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Chapter X
The Years from 1790 to 1800

In the fall of 1790, as has been said, Hamilton went to Philadelphia with his family, and applied himself assiduously to his financial work which had been commenced in New York. The obligations of the nation were great indeed, and consisted not only of its original indebtedness to France, but of debts incurred in the campaign of St. Clair against the Indians in the North-west, and for various other purposes. Much of his official labor was connected with two prospective foreign loans which entailed great trouble and worry, and met with unlooked-for opposition from Giles, a Virginian, whom Hamilton, however, had often befriended in the past. This man, acting upon instructions from Jefferson and his friends, did all he could in Congress to hamper Hamilton in his continued efforts to prevent the nation from becoming bankrupt, accusing him of irregular practices, and among other things, of favoritism to certain banks.

Hamilton, as usual, had no trouble in thoroughly vindicating himself and presenting ample documentary evidence of the perfect order of all his transactions. So that his enemies were again discomfited.

About this time a new and very serious condition of affairs had to be met, for the international complications of the young republic were many. Hardly secure in her new footing in the family of nations, her adjustment to the ways of her older sisters was slow and difficult. Some of this was due to the jealousy of the two great countries, from the control of one of which she had freed herself a few years previously, and some to the chagrin that that nation naturally felt in the apparent success of French influence. It is true that "a definitive treaty of peace and friendship between His Britannic Majesty and the United States of America was signed at Paris, the 3d day of September, 1783, in the name of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity," but this was apparently insufficient, and Great Britain had not only left much undone, but had continued, among other things, to infringe upon the rights of the emancipated colonists.

John Adams had been sent abroad, had signed the first treaty of peace, and later attempted fresh negotiations with England, but he was treated discourteously, though he did all in his power to conciliate the mother country. He returned, however, empty-handed, without having accomplished anything. England was not disposed to fulfil her obligations in paying us for the negroes she had carried away near the close of the Revolution, and in many ways was arrogant and unjust. The American jingoes had no warm welcome for Mr. Adams, and a historian of the time said, "after Mr. Adams' return from England he was implicated by a large portion of his countrymen as having relinquished the Republican system, and forgotten the principles of the American revolution which he had advocated for nearly twenty years."

From the overthrow of Louis XVI until 1800 and later, the United States not only suffered internal dissensions, but her relations with both England and France were of the most discouraging kind. Hamilton's energies were first directed to the establishment of a more perfect reconciliation with the people speaking our own tongue, and with established institutions of the kind best calculated to benefit his own country. indeed, our success and prosperity were, at an early period, attracting the attention and respect of Great Britain, and the first evidence of a tardy rapprochement was the arrival of George Hammond, who was sent as diplomatic agent to join in negotiations for a treaty. Hamilton's exertions were unremitting. He disregarded the aggression and the enemy that he and others had just defeated, for he recognized the advantages of harmonious relations with an important, rich, and powerful commercial nation. As early as 1790, both Hamilton and Adams showed that the trade regulations of Great Britain were more favorable to the United States than those of France, although the latter had been our ally.

Owing to Jefferson's sympathy with the French, and his dislike of England, Hamilton's efforts at conciliation and an orderly adaptation to new conditions were, with difficulty, carried on. A new and disturbing influence which made itself manifest about this time was the absolute change in our attitude toward France after her Revolution.

After the War of Independence America bought freely from England, but not from France, much to the disappointment of the latter. Then, again, the debt of the United States to France had been incurred at a time previous to the revolt and overthrow of the king, and it was seriously questioned, even by Hamilton himself, whether the obligation should not be repudiated so far as the new government, which he never willingly recognized, was concerned.

His sentiments are embodied in a paper hitherto unpublished which I cannot identify. It is a fragment, but was probably written at a time when great pressure was being brought by Jefferson, Paine, and others, to have the United States take up the cause of the French Republic, and establish an entente with France.

All this was and is seen, and the body of the people of America are too discerning to be long in the dark about it. Too wise to have been misled by foreign or domestic machinations, they adopted a constitution which was necessary to their safety and to their happiness. . . . Too wise to be ensnared by the same machinations, they will support the government they have established, and will take care of their own peace, in spite of the insidious efforts, which are making to detach them from the one and to disturb the other. . . .

The information, which the address of the Constitution contains, ought to serve as an instructive lesson to the people of this Country. It ought to teach us not to overrate foreign friendships. . . to be upon our guard against foreign attachments. The former will generally be found hollow and delusive; the latter have a natural tendency to lead us aside from our true interest and to make us the dupe of foreign influence.

Foreign influence is truly the Grecian horse to a republic. We cannot be too careful to exclude its entrance. Nor ought we to imagine that it can only make its approaches in the gross form of direct bribery. It is then most dangerous, when it comes under the patronage of our passions, under the auspices of national prejudice and partiality. . . .

I trust the morals of the country are yet too good to leave much to apprehend on the score of bribery. Careless condescentions, flattery, in unison with our prepossessions, are infinitely more to be feared; and as far as there is opportunity for corruption, it is to be remembered, that one foreign Power can employ this resource, as well as another, and that the effect must be much greater, where it is combined with the other means of influence, than where it stands alone.

The observations and facts contained in this paper, while they lead to the conclusions just drawn, serve also to demonstrate, that as far as the conduct of France towards us in our late revolution created a claim to our acknowledgement and friendship1 these dispositions were immediately due to the then sovereign of the country and could not justly have been withdrawn from him to be placed elsewhere.

Gratitude alone therefore would not have recommended our assisting the French Nation against him. . . . As far as that principle was allowed to have any operation; -- this, upon a just estimate, would have been the result; that we ought not to take part against the person on whose sole will the assistance we received had depended -- that we ought not to take part with him, against the nation whose blood and whose treasure had been the means in his hands of that assistance.

"But Louis the XVI was a Tyrant. By his perjuries and his crimes he forfeited his crown and his life, and with these his title to our esteem and sympathy. -- Besides -- he is now no more. . . whatever competition may have before existed ceased with his death. The claim to our gratitude has by this devolved exclusively upon the Nation."

That Louis was a Tyrant is contradicted too emphatically by the whole tenor of his life to be credited without better evidence than has yet been produced. That he was guilty of the crimes which were the pretexts of his death remains still to be proved to an impartial world. Against the presumption of his guilt, this strong argument, independent of other topics which might be urged, presents itself. . . . "If the Convention had possessed clear proofs of the guilt of Louis, they would have promulgated them to the world in an authentic and unquestionable shape: Respect for the opinion of mankind, regard for their own character, the interests of their cause made this an indispensable duty, and would have produced a correspondent effect, if the case had admitted or it -- The omission is a satisfactory indication that the means of doing it were not possessed; and that the melancholy catastrophe of Louis XVI was the result rather of a supposed political expediency than of real criminality."

In a case so circumstanced, does it consist even with our justice or humanity to participate in the angry and vindictive passions, which are endeavored to be excited against him?

Hamilton then goes on to question the propriety of extending the "refined and beneficient sentiment of gratitude" to the successors of the murdered king, and says:

Shall we not be more sure of violating no obligation of that sort, of not implicating the delicacy of our national character, by taking no part in the contest, than by throwing our weight into either scale?

But the cause of France is the cause of Liberty. 'Tis our own cause; and it is our first duty to countenance and promote it -- Whatever foundation there may be for this suggestion, it is entirely foreign to the question of gratitude -- It turns upon a principle wholly distinct. Gratitude has reference only to kind offices received. The obligation to and the cause of liberty has reference to the abstract intrinsic merits of that cause -- It is possible that the benefactor may be on one side -- the defenders and supporters of liberty on the other. Gratitude may point that way . . . the lover of liberty this. . . . There is a necessary distinction to be made.

How far the last mentioned consideration ought to operate with us will be hereafter examined.

As usual, any attempt upon his part to even tolerate things British was misunderstood, and he was forever accused of acting against the national interests, and being an Anglophile. In this connection it is curious to find that he was not only unjustly judged at home, but the same fairness which impelled him to fight the Trespass Act many years before, protecting the rights of the Tories themselves, led to the assumption by the representative of England that he was really in improper sympathy with Great Britain, because he appeared in court in Tory cases.

Mr. Barclay, the English Consul in New York, said after Hamilton's death, in a letter to a Mr. Merry: "July 13, 1804. By the public papers you will be informed of the unfortunate death of General Hamilton, one of the most reputable characters of this State, and a gentleman of eminent talents. I consider him even as a loss to His Majesty and our Government from the prudence of his measures, his conciliatory disposition, his abhorence of the French Revolution and all republican principles and doctrines, and his great attachment to the British Government."

After much delay and obstruction John Jay, who was then the Chief Justice, was sent to England with a treaty. Lord Grenville had already paved the way by a conciliatory speech, and at length there seemed to be some hope that advantageous commercial relations might be attained. Hamilton, who had first been named as an envoy, appreciating the opposition of those at home, and believing he could do more good in his own country by meeting the intrigues and hostile schemes of Randolph and Monroe, and at least keeping and exercising control of the Treasury, remained at his post. In spite of the attacks of Burr and the other anti-Federalists, Jay's nomination in the Senate was confirmed, and he ultimately embarked. His mission was beset with difficulties, for offensive and irritating measures directed against Great Britain were proposed, and it is said that the very ship that conveyed the American representative carried insulting papers which were not calculated to help the treaty or to insure Jay a warm welcome.

Congress had extended the embargo on English vessels, and did all it could to thwart the negotiations by all manner of petty proceedings. Another faction of the Democratic party sent tactless, congratulatory messages to the disorderly French revolutionists, and fomented the lawless feeling at home, which not only led to the persecution of those favoring the treaty, but to actual personal assaults. The so-called Jacobin clubs burned Jay in effigy and paraded the streets, and even brutally stoned and assaulted Hamilton when he attempted to speak in public.

A French vessel loaded with gunpowder was permitted to pass the embargo, but was captured by the British vessels of war, and this also aroused new agitation. When Jay arrived in England, he was directed to demand compensation for losses through unlawful depredations; to insist that no armed force should be maintained by either party on the Great Lakes; that more liberal opportunities should be given to trade with the Indians living in the territories of either country; in fact, that they should not be encouraged to fight or be supplied with munitions of war or unusual stores.

Besides these, compensation should be given for negroes carried away by the British, and various minor commercial and territorial concessions were demanded, some of which had relation to the surrender of posts. In its turn the United States agreed to indemnify the mother country for losses arising from legal obstructions interposed to the recovery of the ante-Revolutionary debts not exceeding in the whole a certain sum to be named.1 Upon Jay's arrival on June 15, 1794, he at first met with opposition, but the treaty, with slight modifications, was agreed to, and signed by Jay and Lord Grenville, on November 19, 1794, though not received in Philadelphia until almost six months later. The enmity and bad feeling still existed, together with much disorder, but the treaty was finally ratified by only four votes in 1796. Washington's attempt to enforce it met with fresh lawlessness. A timid Congress was disposed to thwart its operations. It was then that Hamilton and his father-in-law were strongly alarmed -- for, under the circumstances, Great Britain had shown an extraordinary amount of forbearance. It was, therefore, thought best to stir the citizens of their own State as well as others to a sense of danger and the possible consequences of bad faith. General Schuyler at once circulated a broadside, of which a facsimile is given herewith, and in a letter to Hamilton told of his efforts to accomplish something.

He also wrote to Hamilton, April 25, 1796:

Philip Schuyler to Alexander Hamilton

DEAR SIR: Unadvised of the measures pursuing at New York, relative to the treaty with Britain, It was not deemed prudent to convene the citizens here on the subject, until we received information from your city. On Saturday morning the mail arrived, and the Herald announced what had been done. About forty citizens were immediately convened, and unanimously agreed to petition in the words of the New York petition, with no other variation than what was requisite to accommodate It to the people in this quarter. 500 copies were immediately printed, proper persons appointed to invite the signature of the Citizens individually. Before sunset this was compleated, all having subscribed Except about -- who declined. Many decided Antifederalists concurred and signed.

A circular letter was prepared, directed to the Supervizors, assessors and town Clerks, of the several towns in this and the counties to the Eastward, Northward and Westward of this. Several of these, with copies of the petition, are already dispatched, and the residue will be sent today. -- We believe the subscribers will be numerous.

The petition from this city will be sent to Philadelphia by this day's mail. --

We are anxious to hear the result of the Application to the citizens of New York, and If favorable, will It be communicated in a formal manner, by the New York committee. --

The inclosed is copy of the letter, which accompanies the copy of the petition to the several towns.

Pray drop me a line, advising me of the latest intelligence from Philadelphia, on this important subject.

Adieu. My love to all

Yours most affectionately

PH. SCHUYLER.

Alexander Hamilton, Esq.

This action seems to have been amply justified, for the strain was indeed great, and upon previous occasions acute trouble had been imminent, because of the presence of foreign men-of-war in New York harbor. The Daily Advertiser, two years previously, contained a proclamation of Governor George Clinton, in which he forbade "all ships and vessels of foreign nature except those engaged in Commerce to approach the City nearer than one mile southward of the Southern-most Point of Governor's Island, and all War vessels above this point to retire."

Shortly after the signing of the treaty, and when popular unrest had subsided, Hamilton wrote, urging the Churches to return. It is somewhat amusing to find that the popular disapproval regarding Mr. Jay's arrangements had had its influence, more or less, upon the sister-in-law of its most earnest defender.

"Adieu my dear and naughty Brother," wrote Angelica Church; "it will be impossible for me to charter a vessel, for how can I bring out furniture when I do not know the number of rooms my house contains. What an agreeable amiable fellow! Mr. Jay's WISE treaty turned into a defender of what he never would himself have deigned to submit to. Voilà mon sentiment change to si vous voulez."

Friends and Fellow-Citizens!

Your attention is called to a subject involving your intereft, your happiness, and your peace. -- Appearances indicate, that a difpostion prevails in a majority of the House of Representatives of the United States, not to make the requisite provision, for carrying into effectt the Treaty lately concluded with Great Britain altho ratified on the part of the United States, by the Constitutional Authorities thereof.

Should our apprehensions, excited by such a disposition be verified, an expensive WAR, with all its attendant calamities, will probably be the result --Indeed the very prospect of it, has already diminished the price of our agricultural produce, to a confiderable extent--the depreciation will doubtless encreafe; while the price of the necesary foreign articles of consumption will certainly rise. Under these impressions, and others. arising from circumstances equally important, the Citizens of many of the States, as preparing remonstances on the subject to the House of Representatives. The Citizens of New-York, have already concluded on their address; and have recommended to you and to us, to afford our aid on this ferious occasion; the inclosed copies are now submitted for signature, by the Citizens of this city--and will, we trust, meet with general approbation, as Citizens of every political party are equally interested in the result.

Will you be pleased to lay it before the Citizens of your town for their determination, and if it meets with their approbation, to intreat their signatures, and when signed, to transmit it at an early day to us.

By order, Ph:

Schuyler, Chairman.

ALBANY, April 23, 1796.

To the Supervisor, Assessors and Town-Clerk, of the town of in the county of

Fac-simile of original Broadside.

[This page intentionally left blank.]

Hamilton's interest in France and Frenchmen, up to 1792, appears to have been continuous and intense before the ascendancy of the republic. Speaking and writing the language with great facility, he not only made friends very readily, as has been shown, with the host of those who, for various reasons, espoused the American cause, but upon several occasions was sent to meet the naval and military commanders upon their arrival. It was he who welcomed d'Estaing, and who acted as the representative of Washington in arranging the details of active co-operation with our force. Possibly he healed internal dissensions, averted the consequences of petty jealousy, and finally sent them home in good spirits, for there is no doubt that the French officers were not always agreed, or upon the best terms with each other. The establishment of the Society of the Cincinnati, for which he was responsible, and which led to so much criticism upon the part of the "American Jacobins," did much to cement the entente between the American officers and their French comrades in arms.

Philadelphia had become the rendezvous of expatriated Frenchmen, and, as a rule, they were clever, capable, and uncomplaining, though they had to adapt themselves to a serious change of fortune, incident to the loss of all they possessed. Mention has been made of some of these. Angelica Church wrote, July 4, 1793, and her final outburst of patriotism is characteristic:

Pray write to me a line to say that you are well for it is an age since I have seen your signature.

I wrote yesterday and recommended to the protection of our dear Minister General Valence who has served in the French army, and who married a Daughter of the celebrated Madame de Genlis who has written many and useful volumes on female Education. I hear my dear that you will give our Hamilton a hint to invite him to dinner, and to be civil to him for I have promised half a dozen pretty French women to recommend him to you.

Mrs. Bache is to return to America next month. I shall see her before she goes, that she may have an opportunity of chatting to you, for she is a sensible and reserved person and cannot talk without a good subject.

Adieu my dear Sister. Pray where is Cornelia? She never does me the favor to write me a line.

My love to Angelica and the Children, embrace my dear Hamilton for me a la Française.

Farewell my dear Sister.

July the 4th, 1793,

Vive la république!

A few months earlier she had written to Hamilton:

MY DEAR BROTHER: You will receive this from a friend of mine and an admirer of your virtues and your talents. He goes to America to partake of that Liberty for which he has often exposed his life, and to render it all the services his knowledge of Europe and of the emigration about to take place to America, give the opportunity of doing.

The Count de Noailles requires less recommendation than most people, because he is well known to you my friend. When you and he have talked over Europe and America, spare a few moments to the recollection of your faithful friend

And affectionate sister,

ANGELICA CHURCH.

London, February 17th, 1793.

Alexander Hamilton, Esq.

The Chevalier de Pontigibaud,1 who had fought in the war and subsequently went back to France, returned at its conclusion to collect the pay due him for his services, and his account of an interview throws light upon the social conditions at the time. He said:

I was glad to meet some of my old comrades in arms, both French and Americans; amongst others the brave and wise Colonel Hamilton, the friend of Washington, and who was afterwards unfortunately killed in a duel by Colonel Burgh [sic]. Hamilton, who had quitted the army and returned to civil life, was a lawyer, and pleaded in the courts and gave consultations. We often talked together, -- much to my profit, -- of the causes of the war, the actual condition of the United States, and the probable destiny of the nation. Anyone who had heard us talking about events which were then a matter of history, would have taken us for two of the speakers in Lucian's or Fénelon's "Dialogues of the Dead."The American War," I said, "began in a very singular manner, and was carried on in a way yet more singular. It seems to me, on summing up all my observations, that the English made a mistake in sending troops against you, instead of withdrawing those which were already in the country, as did you submit at once you must have inevitably ended by winning sooner or later. You gained experience and discipline in the indecisive engagements which were fought, and the scholars were bound to finish by becoming as clever as their masters. Look, for instance, at the Swedes under Charles XII. and the Russians under Peter the Great."

"You are right, no doubt," he replied, "but their second fault was to give the two brothers Howe each a command. The general undertook scarcely anything by land in order to allow his brother, the admiral, the chance to distinguish himself at sea. All that the English need have done was to blockade our ports with twenty-five frigates and ten ships of the line. But, Thank God, they did nothing of the sort."

"Thank God, indeed," I said, "for I believe that America would have come to terms with the mother country. I am the more inclined to believe this, as I notice there are a great many Tories in your country, and I see that the rich families still cling to the King's Government."

"Yes; and thus it happens," he replied, with a smile, "that though our Republic has only been in existence some ten years, there are already two distinct tendencies, -- the one democratic, the other aristocratic. In Europe they always speak of the American Revolution, but our separation from the mother country cannot be called a revolution. There have been no changes in the laws, no one's interests have been interfered with, everyone remains in his place, and all that is altered is that the seat of government is changed. Real equality exists among us at present, but there is a remarkable difference of manners between the inhabitants of the Northern and Southern States. The negro is free at Philadelphia, but he is a slave in Virginia and Carolina. Large fortunes are made in the Southern States, because the Country is rich in production; but it is not the same in the Northern States."

"Yes," I said, "those who claim to look into the future may see in some nation, -- as you say, -- two diverging tendencies; the one towards democracy, the other towards aristocracy; but if some separation of these elements could be made quietly and without strife, would the people be any the happier? Territorial possessions are, there is no doubt, but lightly esteemed in your country, which is perhaps owing to the fact that the British or Anglo-American of today only dates back to Penn and his colony, or only a hundred years or so. An estate over here rarely remains ten or twelve years in the same hands."

"That is partly due," answered he, "to the facilities for changing our place of residence, and to the fact that land which is relatively dear near the great cities, is much cheaper at some distance from them. Besides we are essentially business men; with us, agriculture is of small account; commerce is everything."

"That is true," I said, "many persons believe they have but to land in the United States to make a fortune, and the first question that is put to you when you arrive, is 'Do you come here to sell or buy?'"

I have given, as nearly as I can remember it, all that passed between the soldier-lawyer and me at this interview, but I cannot forget the singularly wise reflection that I heard him make one day, on the subject of the French interference in the American War.

"Considering the question by itself," I said to him, "the Cabinet of Versailles would seem to have committed a political fault in having openly supported the Americans in the War of Independence, and more particularly for having sent over here all the young nobility of the Court, who returned embued with republican principles. It has been maintained that the proper action for France was to remain neutral and take advantage of the difficulties of England, to occupy, and thus make her restore Canada, which has always remained French at heart. This double opportunity of war, or re-occupation, would have furnished an outlet for surplus population, which, failing that, has overflowed in the form of a revolution on our own monarchy, and has then inundated Europe."

This speech made him think of the young nobles, who had overrun America like the sheep of Panurge, without, however, reducing the surplus population of France, and Colonel Hamilton could not help laughing as he replied:

"You are right. I am speaking in opposition to our own interests, for it is to the French arms that we owe our independence, but your Government would, perhaps, have done better if it had sent us your lower orders instead of your, upper."

Great was the distress and misery of the people who crowded here to escape the persecution at home. The Count de Tousard was a brave artillery officer during the war of the Revolution, and later entered the reorganized army in 1799.

At the time when the disrupting influence of the French Republic had even extended across the Atlantic and did so much harm here, Tousard, who had, meanwhile, paid a visit to his native country, returned just before the cruel persecution of suspected persons became so great. He wrote to Mrs. Hamilton the following:

Louis Tousard to Elizabeth Hamilton

WILMINGTON, June 4th, 1794.

MADAM: Too great was my trouble when I had the honor to meet with you a few days ago in the city; and perhaps you could not understand all the unfortunate events which I related to you.

My sister-in-law [Mrs. Tousard's eldest sister] flying from under the guillotine which has destroyed most of all her family, guilty of no other crime but of having married a man of nobility, has just landed in this Continent, but the ship which brought her in was unhappily cast away on the Eastern shores of New Jersey; her and her children's life saved but her goods and even cloathes all lost -- the news of her sister's death overwhelmed her entirely.

I hastened her home, foreseeing that after so much trouble both of mind and body she would not be long without getting sick, and indeed two days after, feeling great pains in her body she was soon reduced so very low by the ague and spitting of blood that it is but since yesterday that we see some relaxations in her pains and in our uneasiness on her account; but alas! I fear that she keeps in her bosom the principle of the disease which has carried off the dear Madame de Tousard. I have given her the cloathes of her sister. She is not in want, but the three children are most naked and the rigourous season is coming very fast, my resources entirely exhausted in helping so many others exist no more -- a circumstance which concerns me so nearly though I was far from foreseeing it.

In such a critical conjuncture for me, I had a mind to apply to Col. Hamilton and to deposite in his friendly heart all my anxieties and sollicitudes, but being not yet certain of his return at home and knowing that there is not a sentiment in one of your hearts which is not felt by the others, I did not hesitate to apply to you, Madam, and recommend to your sensibility those three unfortunate children. The two daughters are something more than Martine and Caroline, the son is seven years old. I wish I could send him to college and the two daughters to Mrs. Mitchell at Burlington, but it is out of my power to advance the necessary money for it. If any generous soul of your acquaintance could supply my deficiency at this moment, I hope that in a few years my sister-in-law would be able to return together with gratitude the money advanced to enable her children not to lose so precious a time for their education. I beg your pardon, Madam, for troubling you so often with the account of my countrymen's misfortunes; but in the same time, I cannot but rejoice myself in having found a heart so compatient with them and your name will be for ever engraved in theirs.

I have the honor to be with respect Madam

Your most humble and obedient servant

DE TOUSARD.

With the overthrow of Louis XVI and the formation of the national Committee of Safety serious trouble was inevitable, and the doctrines, if they might be so called, of the savage rabble found a fertile soil here for the incubation of revolutionary disorder. Here the unstable followers of Jefferson, already hating the Federalists, were quite ready to adopt the wild, anarchistic ideas of those who kept the guillotine so busy, and were ever drunk with the blood lust. Thomas Paine, Bentham, and a host of religious reformers, atheists, and communists had preached their extreme and socialistic doctrines. Within a few months after the murder of the king a note was addressed to a number of individuals, both here and elsewhere, making them "citizens" of the French Republic. The list of people thus honored included the names of "Georges Washington, James Maddison, Anacharsis Klootz, Jeremy Bentham, Joseph Priestly and

'Jean' Hamilton." The first document was signed by Danton. The second by Roland. Hamilton's endorsement upon the back of the folio he received is indicative of the contempt he felt. It is as follows:

"Letter from Government of French Republic

transmitting me a Diploma of Citizenship mistaking the Christian name.

Oct, 1792.

curious example of French finesse."

The communication is the following.

Paris: le 10 Octobre 1792, I'an I de la République Françoise.

J'ai l'honneur de vous adresser ci-joint, Monsieur, un imprimé revêtu du sceau de l'Etat, de la Loi du 26 Août dernier, qui confère le titre de Citoyens François à plusieurs Etrangers. Vous y lirez, que la Nation vous à placé au nombre des amis de l'humanité et de la société, aux quels Elle à déféré ce titre.

L'Assemblée Nationale, par un Décret du 9 Septembre, a charge le Pouvoir exécutif de vous adresser cette Loi; j'y obéis, en vous priant d'être convaincu de la satisfaction que j'éprouve dêtre, dans cette circonstance, le Ministre de la Nation, et de pouvoir joindre mes sentimens particuliers à ceux que vous témoigne un grand Exemple dans l'enthousiasme des premiers jours de la liberté.

Je vous prie de m'accuser la recéption de ma Lettre, afin que la Nation soit assurée que la Loi vous est parvenue, et que vous comptez également les François parmi vos Frères.

Le Ministre de l'Intérieur de la République Françoise ROLAND.

M. Jean Hamilton, dans les Etats-Unis de l'Amérique.

As a result of his sympathy with the French cause, Joseph Priestley,1 one of those honored by the certificate of citizenship, found his stay in England so uncomfortable that he came here in 1794. An English mob had attacked his laboratory, wrecked his house, and violently assaulted him so that he barely escaped with his life. He appears to have known Mr. Church in London, and came with a letter of introduction.

Angelica Church to Alexander Hamilton

MY DEAR BROTHER: You will have the pleasure to receive this letter by Dr. Priestley, a man dear to virtue and to science. Without the advantage and satisfaction of his acquaintance, I revere him for his works, and take a particular interest that he should be well received in America. That happy country which seems reserved by Providence as an Assylum from the crimes and persecutions which make Europe the pity and disgrace of the age.

You my dear Brother will receive with distinguished kindness this worthy stranger, (if he whose breast teems with the love of mankind may anywhere be called a stranger) and make our country so dear to him as to cause him to forget that which he leaves at an advanced period of Life and which he has most ably served.

Mr. Church is under the first attack of the Gout. He unites in love to you and dear Eliza.

I am my dear Brother

your affectionate sister

ANGELICA CHURCH.

England had declared war upon France, and this was not without its influence upon the democrats or French sympathizers, as well as the patriots abroad. Angelica Church wrote from London: "My heart beats with anxiety and fear. The Americans here speak of a war between this country and one a thousand fold dearer to me which Heaven avert. In consequence of this an order from the British Court has been issued to take all ships heading for France or her Colonies. Show this to Hamilton and bid him write to me for he is too silent."

This action led, not only to much interference with commerce, but much injustice was done to American subjects.

The interference with American shipping by English cruisers never entirely stopped, and during the war with France this was often most offensive. Mr. Richard Olive was a prosperous merchant in New York, but after the French Revolution he attempted to take his family back for a visit, with disagreeable results which he communicated to his friend, Alexander Hamilton, who was also his lawyer, in this pathetic letter:

Richard Olive to Alexander Hamilton

DARTMOUTH, Sep. 1801.

There could not possibly be two more astounding contrasts for us than that from New York to Dartmouth to which place we have been brought after 35 days' passage; the interest and kindness with which you have honored my family make it my duty to give you a faithful account of the events that have happened to us since we left happy America, that beautiful part of the world in which Providence has placed men who do honor to humanity!

We were sailing with perfect security under a flag that we believed to be more than ever respected in Europe, since generous America had covered the ocean with her vessels in order to succour England by sending her the large quantity of provisions she lacked. Personally I was perfectly tranquil [undisturbed ?] being provided with a passport from Col. Barclay,1 under whose protection I thought to be secure from all persecution in regard to the time at which I had emigrated; at the entrance to the Channel we were met by the British Cruiser Fly, Captain Thomas Duval, homeward bound from the African Coast; he sent Captain Jan Landon on board the Georgia to examine all her papers with strict attention, having found them all correct he allowed us to proceed; the examining officer told Captn Duval that there was a French family on board, and that Mme Olive had not left her bed since leaving N. York; we were quite close to the English frigate; it was perfectly calm; Captn Duval came on board with his surgeons to offer assistance to Mme Olive with a grace that yet adorns mankind. To this gallant and generous officier of His Majesty I showed all that I must naturally feel in such circumstances; he was short of provisions, I had the satisfaction of offering him half of mine, and during the 5 days that we were within reach there was a continual engagement of proceedings in no wise hurtful and that leave no trace but those of reciprocal esteem; Monsieur Duval, a young officer whose merit shows itself in spite of great modesty, is that one sent by Lord Nelson overland to India after the battle of the Nile, and who went and returned so promptly; this fact alone proves that he is one of the most distinguished officers; I have infinite pleasure Monsieur, in giving you these details before telling you their hideous contrast.

The Fly was nearly out of sight when we were stopped by two cutters, calling themselves cutters of the King. They sent two boats aboard; they examined our papers and having found them all correct ordered us to proceed. Captain Landon was working the ship ahead, when upon second thoughts he was ordered to stop, and soon after they boarded us in numbers in order to take us into Dartmouth, which we reached the evening of the 17th August. I could fill twenty pages with the account of the barbarous treatment my family endured from the two lieutenants commanding these two cutters, armed by private individuals and hired out to the King. We were confined to the ship twelve days and twelve nights, without holding any communication with anyone whatsoever; M^me Olive and her daughters were searched in their beds and themselves searched to the skin; they forced themselves into the cabin where my sick wife lay, in order to rob her for three days of the only servant she had; I was then escorted to land; in short, towards us they violated the Rights of Nations, the Rights of Men, the protection of passports, the Rights of decency and even the rights of humanity! In vain I asked to see the Governor, the Commander, the Magistrates, with tears of rage and despair; our two tyrants replied with an insulting smile that it was the way of the service; at last I managed to get a letter to Monsieur Rufus King, your Ambassador, telling him in the confusion of my grief that I had no claim upon his protection except that my family had the honor of his acquaintance, and that two of my children were born in his country; he did not lose a moment and applied to Lord St. Vincent with an interest and kindness that filled me with sentiments that no words can express; thus even in Europe, Monsieur, America still protects my unfortunate family; what do we not owe this second fatherland!

Thanks to Mr. King and to Monsieur Duval who also took measures, we are on land, and are meeting with comforting tokens of kindness on the part of all the reputable inhabitants of Dartmouth, and even from the people, who have been told of the severity of the two men who are a disgrace to their society.

The governor has taken in my two eldest daughters and we are now amongst noble and generous English, awaiting orders from the Admiralty.

Captain Landon left three days ago for London, he was held prisoner several days; this estimable Captain redoubled his consideration, exertions and attentions towards my family in our distress. I and mine owe him eternal gratitude. Without the slightest ceremony they deprived me of all my books, my private papers, not leaving me a single one, and that without taking an inventory, without a receipt, without a soul to represent me during the examination. They are at the mercy of the two lieutenants in a lodging house; dead oak leaves could not be neglected with less care.

I expect justice from the Government, if necessary I will go to London to obtain it; if not for myself for those who in the future might experience similar persecution.

I should not know Europe again, ah! Monsieur, how it is all changed! This town had 150 ships. At this moment nine only are being equipped for Newfoundland; the people are tired of war, they sigh and long for peace; everything is at a standstill; children and old men -- such would describe the inhabitants of the town. Everyone speaks with a kind of envy of the prosperity of the United States, in all conversation it is disputed and asked which country offers the greatest resources ? as if each one had thoughts of leaving; I am telling you the exact truth; I also expect to find many changes in my own country, but I had no idea of all that I see here. I beg you to present the most respectful regards from my family to Madame Hamilton and to Mme Church, whose kindness will never be effaced from our hearts.

With assurance of profound respect Monsieur, I am

Your very humble & obedient servant,

RICH^D. OLIVE.

All this time revolutionary clubs were forming, and a large part of the community was in sympathy with the "sister republic."

Angelica Church wrote, January 1, 1793, to her sister from London:

The French are mad, but I have a great curiosity to be well informed in what light they are regarded by the majority of America and what is the opinion of the discerning few. You have intelligence at hand. Alexander can tell you all. I hear the Jacobins have already made a thrust at him, but that he defended himself with vigour. A year later she wrote:

If you ever meet Mr. Bache the printer pray tell him that in France they say that Jacobin clubs are the center of sedition and they are suppressed by the Convention amid the applause and blessings of the people -- this will be a very agreeable article to his supporters the Jacobin democrats. Jefferson's life in France admirably fitted him as leader for the so-called "Republican" party at home. In his "Notes on Virginia" his contemptuous state of mind is apparent, and on his return he began the attack on the so-called "monarchical party," in other words, the Federalists. Imbued with more or less of the discontent and revolutionary feelings of those in France who had just murdered their king, he was quite ready to lend himself to the disorder that had been stirred up by the French agents in the United States. Edmond Charles Genet,1 representing the French Republic, landed in Charleston, South Carolina, April 9, 1793, with his pockets filled with blank commissions and appointments, and fitted out the privateer Embuscade, which patrolled the coast and captured an English merchantman, which it took into Philadelphia. This city, which was then full of émigrés and French sympathizers, including the redoubtable Talleyrand, was in a state of mind to eagerly welcome the swashbuckling Genet, who tied his vessel up to the Market Street wharf, all decorated with the insignia of the revolutionists at home. The bow, stern, and top of the foremast of the Embuscade, we learn, were adorned with liberty caps, while inscriptions were attached to other parts of the ship, all breathing of extravagant promises of liberty, equality, and fraternity. A body of leading citizens, headed by Jefferson and Governor Mifflin, and including Clement Biddle, Rittenhouse, Dallas, Dulonceau, and others, heartily welcomed the French minister with salvos of artillery and fulsome speeches; and, without waiting until he had presented his credentials to President Washington, he accepted an invitation to dinner, which was a remarkably disorderly event. Washington's reception of the man was dignified but freezing, and Genet's embarrassment was further increased by finding pictures of the dead king upon the walls of the executive mansion. His indignation knew no bounds, and this "insult" was only made bearable by the kind sympathy of his new friends, and another public dinner, which must have been a veritable saturnalia. One of the dishes was a roast pig, which Genet proceeded to stick with his knife, meanwhile crying, "Tyrant! tyrant!" He then placed upon his own head a liberty cap, which was transferred to the heads of the others in turn, while the "Marseillaise" was sung by the half-crazed party.

The state of popular feeling was incredible, and the Jacobin clubs, which represented the disorderly majority, lost no opportunity of praising Genet, and encouraging him in his obstinate course of fitting out privateers to prey upon English commerce. So bad did this become that Chief Justice Jay was obliged to issue a warning, and declared it the duty of all grand juries to prosecute persons guilty of such violations of the laws. English prizes were restored to their owners, and even Jefferson, who had silently encouraged the rabble, slowly realized that he was Secretary of State, and tardily admonished Genet.

The incredible arrogance and impudence of this individual was such that he threatened to appeal from the President and his advisers to the people; but luckily the noisy mob was then really in the minority, and cooler reason prevailed. Before this point had been reached, however, Genet attempted to fit out the English prize that had been seized by the Embuscade, which he called the Little Sarah or Petit Democrat. Hamilton, who had stood shoulder to shoulder with Washington, here asserted himself. The situation is summed up in a letter, written by the Secretary of the Treasury to Rufus King:

Alexander Hamilton to Rufus King

PHILADELPHIA, Aug. 13, 1793.

DEAR SIR: The post of to-day brought me your letter of the 10th, but I was too much engaged to reply to it by return of post.

The facts with regard to Mr. Genet's threat, to appeal from the President to the people, stand thus:

On Saturday, the 6th of July last, the warden of this port reported to Governor Mifflin that the brig Little Sarah, since called the Petit Democrat (an English merchant vessel, mounting from two to four guns, taken off our coast by the French frigate the Ambuscade, and brought into this port), had very materially altered her military equipments, having then fourteen iron cannon and six swivels mounted, and it being understood that her crew was to consist of one hundred and twenty men.

Governor Mifflin, in consequence of this information, sent Mr. Dallas to Mr. Genet to endeavor to prevail upon him to enter into an arrangement for detaining the vessel in port, without the necessity of employing or that purpose military force.

Mr. Dallas reported to Governor Mifflin that Mr. Genet had absolutely refused to do what had been requested of him, that he had been very angry and intemperate, that he had complained of ill-treatment from the government, and had declared that "he would appeal from the President to the people;" mentioned his expectation of the arrival of three ships of the line, observing that he would know how to do justice to his country, or, at least, he had a frigate at his command, and could easily withdraw himself from this; adding that he would not advise an attempt to take possession of the vessel, as it would be resisted.

The refusal was so peremptory that Governor Mifflin, in consequence of it, ordered out 120 men for the purpose of taking possession of the vessel.

This conversation between Genet and Dallas was in toto repeated by General Mifflin to General Knox the day following, and the day after that the governor confirmed the declaration with regard to appealing to the people, owned that something like the threat to do justice to his country by means of the ships of the line was thrown out by Mr. Genet, but showed an unwillingness to be explicit on this point, objecting to a more particular disclosure, that it would tend to bring Mr. Dallas into a scrape.

Mr. Jefferson, on Sunday, went to Mr. Genet, to endeavor to prevail upon him to detain the Petit Democrat until the President could return and decide upon the case, but, as Mr. Jefferson afterwards communicated, he absolutely refused to give a promise of the kind, saying only that she would not probably be ready to depart before the succeeding Wednesday, the day of the President's expected return. This, however, Mr. Jefferson construed into an intimation that she would remain. Mr. Jefferson also informed that Mr. Genet had been very unreasonable and intemperate in his conversation (though he did not descend to particulars), and that Dallas had likewise told him (Mr. Jefferson) that Genet had declared he would appeal from the President to the people.

The Petit Democrat, instead of remaining as Mr. Jefferson had concluded, fell down to Chester previous to the Wednesday referred to, where she was when the President returned. A letter was written to Mr. Genet, by order of the President, informing him that the case of the vessel, among others, was under consideration, and desiring that she might be detained until he should come to a decision about her, but this requisition was disregarded. She departed in defiance of it.

I give this detail that you may have the whole subject before you, but I cannot authorize you to make use of it all. The circumstance of the letter may be omitted. It may be said generally that a requisition was made of Mr. Genet, by order of the President, for the detention of the vessel. All that part, however, which is scored or underlined, may be freely

ALEXANDER HAMILTON: AGE 45 From a painting by John Trumbull

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made up. This part is so circumstanced as to take away all scruples of personal or political delicacy. 'Tis not so much with the rest. It can therefore only be confidently disclosed to persons whose discretion may be relied on, and whose knowledge of it may be useful.

It is true (as you have heard) that things, if possible still more insulting, have since been done by Mr. Genet; but of this at present no use can be made, no more than of some antecedent transactions nearly, if not quite, as exceptional. The mass would confound Mr. Genet and his associates. Perhaps it may not be long before a promulgation will take place.

I am of opinion with you that the charge ought to be insisted upon.

P. S. -- The case does not require the naming General Knox or myself, and it will therefore not be done. It is to be observed that the equipments of the Petit Democrat are, in strictest sense, an original fitting out. She was before a merchant vessel; here she was converted into a vessel commissioned for war, of considerable force.

General Schuyler, who was in Albany, wrote from that place, December 15, 1793, to his son-in-law:

MY DEAR SIR: I am happy that the children are safely arrived with you. I hope that you and my Eliza are in health.

The president's message of the 5th has reached us. I am rejoiced that he has been so explicit relative to the French anarchists. The parties here who had boldly asserted that the imputation of an appeal to the people was a fabrication to injure the French cause, stand abashed, -- and I am persuaded that Genet's intemperance has served the Federal interest instead of injuring It.

We are all in health and join in love. My Angelica is perfectly happy, and very lively.

I am Sir Your Affectionate

PH. SCHUYLER.

Genet's offensive methods were such that, in 1793, the President issued a proclamation of neutrality, referred to in Schuyler's letter, and which, though distasteful to the Democrats who called it an "edict of royalty," put an end to his activities. He was succeeded by Jean Antoine Fauchet, a less explosive and more rational man, who represented the republic in 1794-95, and by Pierre Augustus Adet in 1795-97. This latter made an issue of the treaty of 1778, and presented a note from the Directory which "declared that the flag of the republic would treat all neutral flags as they permitted themselves to be treated by the English."

It is somewhat remarkable that Washington, with all his experience of Genet, should have received either of the two later representatives of the republic as he did. The papers of the day refer to the presentation by Adet of a "beautiful flag of silk -- the tri-color," and print Washington's fraternal and sympathetic response to Adet's speech; but it is to be supposed that diplomacy of this kind was a necessity, though a distasteful concession to a cause which both he and the Federalists generally abominated. The activity of the press at the time was ceaseless, and no occasion was lost to lampoon, either in letter, press, or caricature, the government or its opponents, Jefferson even coming in for his share. He was held up to ridicule in a broadside entitled Observations on the Dispute between the United States and France by Harper, which contained an especially stinging caricature. Numerous other broadsides also appeared -- one of them bearing the title, "The Guillotine -- or a Democratic Dirge," which was published by Thomas Bradford in Philadelphia, in 1796.

It is difficult to conceive the discomfort of those who had daily to witness the low imitation of the doings in Paris during the Reign of Terror. Sympathy with the specious and picturesque doctrines and teachings of the French was evident in the adoption of all the horrors except the guillotine. The high and low were all citizens or citizenesses, and the marriage notices in the Philadelphia newspapers invariably gave these appellations to the contracting parties. It was "Citizen Brown," or "Citizenesse Jones," and this continued until it became too ridiculous to be tolerated.

Upon the occasion of Genet's dinner, one of the taverns showed a painting of the gory body of Marie Antoinette, and the sheets covering it were decorated with the tri-color.

Herman Le Roy was a prosperous merchant of New York, and a partner of Bayard McEvers. He, like others who were sane citizens, suffered from persecution not only at home, but in France, and on March 29, 1793, he wrote to his friend and lawyer, Hamilton, suggesting an ingenious method of reimbursement for this seizure of his property by those in control of France at the time:

DEAR SIR: A part of the Estate which my Father has left consists in French Funds, while from the distracted situation that Country is in, neither principal or interest can be procured upon same. Since the United States are indebted to France, and they are now actually discharging same, pray would it not be possible to indemnify us, as American Citizens, out of the debt due them, by producing the Funds at their Charge, which can be proved have been in the family for upwards of half a Century? Some of our Law Characters here have suggested the possibility of such a scheme being practicable, which alone induces me to sollicit the favor of your giving me your kind advice and opinion upon the subject, in doing of which you will render me a particular service, which on all occasions I shall be always happy to repay with sincere gratitude.

I am ever with Sincere esteem & respects

Dear Sir Your humble Servant,

HERMAN LE ROY.

Alex. Hamilton, Esq.

When the Hamiltons went to Philadelphia with the other members of the Cabinet they found themselves in a merry throng of agreeable people who entertained frequently and lavishly. The Binghams and their connections were chief among the non-official set -- William Bingham had married the beautiful young daughter of Thomas Willing, and after their return from England built a grand house, and hither flocked the charming society which Chastellux, and other writers, declared to be far more gay and agreeable than that of New York. The President occupied the Morris house, and immediately entered upon the social duties of his office. Levees, drawing-rooms, and dinners were in order, and in their way were elaborate and attractive, although it is stated by one carping critic, a lady who had been abroad, that the rooms were "despicable" and "etiquette was not to be found."1 At these functions we find the "ladies of the Court," as they were called by Mrs. John Adams, and these include the wives of the Cabinet -- the Binghams, Willings, Morrises, the Misses Allen and Chew, "Sally" McKean, daughter of the Chief Justice, and "Dolly" Madison, Mrs. Stewart, Henry Clymer, James Greenleaf, George Clymer; the delightful French gentlemen who were in Philadelphia, and Van Berkle, Lord Wycombe, the eldest son of the Marquis of Lansdowne, who, as Lord Shelburne, did so much to further the treaty of 1783, and the Spanish and Portuguese ministers. Neither Genet, Adet, nor Fauchet seemed to be in good favor, because of their offensive conduct.

Theophilus Bradbury described a men's dinner, given by the President, in 1795, as follows: "In the middle of the room was placed a piece of table furniture about six feet long and two feet broad, rounded at both ends. It was either of wood gilded or polished metal raised only about one inch, with a silver rim round it like that round a tea-board. In the centre was a pedestal of plaster of Paris with images upon it and on the end figures male and female of the same. It was very elegant and used for ornament only. The dishes were placed all around and there was an elegant variety of roast beef, veal, turkey, ducks, fowl, ham, puddings, jellies, oranges, apples, nuts, almonds, figs, raisins and a variety of wines and punch. We took our leave at six, more than an hour after the candles were introduced. No lady but Mrs. Washington dined with us. We were waited on by four or five men servants dressed in livery."

It may, perhaps, have been this very dinner of which the ascetic William Maclay, senator from Pennsylvania, in his "Sketches," said: "Dined with the President of the United States. It was a dinner of dignity. All the Senators present, and the Vice-President. I looked often around the company to find the happiest faces. Wisdom, forgive me if I wrong thee, but I thought folly and happiness were the most nearly allied. The President seemed to bear in his countenance a settled aspect of melancholy. No cheering ray of convivial sunshine broke through the cloudy gloom of settled seriousness. At every interval of eating and drinking he played on the table with a fork and knife like a drumstick."

On May 5, 1789, at the request of General Washington, Hamilton, who was then Secretary of the Treasury, prepared a code of etiquette for the use of the President. This he prefaced: "The public good requires, as a primary object, that the dignity of the office should be supported. Whatever is essential to this ought to be pursued though at the risk of partial or momentary dissatisfaction. But care will be necessary to avoid extensive disgust or discontent. Men's minds are prepared for a pretty high tone in the demeanor of the executive, but I doubt whether for so high a tone as in the abstract might be desirable. The notions of equality are yet, in my opinion, too general and too strong to admit of such a distance being placed between the President and other branches of the government as might even be consistent with a due proportion. The following plan will, I think, steer clear of extremes, and involve no very material inconveniences."

He then suggested that there should be a "levee day once a week for receiving visits," and that the President should remain half an hour. During this time he "may converse cursorily on indifferent subjects." A mode of introduction through particular officers is insisted upon, and no visits are to be returned. Upon the anniversary of important events of the Revolution formal entertainments are to be given, but these are not to exceed in number "twice or four times a year." If the former number, the Fourth of July and the Inauguration Day are to be those selected.

If an entertainment is to be given four times, the day of the treaty alliance with France, and that of the definitive treaty with Britain are to be added to the other. He then went on to recommend the "method practiced in some European Courts," which involves the entertainment of foreign ministers and other distinguished strangers. Suggestions as to the issuance of invitations, the character of the dinnerparties, and the question of rank are fully gone into, and the matter of precedence is discussed, so far as the members of the Senate and the House of Representatives are concerned, and, with few changes, these conventions have been practically observed up to the beginning of the past decade.

Washington appeared to have been very grateful to Hamilton for all this, and in a reply sent the same day he said:

DEAR SIR: I beg you to accept my unfeigned thanks for your friendly communications of this date, and that you will permit me to entreat a continuation of them as occasions may arise.

The manner chosen for doing it is most agreeable to me. It is my wish to act right; if I err, the head and not the heart shall, with justice, be chargeable.

With sentiments of sincere esteem and regard,

I am, dear Sir

Your obedt. Serv't

GEO. WASHINGTON.

The domineering conduct of the French finally became unendurable. This was a natural result of a variety of causes -- not the least of and important of which was the supineness and venal trickery of Edmund Randolph who, when Secretary of State in 1794, weakly gave way to the impudent demands of Fauchet and Adet as far as he could, despite the opposition of Hamilton and the outraged members of the Cabinet.

Randolph's undoing occurred in a dramatic manner, and, despite his attempts at vindication he failed completely, and left the public service a defaulter. During his connivance with Fauchet, he wrote a letter to the latter, in which he alleged that for a money consideration certain interests could be turned to the French; that owing to Hamilton's activity in suppressing the Whiskey Rebellion he was hated by every one, and, in fact, it was but a plot upon his part and that of the Federalists to exploit himself and declare for a monarchy, and that France could easily count upon popular support. These and other absurd statements were embodied in the foolish letter. Unfortunately, when on its way to Fauchet, the vessel which carried it was captured by an English vessel, and the original letter was sent to Mr.

Hammond, the Minister from Great Britain, who delivered it to Washington. The situation that followed can well be conceived.

The depredations of the French privateers along our coasts were apparently unceasing, and there was scarcely a harbor into which some prize was not brought every few days by the impudent and high-handed Frenchmen. The Secretary of the Treasury had instructed the Collector of Customs, in a letter written August 4, 1793, to prevent the fitting out of privateers in ports of the United States, and they were required to "visit in the strictest manner, not only all privateers, but all vessels entering or going out of American Ports." Notwithstanding the most energetic measures the law was violated, and the courts of the country were kept busy. After Washington's proclamation La Cassius, L'Ami de la Point à Petre, L'Amour de la Liberté, La Vengeance, La Montague, Le Vanqueur de la Bastile, La Carmagnole, L'Espérance, Citizen Gênét, and Sans Pareil were the worst offenders, and Dutch, English, and Spanish vessels were captured and taken to New York, Newport, and Norfolk. Fights were even frequent between English and French vessels within the confines of the same harbor. Callender, in his mischievous way, tried to increase popular sympathy for the French cause, and, to create prejudice against the English, referred to the fact that certain members of American crews were "pressed" by English cruisers in the West Indies.

Adet was constantly stirring up mischief -- one of his complaints being that he and Fauchet had been snubbed and discriminated against on ceremonial occasions. "The French Ministers," he said, "have always enjoyed the precedency as to those of England, not only in the United States, but throughout the World, and France, as a republic, has possessed and will preserve the rank she has had in the Diplomatic Corps under her ancient regime."1

Hamilton had already left the Cabinet, but was alive to all of the interference with our rights as a nation, and felt the insults very keenly. Adams had sent Gerry, Marshall, and Pinckney to France to obtain compensation for the depredations on commerce; but they returned after submitting to indignities forced upon them by Talleyrand and his mistress, who acted as his representative, and they declined to pay a douceur to the latter to gain the favor of her impudent protector.

About this time General Schuyler wrote to Hamilton:

Philip Schuyler to Alexander Hamilton

ALBANY, Monday, April 10th, 1797.

MY DEAR SIR: The Governor left this on the day of the date of your letter enclosing one for him, -- which as it is now useless I do not return to you.

I am so much indisposed that I apprehend I shall not be able to attend Congress at the opening of the Session, If at all.

In the present posture of our affairs France seems to have left us no alternative but a mean and Ignominious submission to her despotic caprice or a dignified resentment. Under my present feelings I am for the latter, even at the risk of an open rupture, for I believe it better manfully to meet a war than to degrade the national character by a pusillanimous acquiescence to Insult and injury. -- Our Commerce will suffer, but It suffers already as much or nearly as much as It would were war actually proclaimed. -- Our seaports too will be exposed to insult, they are so already -- and we have no means of protecting them, unless we seek aid where only It is to be found as well for the protection of our commerce as of our ports, I mean by an alliance with Britain. It is not now and I believe never will be the interest of that nation to see France domineer over us. -- It cannot be the interest of the former ones to attempt to annex their states to her dominions. I believe we are more valuable to her, Mutual good will as independent states than we would be as colonies. -- Indeed the attempt by other nations to subjugate us appears to me must most certainly fail.

I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you, My Dear Eliza and the Children here at the close of this or early in next week.

God bless you all

Yours most affectionately

PH. SCHUYLER.

When, in 1799, Adams sent Vans Murray, who was generally regarded as a weak and incompetent man, to France to continue negotiations there was much dissatisfaction. General Schuyler again addressed Hamilton, March 20, 1799: "The President's nomination of ambassador to France appears to me a measure replete with weakness and inconsistency, and has in my opinion degraded himself and his country, -- and if he was previous to the nomination advised that French agents were to be sent from Hamburgh to sow discord, and create insurrection in this country, his conduct merits epithets much more severe than weakness and inconsistency."

France had, meanwhile, grown tired of the trouble, and possibly hesitated because-of the energetic preparation for war that had been already undertaken in the United States. Murray was really sent in response to a hint from Talleyrand, who saw the drift of things, and the advisability of avoiding an expensive war. Hamilton, whose policy had been to proceed in such a way as to make France see the error of her ways and herself make diplomatic overtures, was already planning defensive measures. He, as well as the other Federalists, was naturally incensed when Adams supinely sent some one to actually sue for peace, thus humiliating the nation he represented.

Upon the ignominious return of the original commission, whose unsuccessful efforts only widened the breach that had previously existed, the exasperation of an insulted people passed all bounds and a general popular movement was started to furnish ships and munitions of war. Of this commission, Marshall appears really to have been the only member who saved its face, while Gerry, by his weakness, greatly compromised his fellow members.

Washington, who already in 1798, had been appointed Commander-in-Chief, insisted that Hamilton should, as Major-General, come after him, while Generals Pinckney and Knox were to follow in the order named. President Adams, who even then disliked Hamilton intensely, would not endorse Washington's choice, insisting that Knox should be the second in command. "He refused to admit that Hamilton was the man best fitted for the post, and was so considered by the Public; he plunged himself and his party into a bitter, personal quarrel, and all because he disliked Hamilton and was enraged at the opposition of the Cabinet to himself."1 The ultimate result was that Washington gave his ultimatum that Hamilton should have the place or he would resign. This was too much for Adams and he reluctantly gave Hamilton the first command.

Alexander Hamilton to George Washington

NEW YORK, 9th August, 1798.

MY DEAR SIR: A necessary absence from this City prevented the receipt of your letter of the 9th instant till yesterday.

It is very grateful! to me to discover in each preceding occurrence a new mark of your friendship towards me. Time will evince that it makes the impression it ought on my mind.

The effect which the course of the late military appointment has produced on General Knox though not very unexpected is very painful to me. I have a respectful sense of his pretentions as an officer -- and I have a warm personal regard for him -- My embarrasment is not inconsiderable between these sentiments, and what I owe to a reasonable conduct on my own part, both in respect to myself and to the public.

It is a fact that a number of the most influencial men in our affairs would think in waving the preference given to me I acted a weak part in a personal vein -- And General Knox is much mistaken if he does not believe that this sentiment would emphatically prevail in that Region, to which he supposes his character most interesting, I mean New England.

Yet, My Dear Sir, I can never consent to see you seriously compromitted or embarrassed. -- I shall cheerfully place myself in your disposal, and facilitate any arrangement you may think for the general good -- It does not however seem necessary to precipitate anything -- It may be well to see first what part General Pinckney will act when he arrives. --

The Secretary at War has sent me a copy of General Knox's letter to him on the subject of his appointment. -- It does not absolutely decline, but implies the intention to do it, unless a Rule of the late Army giving in cases of promotions on the same day privately according to former relative rank is understood to govern. I have advised a reply, of which a copy is inclosed. --

The Commissions have issued so that no alteration can be now made as between Generals Knox and Pinckney -- if there

were not the serious difficulties in the way which you seem to have anticipated. --

The Secretary at War has proposed to the President a change of the plan announced in the first instance -- which may bring into immediate activity the Inspector General and General Knox. -- In this case you may depend upon the best efforts in my power with a peculiar attention to the objects you mention and you shall be carefully and fully advised of whatever it interests you to know.

Col. Walker resides at present in the Western parts of this place. He is occupied in some important agencies for persons abroad which render it doubtful whether he would now accept Military employment. He has been written to and will be proposed for the command of a Regiment -- is in many respects very desirable in the capacity you mention. But you are I presume aware of the impracticability of his temper. -- With the most respectful and affectionate attachment I have the honor to remain --

My dear General your very obedt. servt.

ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

The papers sent by you are now returned.

Timothy Pickering, then a member of Adams's Cabinet, later wrote to James A. Hamilton, a letter which has not, until now, been published. It refers to a conversation held with Adams in July, 1798.

Timothy Pickering to James J. Hamilton

SALEM, June 14, 1821.

DEAR SIR: I forgot whether I did or did not mention to you and your mother, at my house, what passed between President Adams and me, in July, 1798, in relation to the command of the little army which Congress were then about authorizing to be raised.

A. "Whom shall we appoint Commander-in-Chief?"

P. " Colonel Hamilton."

On a subsequent day:

A. "Whom shall we appoint Commander-in-Chief?"

P. " Colonel Hamilton."

On a third day:

A. "Whom shall we appoint Commander-in-Chief?"

P. " Colonel Hamilton."

A. "O no! It is not his turn by a great deal. I would sooner appoint Gates, or Lincoln, or Morgan."

P. "GeneralMorgan is now here in Congress, a very sick man, with one foot in the grave. He distinguished himself as a brave and good officer in the Revolutionary War; and his present informities may be owing, in part, to the hardships then endured: but his talents would never entitle him to rise beyond the command of a brigade" -- "as for Gates, he is now an old woman -- and Lincoln is always asleep."

To my answers, in these short dialogues, Mr. Adams made no reply, except once, as just recited. My answers marked with double commas, are verbatim as I uttered them. My observations on Morgan, as above stated, exhibit precisely the ideas I expressed; but I cannot undertake to give the very words; tho' I am sure they were substantially as above written.

It was from these occurrences that I first learned Mr. Adams's extreme aversion to or hatred of your father.

General Washington was appointed to the chief command, I wrote him a letter to apprise him of the necessity of his interposition to secure to your father that place in the army to which he was entitled -- the second when he was present, and the first in his absence. This first letter on the subject was followed by others of considerable length; when Mr. Adams attempted to derange the order in which Washington had designated the three major Generals -- Hamilton -- Pinckney -- Knox; and to make it Knox -- Pinckney -- Hamilton. And because this inversion was not effected, Knox refused to serve.

I am, Sir, your obedt Servt

TIMOTHY PICKERING.

General Schuyler, on July 16, 1798, wrote to his daughter:

Many have been the conjectures as to my dear Hamilton's visit to Philadelphia. Some believed it was to assist in preventing a bill for the punishment of seditious persons others that he wished to converse with the president previous to accepting a military appointment. Time will develop the cause of his journey. General Washington's acceptance of the command of the army affords great satisfaction to the friends of order, and is doubtless chagrining to those of a contrary complexion. The former wishes Col° Hamilton second in command as that would place them perfectly at ease as to our military operations. Hamilton now started in upon his work of reorganizing an army. Fifteen years had elapsed since the war of the Revolution, and it was a difficult matter to gather together a serviceable body of men in an emergency. However, he applied himself to his difficult task.

He was favored almost immediately by offers of service from many of his old comrades in arms.

Major Tousard, to whom reference has already been made, applied at once, in the following letter, for a position next to his old chief.

Lewis Tousard to Alexander Hamilton

PHILADELPHIA, August 7th, 1798.

DEAR SIR: I was extremely sorry that my being on a public mission at Baltimore prevented my waiting on you when you were lately in Philadelphia, and presenting you, or rather to the whole Army, my most sincere congratulations on the choice the President has made of you for an Inspector general.

Entirely devoted to the carreer which I have followed from my youth, which your kind interest procured me to enter in this country again; I would feel highly gratified to be more intimately attached to you and receive your immediate orders. I have often mentioned it to my friend Genl McPherson1 and even wrote to him upon the subject. The last Law of the United States presents a favourable opportunity for it by the creation of an Inspector of Artillery which is to be taken from amongst the corps of Artillerists and Engineers. The relations of that office must be entirely dependent on the Inspector General and consequently ought to be the man of your choice.

I will only mention my long services in that branch of the military duty which is contemplated by the Law, to determine your choice and claim your friendship but in case of indecision between myself and another officer. It was a natural consequence of my ambition and application to my duty, that all the principles of Artillery which I have been taught since the year 1765, all the instructions of our schools, all the Duty I have seen in that part should recurr to my mind, more especially since I am diverted of any other kind of business. The several memoirs and observations which I wrote upon the subject, and presented to the Secretary of War to be laid before the Committee of defence; the works I am compleating at Fort Mifflin; the plans I have presented to be executed at Baltimore; those I am ordered to fix at Tammany hill at Rhode Island are the proofs that I have not been thought unworthy the confidence of the Secry of War. He has before him all my commissions without interruption from the year 1765 that I was admitted at the school of Artillery at Strasburgh; Elève of Artillery in 63; 1st Lieut. of Arty canonneers in 69; 1st Lt of Bombardiers in 72; Captn of Arty in 76; Major of Arty in 80; Lt Col. in 1784. I leave aside all the other commissions of commandant in the several parts of St. Domingo, of General in chief of three different armies marching against the Rebels; My intention only is to show that I have been regularly brought up an officer of Artillery and taught all the details of their instruction. How far I have profited by, is what I wish you would try, in attaching me intimately to you and presenting me to the office of Inspector of Artillery. My zeal will redouble by serving under your command and the desire of justifying the interest of an officer whose appointment excited so deserved. transports in the whole Army.

I hope you will excuse my troubling you with so long a letter, and attribute it to my desire of being placed in a situation to claim your esteem and glory myself in it as I do in the friendship you constantly honoured me with.

With great respect

I have the honor to be

Dear Sir

Your most humble and very obedt Servt

LEWIS TOUSARD.

General North, the intimate friend of Steuben and a brave and experienced officer, wrote later:

William North to Alexander Hamilton

DUANESBURGH, Nov. 12, 1799.

You were right, my dear General, in saying that a soldier should have no other wife than the service; and I will add, that he should have neither children nor landed property nor be a guardian, nor a director of a turnpike road, nor plaintiff, nor defendant against a rascal who every day brings fresh actions, for seven years together. Either of these things forms an impediment sufficient to make one lose sight of the point of view, but when they are combined, they so twist and turn a man head and heels, that it is almost impossible for him to get forward in any line whatever; to suppose that he can in the new French method, look straight forward and keep his alignment, is nonsense. In truth, was it not for the point of honor, which like a will o' the wisp intices him to the front, and the prick of ambition which goads him in his rear, he never would advance at all. Fortunately, I have cleared my way of everything but my wife and children, with whom, as it would be unsoldierly to abandon them, I hope to be in New York by the 25th of this month, and when there I shall do whatever Heaven, and your Honour may think best for the service of our dear Country, without further let, or hindrance.

Please to offer my respects to Mrs. Hamilton and believe me to be

Dr. General Your obd^t H^ble Serv^t W. NORTH.

As soon as the prospect of war became generally appreciated other applicants for office from New York State presented themselves. Their names were submitted to Hamilton, who went carefully over them considering the fitness of the candidate and making such comments as he saw fit. This is the list:

APPLICANTS		REMARKS
1. Nathaniel Paulding,		Probably a good Lieutenant,
2. John Treat Irving,		Unknown
3. Timothy --²		Unworthy,
4. William --		Drunkard,
5. Cornelius C. Van Allen, X,		Democratic, but upon the whole eligible as Second Lieutenant,
6. G -- I. S --		Unworthy,
7. E. -- H. --		Drunkard,
8. Michael G. Howdin,		A deserving man, but superannuated,
9. -- Kirkland,		Unknown, probably bad,
10. Gerret Hellenback 11. Nicholas Hilton		Sons of Mechanics little known but it is believed would make tolerable Ensigns.
12. W -- R --		Unworthy,
13. Prosper Brown, 14. John Cuyler (Surgeon)		Unknown,
15. Dowe J. Fonda,		A good Ensign in the late War is worthy of a Captaincy but a majority would be too much now.
16. Volkart Dow,		A good Second Lieutenant,
17. Samuel B. Berry,		The same,
18. E. -- H. --¹		Drunkard
19. Christopher Backuet X		Brother in law of Governor Trumbull probably a good first Lieutenant
20. B. -- H. --		Drunkard (not certain) but probably of slender qualifications -- expects a Majority.
21. William Elsworth, 22. James Washbos,		Unknown,
23. John M. Lawrence,		(Son of the Senator) Clever young man good first Lieutenant,
24. Robert Heaton Junior,		Clever fellow probably a good Captain
25. George W. Kirkland,		Probably a good Captain,
26. J. -- K. --		Worthless,
27. Francis Drake, X,		Probably a good second lieutenant,
28. William Scudder,		Served last War, pretty negative character perhaps a first lieu- tenancy,
29. W. -- B. V. --		Worthless.
30. Thomas W. Williams 31. Benjamin C. Curtis		Unknown,
32. William Cocks,		Pretty good Lieutenant,
33. A. -- R. --		Gambler,
34. Harmanus P. Schuyler,		A clever fellow -- probably a good captain,
35. J. -- S. --		Drunkard,
36. Richard Baldwin, X		Good ensign
37. Richard L. Walker,		Very violent Jacobin,
38. Fitch Hale,		probably a respectable Captain,
39. John H. Carr,		pretty good second Lieutenant,
40. Samuel Hoffman,		probably a good Second Lieutenant,
41. Adrian Kiffan,		of good connection and character -- probably a good Captain,
42. Joseph C. Cooper, X		good Ensign,
43. Andrew Van Wort, X		good Ensign,
44. Alexander Macomb Junior		the same,
45. John Starns (surgeon) 46. John White, 47. William B. Peters 48. Rowland Colton Additional		Unknown
49. Philip Church,		A good Captain of Infantry,
50. William Maurice Thompson X		A good Cornet or Second Lieutenant,
51. William Neilson,		A young gentleman of Education and sense probably a very good first Lieutenant,
52. John W. Patterson,		A young gentleman of family worth and spirit -- seems not willing to accept less than a company -- probably a good Captain,
53. Frederick N. Hudson,		probably a good Lieutenant,
54. Robert LeRoy Livingston,		Good Second Lieutenant,
55. Jacob Manlius 56. Jacob C. Ten Eyck		Good Ensigns,
57. Jeremiah Landon,		probably a good Captain,
58. William W. Wand,		good Lieutenant,
59. Garret De Bow,		Young man tolerably recommended without much education, may make a good Ensign,
60. John Duer,		probably a very good Ensign,
61. Joseph Kellogg X		good Lieutenant,
62. David Leavenworth (Junior)
63. J. -- H. --		cannot be recommended.
64. Philip Cortlandt		well recommended,
65. Frederick A. DeZeng,		formerly in German service -- a good Captain of Horse now a citizen and married among us,
66. Warren Delancy, X		formerly British Lieutenant would make a good Captain
67. Jacob C. Ten Eyck		good Ensign,
68. John Bleeker,		pretty well recommended as Captain,
69. Stephen Haynes,		The same,
70. John Terrill X		desirous of a Lieutenancy of Artillery in preference well recommended and probably a good Lieutenant,
71. Nicholas R. Kirby X		good second Lieutenant,
72. William A. Giles, X		a good ensign
73. John McKinney,		good Surgeons Mate Platt
74. David Jones,		a good first Lieutenant, Talbot,
75. Thomas Tresdale,		recommended as a Capt. by General H. Livingston but other-wise unknown
76. Philip S. Schuyler,		Nephew of General Schuyler a promising young man worthy of a Lieutenancy
77. William Gilliland, X		very respectfully recommended for a Lieutenancy
78. Andrew White,		a good Captain high up in seniority,
79. Samuel Young, Thomas Asbeck, Henry W. Ludlow,		probably a good first Lieutenant
¹ E. H. seems to have been passed upon twice.
² The full names are omitted by the writer for obvious reasons.

General Schuyler shared Hamilton's dislike of Adams, who was undoubtedly regarded by both as a fussy, interfering, and incompetent executive who was likely to meddle with the organization of the Army. The views of the former are embodied in the following letter. The McHenry alluded to was then Secretary of War, and Hamilton's friend. Although Schuyler's criticism is rather severe, it cannot be denied that at times McHenry showed very little push and executive ability.

Philip Schuyler to Alexander Hamilton

ALBANY, August 6th, 1798.

I am not surprized My Dear Sir that you found much had not been done in the execution of the important objects, for I have some time since perceived that Mr. McHenry had not a mind sufficiently extensive & energetic to embrace and execute all the objects incident to the war department and I foresee that you will be under the necessity to direct the principle operations of that department, to avoid those embarrassments which must otherwise inevitably result from incompetency in the officers, indeed I see no alternative, for I doubt much if a man of adequate abilities can be found properly to discharge the duties of an office, on which so much depends, even should the present incumbent resign.

Who is to be quarter master General? and who commissary General? If these are not men of business, If they cannot form a system by which to conduct their departments, we shall experience all that confusion and waste which distressed and disgraced us in the revolutionary wars -- the President's ideas of the importance of these offices, is probably inadequate, and with the best intentions he may be led to improper appointments, unless advice is interposed by those who are capable of offering it, and to whose recommendations he ought to yield.

The principles and spirit from which have emanated the address to the president, and that attention which has been paid him could not fail of affording him solid satisfaction and yet not without some alloy, persuaded as I was that every disaster which might befall the first executive would be deeply Injurious to my country in the present critical juncture. I dreaded lest the injected Gas should become so highly inflammable as to injure the upper works of the machine, but It is not surprizing that the old Cock should be elated and crow audibly for

The young oak which must prevail at length has grown with his growth, strengthened with his strength.

A report via Boston prevails, which advises that Guilleman is dismissed, and that we shall have no war -- I hope the latter is unfounded for I feel that war with all Its calamities, would be less Injurious to my country, than a peace which might be followed, and probably would be with the reintroduction of the pernicious and destructive principles which prevail in France.

Harmanus P. Schuyler, a distant relative of mine, believes he could raise a company of foot If he was honored with a commission. He has been long and is now a captain of Militia in the Albany regiments, -- is about thirty five years old, discreet and sober, he has been a protege and a pupil of mine in [illegible]. If a commission can be obtained for him It would be pleasing to me, his politician.

God Bless you My Dear Sir, take care of your health, for without It you cannot sustain the labors your devotion entails. Let my Children share with you in that tender affection which I feel with so much force.

Ever Your Serv.

PH. SCHUYLER.

Hon. Genl. Hamilton.

The danger of war was finally averted and the excitement of the moment was superseded by that of the political agitation of 1800 and the practical overthrow of the Federal party. Hamilton, during the short time he was virtually at the head of the army, had perfected the military system and established certain means of national defence, which are in existence to-day. He even suggested, and prepared plans for the Military Academy at West Point.

Although all thought of war with France was ended, he recognized and deplored the mischief that had been wrought in the last decade of the eighteenth century, and mourned over what he regarded as a form of early degeneration in the young republic when Jefferson and his party came into power. He was sincere and expressed his fears and desperation in a letter to Gouverneur Morris, which has else-where been printed. He believed in the moral decay of the United States -- the loss of religious principle in consequence of the teachings of Paine, and those of irresponsible fanatics who had done so much to unsettle the simple faith of the early patriots. The future to him was threatening, and he sought for a means of regeneration.

A great deal of canting speculation has been indulged in by various persons as to Hamilton's religious faith, for it was alleged that he died without belief. Bishop Moore's account of his death, on the contrary, shows that he was a man of earnest, simple faith, quite unemotional in this respect, so far as display was concerned, but his belief was very strong.

He who had all his life made his way by more or less militant methods, or by appeals to reason, by careful and subtle argument, and diplomatic manoeuvres, conceived, in his fear for the future welfare of his country, the establishment of a vast religious body to be called "The Christian Constitutional Society." With his keen insight he knew that even the mob could be swayed by such an organization, and that the mental epidemic that was caused by "the poisonous French Doctrines" might be replaced, perhaps, by a movement of a healthy and uplifting kind.

To Bayard he wrote: "Unluckily for us in the competition for the passions of the people, our opponents have great advantages over us; for the plain reason that the vicious are far more active than the good passions; and that, to win the former to our side, we must renounce our principles and our objects, and unite in corrupting public opinion till it becomes fit for nothing but mischief. Yet, unless we can contrive to take hold of, and carry along with us some strong feelings of the mind, we shall in vain calculate upon any substantial or durable results. Whatever plan we may adopt, to be successful, must be founded on the truth of this proposition, and perhaps it is not very easy for us to give it full effect; especially not without some deviations from what, on other occasions, we have maintained to be right. But, in determining upon the propriety of the deviations, we must consider whether it be possible for us to succeed, without, in some degree employing the weapons which have been employed against us, and whether the actual state and future prospects of things be not such as to justify the reciprocal use of them. I need not tell you that I do not mean to countenance, the imitation of things intrinsically unworthy, but only of such as may be denominated irregular; such as, in a sound and stable order of things ought not to exist. Neither are you to infer that any revolutionary result is contemplated. In my opinion, the present constitution is the standard to which we are to cling. Under its banners bona fide must we combat our political foes, rejecting all changes but through the channel itself provided for amendments. By these general views of the subject have my reflections been guided. I now offer you the outline of the plan they have suggested. Let an association be formed to be denominated 'The Christian Constitutional Society,' its object to be 1st: The support of the Christian religion. 2d: The support of the United States." He then unfolded a scheme which advocated the diffusion of information. "The use of all lawful means in concert to promote the election of fit men," and various means for the education of public opinion.

To him the growing influence of the "Jacobins" and their party meant only ruin and disaster, and though he, perhaps, did not fully share Horace Binney's later expressed sentiment that he "believed Jefferson was the full incarnation of Satan," he had good reason to dread the influence of a man and his supporters who had done so much to weaken the respect for the Constitution of the United States.

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Chapter X The Years from 1790 to 1800

Chapter X
The Years from 1790 to 1800