I am sure you have too much spirit not to exert yourself, that you may make us every day more and more proud of you. You remember that I engaged to send for you next Saturday, and I will do it, unless you request me to put it off, for a promise must never be broken, and I will never make you one which I will not fill as far as I am able, but it has occurred to me that the Christmas holidays are near at hand, and I suppose your school will then break up for a few days and give you an opportunity of coming to stay with us for a longer time than if you should come on Saturday. Will it not be best, therefore, to put off your journey till the holidays? But determine as you like best, and let me know what will be most pleasing to you. A good night to my darling son."
Six years later Philip wrote to the father, who was then at Albany, a letter which appears to have been sent from Columbia College, and it suggests that he possessed some of the mental traits of his father.
Philip Hamilton to Alexander Hamilton
April 21, 1797.
Dear Papa: I just now received the enclosed letter from Grandpa [Schuyler], in answer to a letter I wrote to him, in which he has enclosed to me three receipts for shares in the Tontine Tavern, amounting to £100. I have given the receipts to Mama. I delivered my speech to Dr. Johnson to examine. He has no objection to my speaking; but he has blotted out that sentence which appears to be the best and most animated in it; which is, you may recollect it—"Americans, you have fought the battles of mankind; you have enkindled that sacred fire of freedom which is now," and so forth.
Dear Papa, will you be so good as to give my thanks to Grandpapa for the present he made me, but above all for the good advice his letter contains—which I am very sensible of its being extremely necessary for me to pay particular attention to, in order to be a good man. I remain your most affectionate son.
P. S. You will oblige me very much by sending back the letter I have enclosed to you.
The careers of the other sons were, in a measure, commonplace. Little remains to show that they ever distinguished themselves. If an exception can be made, it is in the case of James Alexander Hamilton who, in his Reminiscences, referred to elsewhere, sketches the active part he took in the adjustment of various delicate diplomatic affairs during the administrations of Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren.
Alexander, the second son, was graduated from Columbia in 1804, and he, too, became a lawyer, but went abroad and joined the Duke of Wellington's army, then in Portugal, where he acquired a military training and some of the strategical methods of the great English general. Previous to the war of 1812 he came home, became a captain of infantry, and served with his father's old friend. General Morgan Lewis. After the war he supported himself by his profession, and in 1822 became a United States district attorney of New York, as well as land commissioner. He finally became identified with the development of real estate in New York City.
James Alexander also graduated from Columbia in 1805, was an officer in the war of 1812, and was made Secretary of State ad interim by Andrew Jackson in 1829. He subsequently became United States district attorney for die southern district of New York» and was later engaged in important diplomatic work.
The fourth son, John Church, named after the husband of his Aunt Angelica, after his graduation at Columbia in 1809, also studied law and took part in the war of 1812, and it was he who prepared his father's papers for publication.
The fifth son, William Stephen, after entering West Point, served in the Black Hawk War, and afterward went to the Far West, where little is known of him except that he died in California.
Philip, the youngest, was but two years old at the time of the duel with Burr, and is often referred to as "little Phil." He studied law in New York, and for a time was assistant United States district attorney, under his brother James, and achieved considerable distinction by the able manner in which he tried and convicted the celebrated pirate Gibbs, who was hanged on Bedloe's Island.
The grandfather wrote to his daughter shortly before the birth of this last baby.
Philip Schuyler to Elizabeth Hamilton
Albany, August 23, 1803.
My dearly beloved and Amiable Child: How your endearing attentions rivet you continually to my heart. May the loss of one be compensated by another Philip. May his virtues emulate those which graced his brother, and may he be a comfort to parents so tender and who have endeared themselves to theirs.
PHILIP HAMILTON (THE SECOND), "LITTLE PHIL": AGE 78
A long absence has prevented my attention to my private affairs. I hope soon to arrange these, and propose a visit to you, but I believe it can not be until after the Supreme Court in this City. ... I hope you keep Your Children as much as possible in the country, as the city at this season is generally injurious to the health of Children, especially as they can with so much facility indulge with fruit and frequently with that which is unripe.—Embrace them all for us. They all share with You and My Dear Hamilton in our Love. Adieu My Dear Child. May those blessings which are the portion of the virtuous attend You all is the prayer of Your
Affectionate parent
Ph. Schuyler.
Mrs. Hamilton.
There was a great difference between the ages of the daughters. Angelica, a very beautiful girl, was born shortly after her father's residence in New York City after the peace.
She was evidently a charming character and very much like the aunt after whom she was named, being clever and talented. She seems to have had good musical training, and this lady frequently speaks of her in her letters from London. "Adieu, my dear Eliza," wrote Angelica Church in 1796, "I shall bring with me a Governess who understands music pretty well, she will be able to instruct Angelica and Eliza."
Upon receipt of the news of her brother's death in the Eacker duel, she suffered so great a shock that her mind became permanently impaired, and although taken care of by her devoted mother for a long time there was no amelioration in her condition, and she was finally placed under the care of Dr. MacDonald of Flushing, and remained in his charge until her death at the age of seventy-three. During her latter life she constantly referred to the dear brother so nearly her own age as if alive. Her music, that her father used to oversee and encourage, stayed by her all these years. To the end she played the same old-fashioned songs and minuets upon the venerable piano that had been bought for her, many years before, in London, by Angelica Church, during her girlhood, and was sent to New York through a friend of her father. She survived her mother by two and a half years. The younger daughter, with whom die mother lived in her old age, and at whose house she died, in Washington, seems to have been a woman of a great deal of strength of mind.
Although all of Hamilton's sons marked out for themselves legal or military careers, it cannot be said that any one» in a conspicuous way, resembled his father.
William did not marry, but sought a frontier life, and occasionally returned to see his mother and brothers. He first went to that part of the Northwest which is now Wisconsin, and in 1837, when in her eightieth year, Mrs. Hamilton made the long journey to see him. She wrote, on her way to my father, as follows:
Mrs. Alexander Hamilton to Philip Hamilton
March 19 1837.
My dear Son: I wrote to your Brothers of my continued health. I am now on the Ohio quite well, at Pitsburgh I was visited by Mr. Ross the friend of your Father. He laments the state of our country, and fears his efforts will not be of the duration that good minds wish.
The Director of the Bank, he informed me, saw your Brother's letter and immediately determined not to issue specie. As soon as the Bank opened they were required to make a payment in specie to a considerable amount by persons that had been travelling night and day.' Pittsburgh is a considerable town on the junction of three rivers, no beauty but good Buildings, gloomy from the use of coal. I shall write you from Cincinnati where I shall be today. Adieu! write to me and let me know how Angelica is.
Your Affectionate Mother,
E. Hamilton.
Later she wrote:
Mrs, Alexander Hamilton to Philip Hamilton
Mississippi May 23, 1837.
My dear Son: I have passed the Ohio, the river is very spacious, but very difficult of navigation, the shores beautiful and the vessel approaching the shore at the distance of one dozen feet; no wharf, the water is so mixed with clay that it is not drinkable without wine. This evening we shall be at St. Louis on the Mississippi. Our passage will be tedious as we go against the stream. Let me hear from you, particularly respecting Angelica and all the family.
Your affectionate mother
Elizabeth Hamilton.
And again:
Mrs. Alexander Hamilton to Philip Hamilton
I thank you My Dear Son for yours of the fifteenth. I hope you may have leisure and the opportunity to have the Speach of your beloved Father copied. Solicit it most anxiously, and if that won't do request it as a favour for me. Hire a person to copy it and let me be at the expense. How desirous must you be to see all given to the publisher that your father has done for our country.
I wish you to make inquiry where the location is to be made and when this is the last of your father's services of the grant of land. I am quite recovered. I wish you may see some of General Washington's family and that you go to Mount Vernon. Adieu, x our Brothers are all well.
Every Blessing attend you prays Your Affectionate Mother
Elizabeth Hamilton.
New York, February 21, 1839.
' A certificate for a section of land was awarded Hamilton by the United States for military service, but he never took advantage of this allotment.
Very few of the children presented any of the father's dominant attractions. William Stephen, however, must have been a winning character. He certainly possessed a great deal of his father's personal beauty, and much of his charm of manner, but it is said that he was unconventional and something of a wanderer.
The youngest son, Philip, also manifested much of his father's sweetness and happy disposition, and was always notably considerate of the feelings of others, and was punctilious to a fault in his obligations. In his old age he devoted much of his time to helping others in many quiet ways, and no one came to him in vain for advice or such material help as he could afford. Born at a time when his mother was in great poverty, he was denied those advantages accorded to his elder brothers, and had, in every sense, to make his own way. He had no college education, but studied law with one of his brothers; had a hard, up-hill professional life, and died comparatively poor. Much of his time was given up to unselfish acts, and the number of his poor clients, especially those who followed the sea, was very great
James A. Hamilton described the family life in New York when he and his brothers and sisters were children. "I distinctly recollect," he says, "the scene at breakfast in the front room of the house in Broadway. My dear mother seated, as was her wont, at the head of the table with a napkin in her lap, cutting slices of bread and spreading them with butter, while the younger boys, who, standing at her side, read in turn a chapter in the Bible or a portion of Goldsmith's Rome.' When the lessons were finished the father and the elder children were called to breakfast, after which the boys were packed off to school."
During the time that Hamilton was Secretary of the Treasury and when he lived in Philadelphia, his family worries were increased by reason of the menace of yellow fever, which seems to have been prevalent. As the result of the absence of all needful sanitary precautions and ignorance of the disease, we find that this scourge flourished in Philadelphia to an alarming extent during the latter part of the eighteenth century. It was sometimes given its familiar name, and again spoken of as the "plague." Nothing could be more pitiful than Robert Morris's description of its invasion of the debtors' prison, where he was confined, which was known as "Prune Street." Not only the corridors, but every available space was filled with coffined bodies, and the prisoners were dying like sheep. Hamilton and his family were exposed, and it is said that some of them were stricken, but all managed to recover. The alarming extent of the disease upon several occasions practically led to the abandonment of Philadelphia by those who could afford to go. After leaving their house in that city, the Hamilton family first went to the hills and [then to Albany, but for a time were quarantined outside of the limits of the latter place.
Previous to this time the Schuylers devised measures to lessen the danger of contagion and to remove the children to a healthier spot, and when the danger became alarming this was done. Later they prevailed upon the Hamiltons to join their children. In the following letter the "little one" referred to is John Church Hamilton who was then more than a year old.
One writer whose book bears the title of "Occasional Writings on the Yellow Fever. Addresses to Those Who have not Forgotten what has Happened Within a Few Years Among their Friends and Fellow Citizens, by a Philadelphia presents tables showing the enormous death-rate up to iSoa. Upon the authority of Benjamin Johnson, 13,394 persons were buried in "Potter's Field" in that city from August I to November 9,1793.
Philip Schuyler to Elizabeth Hamilton
Albany, Sunday 16, 1793.
My dearly beloved Child: I feel that It will give you pain to be deprived for some time longer of the pleasure of embracing your Dear Children, but the reasons assigned in my letter to my Dear Hamilton are such as I trust your good sense will acquiesce in,—especially when you reflect what additional anxiety I should be exposed to If the Children were with you before It is fully ascertained that all danger from the dreadful disorder is at an end.—
The tenderness and affection which your Dear Children evince for us every moment of the day, their docility, the health they enjoy are so many sources of happiness to their parents and to us. The little one strives to articulate, he will soon succeed, he walks from one end of the hall to the other with ease,—eats well, and is the most lively of children.
Your Dear Mama and all the family join me in love,—I hope you are still at fair Hill, and that you will remain there at least until the result is known from the return of the inhabitants who had left the city during the prevalence of the calamity.
Adieu My beloved Child, the best blessings and warmest prayers of Your affectionate parents attend you.
Yours ever affectionately,
Ph. Schuyler.
Mrs. Hamilton.
General Schuyler's solicitude for the comfort of his daughter and her children led him, at this time, to devise means for alleviating their distress, and to bring them to the family home in a Hudson River sloop where they would be safe. In those days the passage from New York to Albany was really in the nature of a voyage. In 1732 a certain Dr. Alexander Hamilton, whose travels took him to Albany, devoted a week to the journey and graphically pictures the discomforts of the sloop, which was the only method of conveyance, and this he does as one would nowadays refer to a transatlantic trip. Fifty years later Hamilton himself, in letters to his wife, speaks of the miserable and comfortless pilgrimages and the dirty and crowded little vessels, which were often obliged to lie to under the lee of the Highlands to await changes in the weather and tide.
The next autumn General Schuyler again wrote to Mrs. Hamilton, urging her to leave Philadelphia.
Philip Schuyler to Elizabeth Hamilton
N. York, Monday, Sept, 39, 1794.
My dearly beloved Child: Reports confirm the former accounts that the Yellow fever prevails in Philadelphia. I must therefore and most earnestly repeat my request that You leave the city immediately, and as you may be exposed to inconveniences on your journey I wish you to go to some decent tavern on the road towards New York. At the Mac-leroys at Bristol if possible and as soon as you receive this to write me, and if You are determined to come away I will set out on Friday with a Stage Wagon which I shall especially engage to bring You, the Children and Servants over. If you have not two horses, to bring your Carriage, bring at least Your Chair as you will travel with more ease in that than in the Waggon.—Pray fail not to write immediately on receipt of this, and if the post should be already come away, send Your letter by some person coming in the Stage, and a copy of It by post—God bless You my Amiable and beloved Child. Embrace the Children for me.
Yours affectionately,
Ph. Schuyler.
Mrs. Hamilton.
As we know, the fever made its appearance in New York as well in 1795, and Mrs. Hamilton's sister Angelica wrote to her:
November the 24, 95.
I implore you my dear Eliza to write to me, there are letters in town so late as the IO" October from New York. I have not a line, and a dreadful fever rages there, and you and yours are there, if you knew what I suffer you would write to relieve a thousand apprehensions—Adieu my Dear Sister.
I embrace you with tendrest
affection. Yours A. Church.
Hamilton, whose many-sided genius found expression in various ways, suggested the cold-water treatment, which, in later years, has been again adopted not only for this disease, but for all toxemic conditions with high temperature. He thus wrote to his wife upon this subject:
Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton
Rye 30 Miles from New York, Tuesday Even.
I am arrived here my Dear Eliza in good health, but very anxious about my Dear Child. I pray heaven to restore him and in every event to support you.—If his fever should appear likely to prove obstinate, urge the Physician to consider well the propriety of trying the cold bath—I expect it will, if it continues, assume a nervous type, and in this case I believe the cold bath will be the most efficacious remedy—but still do not attempt it without the approbation of the Physician. Alas my Betsy how much do I regret to be separated from you at such a juncture. When will the time come that I shall be exempt from the necessity of leaving my dear family. God bless my beloved and all my dear Children. A. H.
Mrs. Hamilton.
The Churches went twice to England, where their life was evidently most delightful, surrounded, as they seem to have been, by all the distinguished people of the day; but although John Church took an active part in public affairs, and became a member of Parliament, his wife was always most intensely patriotic, and yearned for America and her family. At a time when a return to America seemed impossible she wrote from Yarmouth, England, to Mrs. Hamilton: "You and my dear Hamilton will never cross the Atlantic, I shall never leave this Island and as to meeting in heaven—there will be no pleasure in that."
When in this country she wrote to Elizabeth Hamilton from Philadelphia at the time Congress was sitting, and when Hamilton was Secretary of the Treasury:
Philadelphia, Tuesday Morning
[about 1793]
You will hear with pleasure, my dear Eliza that our Kitty is much better, she is going to a ball this evening, her dancing has been so much praised that I fear she will give more disappointment than pleasure. My brother seemed very sad yesterday, and when I questioned him, I was sorry to find little William's health to be the cause of his dejection, his sensibility suffers from the least anxiety to you or your babes, is Miss Pretty less firm in her manner and does Angelica see her Cousin often?
During her absence in Europe in 1787 several of her girl friends were married, and in writing to her sister she said: "Amongst all the distresses that distract my poor country I am happy to hear that celibacy is not one of the number." Several years later her own daughter, Kitty, then a charming young woman who afterward became Mrs. Cruger, had a romance of her own, and met and evidently fascinated the Chevalier de Colbert, who had inherited the great Georgia lands from Comte d'Estaing, who was one of Hamilton's early friends, and in pressing his suit he wrote Hamilton the following interesting letter, in which he asked the latter to intercede for him:
The Chevalier de Colbert to Alexander Hamilton
London, this 7th May, 1800.
It is with great pleasure, Monsieur, that I learn from a letter from die Vicomte D'Orléans, that, confirming the choice already made by the public, the President has appointed you to fill the position of Commander-in-chief of the army, left vacant by the death of General Washington, so that what I told you a month ago is already partly realized, time will bring the rest, and I am very sure that in whatever post Fortune places you, you will justify the discrimination that put you there. The trumpet of war has once more sounded, the Austrians are boasting of great successes in Italy, and they certainly must have had some as they have taken Bocheta, which must entail the capture of Genoa, but the French declare they have had brilliant victories on the Rhine.
We must expect exaggeration on both sides; in one or two months at the earliest shall we be able to foretell upon which side Fortune will declare itself.
Condé's army, paid by England, is marching upon Italy, where it is to don the White Cockade and the old French uniforms; they have orders to make as many recruits as they can.
From what Monsieur le Comte d'Artois told me yesterday, Monseigneur le Due D'Angouleme has left Mittau for Italy to join Monseigneur le Prince de Condé.
General Abercromby leaves here for the Mediterranean with 4,000 men; it seems that England intends to raise an army in order to attack the South of France, where malcontents are numerous; it is said that the Russians who are in Italy will join them, they also talk of a descent upon Normandy to cause a diversion; all that will I think, depend upon the successes that the Austrians or the French will have on the Rhine and in Italy. In the meantime all the emigres are returning to France, I am expecting letters that will decide my course; I know that the sale of my property in Normandy has been forbidden; three months hence I shall know how I stand. You know why I long for wealth. Ah! my dear General, do not be so much my enemy and hers as to allow them—by taking advantage of her submission and respect for her father—to force her into contracting any bonds, that, if her heart be not entirely changed, will make her wretched, and drive me to despair, if, as I hope, I can soon offer her the competence that would satisfy hers and my desires. I know too that Mr. Ch. and you think I am too old. I see very well that you do not know die French. The warmth of their blood prolongs their youth. Away from her I love her as much as all your Americans put together; near her I love her J and shall love her as at twenty, and I could love well.
Moreover you are experienced enough, and she is reasonable enough to know that all the transports of love are often only too shortlived with young men, and that similarities of taste, friendship and confidence are the true foundations of happiness.
Such being the case, I have thirty—perhaps forty years in which to try to contribute to hers, and you know whether I desire it. You may remember that when I left you you told me that time might bring happy changes; I replied that I should have the perseverance and courage that sooner or later overcome fate. I shall have them to the end, and I assure you that before long I shall be able in uniting the little she has by right to what I shall have—to offer her, if not so brilliant a lot as I could wish, at least one that need give her no anxiety for the future.
I have neither time nor inclination to reproach you for your silence. Mme. Ch. who so kindly led me to hope for news of her, has also completely forgotten me. Some one must have played me a very nasty, dirty trick to blacken me in her eyes; it is a fine game to speak evil of the absent. Assure her that that is not what we do here when I am with the Princesse de Craon and Bonné, a young woman who is with her, and who is very fond of Mdlle Kitty; she has begged me to send her two books of music, one of which is of her own composition. I am entrusting to some one who is going to Philadelphia, I send it to you as well-meaning people will not fail to think that this packet encloses something else. You can reassure them, and may open the Scroll before the whole assembled family. Adieu, man général, now that you have an army do not take advantage of your superiority to ingloriously fight a Soldier who has nothing but love on his Side, and who has everything to struggle against. With every respect and assurance of my unchanging attachment,
Le Chev. de C.
Hamilton's ultimate resignation from, the Treasuryship caused a great deal of commotion in the family, and much discussion on the part of General Schuyler, Mrs. Church, and his friends at large. As has been stated, he left public office impoverished, and when he was thirty-seven, and but ten years before his death. It is apparent from his letters that this step was a hard one to take, as his entire life and interests had been merged in the public trust he did so much to organize, and which has altered so little in more than one hundred years. The following letters that passed between himself and his sister-in-law, to whom he often turned, graphically convey his motives and feelings:
Alexander Hamilton to Angelica Church
Philadelphia, December 8, 1794.
You say I am a politician, and good for nothing. What will you say when you learn that after January next, I shall cease to be a politician at all? So is the fact. I have formally and definitely announced my intention to resign at that period, and have ordered a house to be taken for me at New York. My dear Eliza has been lately very ill. Thank God, she is now quite recovered, except that she continues somewhat weak.
My absence on a certain expedition was the cause.
You will see, notwithstanding your disparagement of me, I am still of consequence to her. Liancourt has arrived, and has delivered your letter. I pay him the attention due to his misfortunes and his merits. I wish I was a Croesus; I might then afford solid consolations to these children of adversity, and how delightful it would be to do so. But now sympathy, kind words, and occasionally a dinner, are all I can Contribute. Don't let Mr. Church be alarmed at my retreat. [All is well with the public. Our insurrection is most happily terminated. Government has gained by it reputation and strength, and our finances are in a most flourishing condition. Having contributed to place those of the Nation on a good footings 1 go to take a little care of my own; which need my care not a little.
Love to Mr. Church. Betsey will add a line or two. Adieu.
And again later, after the actual resignation:
Alexander Hamilton to Angelica Church
Albany, March 6, 1795.
To indulge in my domestic happiness the more freely, was with me a principal motive for relinquishing an office in which 'tis said I have gained some glory, and the difficulties of which had just been subdued. Eliza and our children are with me here at your father's house, who is himself at New York attending the Legislature. We remain here till June, when we become stationary at New York, where I resume the practice of the law. For, my dear sister, I tell you without regret what I hope you anticipate, that I am poorer than when I went into office. I allot myself full four or six years of more work than will be pleasant, though much less than I have had for the last five years.
Angelica Church to Elizabeth Hamilton
London, Feb. 24, 95.
I sincerely congratulate you my dear Eliza on the resignation of our dear Hamilton & on your return to New York where I hope to pass with you the remainder of my days, that is if you will be so obliging as to permit my Brother to give me his society, for you know how much I love & admire him.
I do not by this Ship write to my amiable, but you will thank him for his letters. I was very proud to have the American Ministers intreating me for information from America. I did boast of very long letters & give myself some airs of importance. Mr Jay is very desirous of getting to his fireside, & Mrs. Pinckney preparing for Spain.
The Churches eventually arrived in New York Hamilton secured a house and expended upon it large sums to fix it for the occupancy of his rather exacting sister-in-law, and these we find entered in his books—as well as records of how the family lived, and what they did for a number of years. Among other items charged to Mrs. Church, it appears that he paid "Cash for passages of yourself and servants on Dolls. 370.66," and at an earlier date he "paid acct. of your last landlady for rooms, & some damage done by your servants in removing, £23.9.3."
His own accounts are all neatly and carefully kept up to 1799, but show, after that time, some carelessness and brevity which is in contrast with earlier years. This was probably owing to his multifarious occupations, and possibly to his anxiety about the affairs of his own political party, which then was in the midst of its troubles. A list of excerpts is, I think, worthy of reproduction.
G. Washington expense to Mess, to Morton | $16. | |
1796. | Nov. 11. Contribution for erecting R. C. Church at Albany | 5. |
July 11. For this sum paid to W. McDonald towards Presbyterian Church at Albany | 15. | |
1795. | Oct. 25. Household expenses for this sum paid Henry Seaman for Mourning for Mrs. Hamilton. | 43.25 |
Philip Schuyler paid for Mrs. Schuyler | 22.42 | |
-------- | ||
65.67 | ||
Dec. 6. Account of Expenses, for this sum paid tax on carriage | 10. | |
for this sum paid Mr. Beekman for half a years rent of stable | 50. | |
Dec. 21. George Washington, President for this sum paid for an express to Messrs. Troffer & Matin | 16. | |
May 6. For this sum paid in full for Tuition of my Children in the French language say dollars Eighteen five shillings & 4d ( L. Maillet) | £18.6.5 | |
May 18. Household Furniture for a Dining Table & Bed Stead | Doll. 108.74. | |
1793. | Ju. 10. Account of Donation for the sum given away | 30. |
ditto July 4 | 10. | |
To Stock Account for price of Horse & Chaise Sold | 250. | |
1796. | For this sum paid M. Ten Eyck ¼ house rent | 218.75 |
1796. | Sept. 7. Account of Donation for this sum paid on account of rent for Isaac Sherman | 37.50 |
Sept. 12. For this sum deposited for payment of duties on a pipe of wine | 60. | |
Oct. 11. For this sum paid Archibald Drummond for stationery | 21.20 | |
For Sundry books & account | 50. | |
Paid Doctors Bard & Hosack | ||
1795 & 1796 | 110. | |
1798 | 100. | |
1802 | 246.50 | |
1804 pd. Dr. Hosack July 3 | 120. | |
1797 Apothecaries bill | 14. | |
1795. Sum for Bendon's note given to Mrs. Hamilton to take out in groceries | £13. 5. | |
for a guinea in addition paid for Mrs. Hamilton | £1.17.4 | |
1795. | For two guineas given to a poor French | .9.33 |
family given in private character | £1. | |
Account of expenses. Dr. to Cash. for this sum paid Judy Perkins Negro woman for her wages several years ago, which she alleges was detained from her in consequence of a claim by Major Turner who demands her wages as his servant (p Rect on Receipt Book | Dr. 12.50 | |
1795. | for this sum paid for keeping of horses & Carriage | 8. |
1795. | Aug. 28. for this sum paid for Cabinet Wares | 67.13 |
Sept. 22. Account of donations Dr. in Cash for this sum paid to Henry King for Board of Mrs. De Grove a French refugee | 19. | |
1796. | Oct. this sum del'd Mrs. Hamilton on going to Albany | 100. |
this sum on my return November 1 | 20. | |
my expences to and from Albany | 40. | |
Oct. 4. for Subscription to Dancing Assembly | 20. | |
Nov. 11. for this sum paid Hallet & Browne for 2 Chaldrons of Coal | 30. | |
for fruits | 3. | |
24. J. Lyon & Co. for 2 ½ Chaldrons of Coal | 37.50 | |
Dec 6 this sum paid Doctor Jones for two firkins of butter | 50.55 | |
(£20.4.6) | ||
Dec. 23. paid Berry & Rogers for Books | 10. | |
1796. | Dec. for this sum in Charity | 17. |
" | 5. | |
" | 5. | |
" | 5. | |
Paid Sherrard his account | £13.7.6. | |
1797. | Feby 13. Library, paid J. Rivington for books | 22.37 |
Febr 24. paid Subscription to ball | 5. | |
Mar. 7. William Duer cash lent this day | 30. | |
Mar. 10. paid Mrs. Hamilton for subscription to a Bible | 5. | |
May 22. R. Troupe for parchment purchased of him 30 skins at 5/10 | 21.88 | |
May 29. John B. Church paid for a negro woman & child | 225. | |
Aug. 29. Tax on house & Stabel | 43.40 | |
" " personal tax | 9.30 | |
Oct. 16. paid Crier Albany in full | 10. | |
Nov. 24. paid Hair dresser's bill | 20. | |
1798. | Feby 1. for my expenses to and from Albany | 50. |
Subscription towards Reading Room | 1.50 | |
Feby 14. " to Presidents Ball | 5. | |
March, Household furniture, Plate presented by M. le Guen | 500. | |
Case v. Gouverneur | ||
Expended at Philadelphia last Summer | 100. | |
April 1. Library Acct for paid towards Encyclopedia | 40.20 | |
paid on journey to New Haven | 100. | |
May 1. paid Mr. Ten Eyck half year's rent ending yesterday | 437.50 | |
Marinus Willet, this sum lent his wife | 125. | |
May 9. paid Dr. Belleville bill in full | 12.50 | |
May 18. Delvd. E. Hamilton, & paid for pistols | 62. | |
June 30. paid Independence Dinner | 10. | |
Aug. 23. paid Wyllies house & Chaise hire | 30. | |
Dec. 18. paid Mrs. Hamilton some time since | 100. | |
1799. | Jan. 12. Expenses for a Demijohn of wine | 20. |
Jan. 19. paid French Taylor | 100. | |
Jan. 29. to Military Service compensation for November & December | 536.70 | |
Febr. 12. paid for Prints | 28. | |
1799. | Mar. 1. Expences for half the rent of a Country place last fall | 37.50 |
paid Isaac Jones | ||
Mar. 29. United States Postage paid by Capt. Church | 21. | |
postage paid by Mrs. Williams to accountant of War Dept. | 215.84 | |
1802. | Febr. By Bank N. Y. overdrawn | 50. |
Expense House Rent | 110. | |
1799. | Sept. 25. Paid for horse | 125. |
1802. | May 12. Expenses Philip's funeral | 266.11 |
1803. | Charity, Alms House | 105. |
The accounts of the last few years are even more condensed and less orderly, and are grouped under "Receipts & Expenditures." Many of these refer to the building of the Grange where he lived until his death, and to the payment of household expenses, wages, etc.
In another part of the book appear several entries, undoubtedly in connection with the election of John Adams, and showing that even in those days a degree of conviviality was indispensable to the exercise of the franchise.
Disbursements for Elections
1796 | Paid Jones printer for printing nominating tickets | Drs. 2. |
Aprl. 16. paid R. Boyd for tavern expenses " Hobson " " " | 15. | |
pd. Hammond as my share | 30. | |
"Van Orden for Tavern Expenses | 9.37 | |
City of N. Y. in acct. with A. H. | ||
1788. | McClean Printer at different times paid an execution agst Capt. ----- on acct. of Rockets expended in the procession. |
The cost of living in this city in those days may be approximately reached by this bill for provisions for about ten days:
No. 45. Reinhard Kahmer bot for Cornal Hamilton at Sundred times
1791 | ||
October 19th | To" 3 " bushels of potatoes at 2s/9d | £0.8.3 |
To a ½ "peck of pears | 0.1.10½ | |
To a ½ "bushel of turnips | 0. 1.3 | |
To " 3 "bunches of Carrots & Cabeges | 0.0.9 | |
To " 8 " lb. beef at 3½ | 0.2 4 | |
To " 12½ " lb. mutton at 4d½ | 0.4.8 | |
To " " " " buns & som yearbs | 0. 1. 8½ | |
20" | To " 6 " lb. beef at 3½ | 0.1.9 |
To " 2 " bushels of Apels | 0.5.0 | |
To " 8 " lb. butter at 1/3 | 0.10.0 | |
21" | To " 17 " lb. beef at 6 & 1 lb. Suet at 8d | 0.9.2 |
To " 3 "Dozen of Eggs | 0.3.0 | |
To "13½ " lb. Mutton at 5d | 0.5.7½ | |
To a ½ " peck of pears & Spinnag | 0.2.3 | |
To onions 5½ Endif 3d & Salrey 8d | 0.1.4½ | |
To a Copel of fowls | 0.2.0 | |
To a basket | 0.1.11½ | |
22" | To " 7¾ " lb. Veal at 7d | 0.4.6½ |
To " 7½ " lb. beef at 5d | 0.3.1 | |
To time & parsly | 0.1.6 | |
To a set of Calfs feet | 0.0.6 | |
To " 1½ " bushel of turnips at 2d/6 | 0.3.9 | |
To Eggs & Cabeges | 0.2.6½ | |
To Quals, tripe | 0.2.6 | |
To "13 " lb. mutton at 4d | 0.4.0 | |
------- | ||
£4.4.8 | ||
24th | To " 9 " lb. beef at 4d | 0.3.0 |
To " 2 " bushels of turnips 2s/6d | 0.5.0 | |
To " 4 " fouls at 3/9 | 0.3.9 | |
25" | To " 5 " bushels of potatoes at 2/9 | 0.13.9 |
To " 10½ " lb. Corn beef at 5d | 0.4. 4½ | |
To " 20 " lb. pork at 4½ | 0.7.6 | |
To " 14 " lb. mutton at 4d | 0.4.8 | |
To Cabeges | 0.3.4 | |
October 25th | To " ½ " bushels of Cramberies | 0.3.6 |
To " 12 " dozen of Eggs at 10 & 4 dozen at 3-9 | 0.13.9 | |
To " 6 " lb. butter at 1/4 | 0.8.0 | |
29 " | To a tung Salt | 0.2.6 |
To " 13 " lb. mutton at 4½ | 0.4.1 0½ | |
To " 3 " teal at 1/3 a piece & Carrits 6d | 0.4.3 | |
To Swete potatoes | 0.0.11 | |
------- | ||
£8.7.10 |