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It is with great pleasure that the Samuel N. and Mary Castle Foundation, one of America’s oldest family foundations, has supported the reissuing of the substantial correspondence of George Herbert Mead and Henry Northrup Castle. These letters, the originals of which reside in the University of Chicago’s Castle and Mead Collection, contain valuable information about the intellectual biography of Mead, one of America’s most important pragmatists, social psychologists, and philosophers of mind as well as of his close friend and eventual brother-in-law, Henry Castle. Originally edited by Mead and his wife, Helen Castle Mead, the letters were first published in 1902 in London. The fifty copies of the leather-bound book were made available to a few University of Chicago and Oberlin friends and a few research libraries, as well as to family. The reissue of the edited letters serves to render these valuable historical resources more easily accessible to scholars.

Historians of American progressivism have long known of the importance of these letters. As the prominent American historian Robert M. Crunden notes in his groundbreaking cohort study of leading progressives, “Scholars should note that these letters may well contain one of the most detailed available accounts of the evolution of an important philosophical mind . . . and students of the influence of Darwin and Kant in America will find important material here. The letters deserve publication for the history both of civilization and philosophy.”¹ Biographers of Mead and intellectual historians interested in the transition from Victorian America to progressive and early modernism have found the letters to be illuminating. The letters also reveal much about the history of Oberlin College and its importance to Mead and Castle as well as to higher education in America during the fin de siècle era. Because of Henry Castle’s important role as a political observer and journalist in Hawaii during the years surrounding the end of the monarchy, the letters contain valuable, even controversial insights into Hawaii’s history.

For historians of Hawaii and American education and philanthropy, the important role Castle, Mead, and their close friend John Dewey played in influencing the Samuel N. and Mary Castle Foundation’s support for progressive kindergartens in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is sketched in provocative fashion in the letters. The latter may be especially interesting to students of Mead’s progressivism and commitment to social change. Few know, for example, that through Henry Castle and his sister Helen, Dewey was able to make contact with a pioneer foundation committed to social change and greater equity through progressive kindergartens made available in Hawaii to residents of any race, class, ethnicity, or gender. At Henry’s tragic and early death due to a steamship accident on the North Sea in 1895, the Foundation assisted Dewey’s innovative University of Chicago Lab School as it trained Hawaii’s first kindergarten teachers. For Mead, Castle, and Dewey, Hawaii itself would be the ultimate lab school for educational change in a multiracial, multicultural environment. When the Territory of Hawaii created one of America’s oldest publicly supported full-day kindergarten systems in 1943, few in the country recalled the key role Dewey, Mead, and the Castle family played in introducing experimentation to early childhood education in Hawaii. It was through the emergence of the progressive education kindergarten that Henry Castle’s and G. H. Mead’s legacy is best revealed in Hawaii.

The late nineteenth century saw a number of changes in the focus of Euro-American philosophical thought. The general thrust of these changes concentrated on becoming, rather than being. Thinkers such as John Dewey (1859—1952), drawing on the advances of anthropology and biology, gave philosophic expression to the dynamic character of experience. Many philosophers, dissatisfied with pure speculation, sought ways to make philosophy directly relevant to practical affairs. Such changes in philosophic orientation would affect many American institutions. In Hawaii, Dewey’s ideas were first introduced by Henry Castle (1862—1895) and made an early impact on the teaching practices of kindergartens in Honolulu from 1894 to 1900.

The idea of kindergartens began in Germany with Friedrich Froebel (1782—1852) and was later transported to the United States. Its first partisans were Germans who, having despaired of living in Germany after the collapse of the Revolution of 1848, pulled up their stakes and journeyed to the American Middle West. There in 1855, in Watertown, Wisconsin, Mrs. Carl Schurz, a former student of Froebel, established America’s first kindergarten. Five years later the first English-speaking kindergarten, owned and managed by Elizabeth Peabody, was established in Boston.² In 1873, the city of St. Louis opened the first tax-supported kindergarten in the United States.³

In Hawaii, kindergartens were begun under private auspices. The first kindergarten there was established by Francis M. Damon in 1892. It was connected to the Chinese Mission of which he had charge. Because of the success of this experiment, the Woman’s Board of Missions, founded in 1878, organized four kindergartens in 1893. Separated along racial lines, they were organized for Japanese, Portuguese, Hawaiians, and a group classified as “other races.”

The Portuguese kindergarten was started on Miller Street by Reverend Henry Soares. By 1895, the Chinese kindergarten enrolled 36, the Portuguese kindergarten 53, the Hawaiian kindergarten 40, the Japanese kindergarten 28, and the “foreign” (Caucasian) kindergarten 48.⁴ All of these were early attempts to provide free coeducational education to underserved or unserved children of working parents.

As imperfect as these poorly funded and struggling initial kindergartens were, they represented a growing awareness in Hawaii that a heterogeneous, non-English-speaking population of children was presenting a serious problem to grade school work. Indeed, crowded classes had forced a ruling by which the Republic’s Department of Public Instruction forbade the attendance of children under six years of age in grade schools. With crowding, furthermore, came a growing concern that the ideal of universal education could never be realized. Public school enrollment reached 14,522 in 1897, while private school enrollment reached 3,954.⁵

Mary Tenney Castle (1810—1907), the abolitionist wife of Samuel Northrup Castle, had raised her children to accept responsibility for improving society. Educated in New England, she had been closely involved with childhood education reform, abolition, feminism, and prison reform before coming to Hawaii in 1841. In the 1890s, she and her daughter Harriet and son Henry would be early supporters of changing kindergartens organized by race. They were two of the early supporters of offering a greater number of kindergartens for Hawaii’s children. More importantly, as they saw it, traditional formalist instruction, which stressed repetition, memorization, and rigid discipline, was no longer adequate preparation for a rapidly changing world. The various private kindergartens could be rendered more effective if unified along the new and progressive direction being set by Dewey.

In 1895, supported by Mary Tenney Castle’s gift of $10,000, the various free kindergartens were unified under the direction of the newly organized Free Kindergarten and Children’s Aid Association of the Hawaiian Islands (FKCAA). Its key leaders were Charles M. Hyde (1832—1899), its first president; Harriet Castle, its financial secretary and driving force; and Mabel (Mrs. Henry) Castle (1864—1950), its publicist. Other prominent members included the wives of business and civic leaders: Clara Bingham, Emma Dillingham, Cornelia Bishop, Cherilla Lowrey, Frances Hobron, Mary Whitney, and Agnes Judd.⁶ With the separation of the new association from its old Woman’s Board of Missions connection, a nonsectarian policy was adopted. The FKCAA’s common goal, pursued with considerable zeal, was to provide lifetime learning and moral and citizenship skills to the underserved population of children of working parents. Such schools, it was thought, would provide needed education in addition to early social skills in an increasingly economically complex and culturally diverse Hawaii.

Because of its newness, the FKCAA was soon in search of an educational methodology to implement its mission. Harriet Castle and her brother Henry were the guiding spirits of the association and would be responsible for shaping this direction through importing the pedagogical views of John Dewey, a friend of the Mead and Castle families. Although the general role of Dewey was noted in Charlotte Dodge’s history of the FKCAA, his specific link to the association through Henry Castle and his sister Harriet has not previously been examined.⁷ At Oberlin College in Ohio in 1879, Henry Castle became the roommate and fast friend of George Herbert Mead. Indeed, Mead married Henry’s older sister, Helen K. Castle, in 1891. It was through Mead, an outstanding philosopher in his own right, that Henry and Harriet met and came to understand John Dewey’s philosophy and to recognize how it might revolutionize early education in Hawaii.⁸

As undergraduate students at Oberlin College and later as graduate students at Harvard, Mead and Castle spent many hours speaking of the instrumentalist and pragmatist challenges to traditional, more static, idealist philosophical systems. Mead, who later became one of the nation’s leading pragmatist philosophers from his important post as chairman of the University of Chicago’s Philosophy Department, spent many hours testing his ideas in conversations with Henry Castle.⁹ Later, after his marriage to Helen Castle, he served as a frequent host to Harriet Castle and John Dewey at the Mead home in Chicago. Thus, prior to the founding of the Kindergarten and Children’s Aid Association in 1895, Harriet was fully impressed with, and knowledgeable of, the Dewey-Mead orientation to philosophical analysis and pedagogy. Through personal correspondence, reading, and lengthy discussions with Mead, Dewey, and her brother Henry, Harriet became convinced that early education should reflect the new view of human development being discussed in the highest corridors of academia.¹⁰

With Dewey, Mead and Castle understood that if education was to be relevant and meaningful in a modernist era, it would need to be transformed. Moreover, they wanted education to constantly expand the range of social situations in which individuals perceived issues and made and acted upon choices. They wanted schools to inculcate habits that would enable individuals to control their surroundings rather than merely adapt to them. Traditional formal education, which emphasized memorization and conformity to lessons taught by an authoritarian teacher, was incapable of providing an education that would improve society by making it more “worthy and harmonious.”¹¹ No longer isolated from the reality of a quickly changing society, the progressive school would become “an embryonic community life” active with types of occupations that reflect the life of the larger society. As Dewey said:

When the school introduces and trains each child of society into membership within such a little community, saturating him with the spirit of service, and providing him with the instruments of effective self-direction, we shall have the deepest and best guarantee of a larger society which is worthy, lovely and harmonious.¹²

Dewey’s educational theory included a condemnation of “the old school” for the passivity of its methods and the rigid uniformity of its curriculum. For too long the educational center of gravity had been “in the teacher, the textbook, anywhere and everywhere you please except in the immediate instincts and activities of the child himself.”¹³ The essence of the new pedagogy was to shift this center of gravity back to the child. The business of the new school would be to

not only facilitate and enrich the growth of the individual child, but also to supply the same results, and for some, technical information and discipline that have been the ideas of education in the past.¹⁴

Throughout the 1890s, Harriet Castle traveled to leading kindergartens on the mainland and visited with leaders of the incipient movement of progressive education and teacher training. In 1897, she toured Chicago’s famed Hull House as a guest of Jane Addams and Addams’s assistant, Alice Holden. Harriet was particularly interested in the efforts of the distinguished Hull House staff to apply some of the innovative ideas of Dewey to educational conditions in Chicago.¹⁵ Most importantly, she grew increasingly confident that Hawaii could also have success with Dewey’s educational innovation.¹⁶

As financial secretary for the FKCAA, Harriet was responsible for raising funds to make the organization viable, as well as for selecting personnel and preparing the annual report. In both her fund-raising and her personnel selection, she played a crucial role in setting the path for the organization for years to come. Her influence would prove to be crucial to the FKCAA’s implementation of Dewey’s ideas.

In her appeals to local businessmen, gifts to progressive kindergartens were presented as good investments and “a saver of future tax expenses for jails, prisons, and almshouses” in Hawaii. Further, adequately funded kindergartens were good influences against the “great cloud of anarchy that has been slowly gathering and spreading over the civilized nations of the earth.”¹⁷ One appeal, written to prospective donors in February of 1895, concluded that “we long to gather in all of the little ones whom we constantly see about the city, but our borders are so limited.”¹⁸ Other letters would give emphasis to the need by concluding, “The hope of the world lies in the children.”

After Henry’s death in 1895, Harriet’s interest in training teachers for progressive education began in earnest in 1896. In that year, she participated in the Chicago Froebel Association’s Training School for Kindergartners led by John Dewey. In this month-long seminar, she received intensive study in Dewey’s pedagogy and psychology. The Meads hosted her during her lengthy stay, and one can imagine that the day’s expert instruction became the evening’s source of penetrating discussion.

Harriet’s notes, which for a period were used to guide FKCAA education, emphasized the role kindergarten teachers could play in producing independent future citizens. Obedience was a means, not an end. Further, teachers must guide their immature charges, but the true object of education would be the development of reasoning, thinking individuals responsible for their own behavior. Most specifically, to become this thinking, reasoning, intelligent, self-directing individual, the child must begin by assuming responsibilities as soon as he or she is able to do so, adding to them from year to year. At ten, with but slight supervision, the child should be able to take care of his or her body, take baths, dress and undress, put clothes away, and keep possessions in order.¹⁹

In an important pamphlet prepared by Harriet to support her plea for funding, she gave clear expression to her faith in Dewey-style education. The pamphlet, entitled “The Kindergarten and the Public School,” was prepared after a lengthy 1897 tour of Columbia University Teachers College and the Pratt Institute in Brooklyn. Both institutions were early leaders in the field of progressive education. The pamphlet was widely distributed to donors, community leaders, and prospective leaders alike. In it, Harriet argues that the object of the kindergarten is to develop the whole child in a balanced fashion. For her, the foundations of this method are the facts attested to by science and experience. These, as she saw it, were:

1. The brain grows with the greatest rapidity between the ages of three and seven. The increase of later years is small compared with its growth in these years.

2. Two weeks practice of holding objects in his right hand will make the infant in his first year right handed for life.

3. This is the age of sense perception; the child learns from what he sees, hears, tastes, touches, and smells; and, therefore, as his environment is, so will he be.

4. If the child is saved to a good life, there will be no grown-up man to punish.

5. Train up a child in the way he should go, and when he is old he will not depart from it.²⁰

The pamphlet quotes authorities who supported Mead’s vision of a kindergarten. For example, William T. Harris, U.S. commissioner of education under President Grover Cleveland (1893—1897), had claimed that “two years of the child’s life in the kindergarten will start into development activities of muscle and brain which will secure deftness and delicacy of industrial power in all after life.”²¹ Harriet added her own observation that the kindergarten would lead to permanent character changes. Specifically, kindergarten would mean “fewer saloons and better homes, fewer policemen, fewer courts, fewer prisons, fewer paupers, less insanity, and consequently less public expense along these lines and more money for other purposes.”²² Such thinking was, of course, common among supporters of progressive reforms in education across the United States.

For Harriet, education at the kindergarten level must “develop in these citizens of today as well as tomorrow the habits, attitudes, appreciations, and skills necessary for the life in democracy.”²³ Furthermore, this primary instruction would provide miniature democracies where “situations arise which give opportunity for the development of . . . habits, attitudes, appreciations, and skills necessary for life.” Perhaps most importantly, young pupils would be taught to think for themselves, to reason, to judge, and to evaluate the facts of experience. Since environments change, set and static standards of conduct would not be enough. Morality, correctly understood, “is an active attitude, not a passive one. Habit must be formed through action. We must learn to be good.” Kindergarten education, through teaching perseverance, flexibility, cooperation, initiative, self-control, and lifelong reasoning skills, would produce citizens capable of sustaining both democracy and progress in social institutions.²⁴

Mead and Harriet Castle, like Dewey, viewed the teacher’s role as that of a skilled guide. The kindergarten teacher should create ideal situations for both sense training and discipline of thought. All instruction should recall that thinking does not occur for its own sake. Rather, “it arises from the need of meeting some difficulty, in reflecting upon the best way of overcoming it, and thus leads to planning . . . mentally the results to be reached, and deciding upon the steps necessary and their serial order.”²⁵ With Dewey, Harriet Castle felt that this was the best preparation for pure speculation or abstract investigation. Thought, she argued with Dewey, begins with a difficulty, moves through a resolution, and may appropriately end with an abstract speculation or abstraction. In this last stage, solutions to difficulties or problems may be generalized to similar difficulties or problems.

Harriet left her most immediate stamp on the training of teachers and the education of young ones through her choice of the FKCAA’s first permanent supervisor. In 1896, while spending the summer with the Meads, she devoted her free hours to reviewing applications from aspirants responding to her letters sent to school district leaders. Harriet’s dream of finding an enthusiastic supporter of Dewey’s ideas was fulfilled when she met the brilliant Chicagoan Frances Lawrence (1876—1935) and hired her away from the Sheboygan, Wisconsin, school system on August 1. Frances would guide instruction at the FKCAA for the next thirty-nine years.

Chicago-born Frances Lawrence, an 1893 graduate of the Chicago Kindergarten College, had studied and absorbed the pedagogy of John Dewey. With Harriet’s mandate to be daring in applying Dewey’s ideas to kindergarten education in Hawaii, Superintendent Lawrence arrived in Hawaii in 1896 and made some immediate changes. For example, she abandoned paper pricking, mat weaving, and the formal use of Froebel’s “gifts” used in the early free kindergartens in favor of free play, rhythm construction, and creative art on open lanais or outside.²⁶ These child-centered improvements would allow children to develop their senses, their imagination, and their capacity to live cooperatively with other children.

Lawrence’s reforms also included giving children free access to suitable art materials so as to encourage drawing, modeling, painting, and construction. In more traditional education, access to these materials was limited, and young artists were encouraged to imitate accepted drawings rather than to experiment. In the same way, Lawrence felt music and rhythm were important in the educational process. Her kindergartens avoided the mechanical “lessons” and emphasis on accuracy of tone characteristic of formalist education. Instead, they stressed opportunities for voluntary play, experimentation with sounds, and creative initiative. Spontaneity of response and freedom for joyous participation, rather than precision of movement and controlled or ordered action, became the aim of Lawrence’s kindergartens. These were typically taught in situations involving rhythmic play and games, in singing, and in free experimentation with simple musical instruments such as the gourd or drum. Marching games and outdoor experiences on the swing and the seesaw provided opportunities for rhythmic movement. Lawrence saw the additional benefit from this expression being the development of self-confidence and a renewed interest in learning. Her ideal was to work with nature, not against it. Like Dewey, she taught that a child’s best chance for happy, useful living lies in the effort to develop the child’s capacities, not to punish his or her deficiencies.

The same general idea was true of the social arts of drama, pageantry, storytelling, and reading. Unlike traditional kindergartens, which stressed control, memorization, and repetition of stories read by the teacher, Lawrence’s progressive sense was that children’s love of acting was natural and should be encouraged. Children were expected to invent stories and to relate them to the class. The teacher was more of a facilitator of discussion than an authoritarian figure requiring “right” answers to questions about standard stories read to a group. Furthermore, Lawrence saw that Hawaii presented special opportunities for the exercise of dramatic talent and story use.

In her concern to integrate the social arts into the academic curriculum, then, Lawrence revealed her Deweyite lack of relish for the historic separation of labor and leisure, man and nature, thought and action, individuality and association, method and subject matter, mind and behavior. For her, intelligence in the child was, as for Dewey, the purposeful reorganization, through action, of the material of experience.

After 1900, the policy of segregation would gradually be replaced with complete integration.²⁷ This was partly because of Hawaii’s ethnic diversity and partly because of the progressive assumption that democracy would be achieved only as schooling was popularized in character as well as clientele. Democracy could not flourish, progressives tended to feel, where there was segregated education. Democracy demanded a universal education in the problems of living together and of advancing society’s interests. Segregated schools could not reflect reality in Hawaii and, therefore, could not be the center of the struggle for a better life.²⁸

By 1900, the FKCAA had committed itself to desegregated education. It also committed itself to admit children of all ethnic groups in approximately the ratio found in Honolulu’s population. Further, since the Castle family had been joined by other generous donors, children could be admitted without consideration as to their parents’ economic or social status. For placement purposes, applicants were examined for physical size, mental age, maturation, and evidence that they could profit from the education offered. Only children of severe mental incapacity were excluded. In the twentieth century, as the application lists grew longer, the demand for more schools increased.²⁹

Although the private sector provided the major initiative, the territorial government entered the field in 1919. In a tentative fashion, funds were provided for kindergartens at Waialua on Oahu, Kahului on Maui, and Hilo on the Big Island. In June 1921, enrollment reached 587, but fell to 52 a year later. Because of discontinued funding, and perhaps because the private sector dominated the field at no cost to the public, public kindergartens disappeared until 1943.

In addition to her guidance of the kindergarten curriculum along progressive lines, Frances Lawrence continued the training of teachers, most of whom were high school graduates, in Dewey’s ideas. In 1894, the training school represented Harriet Castle’s goal of training Hawaiian and “foreign” girls for community service. Many of the early trainees came from the Kawaiahao Seminary, which later merged with Mill’s Institute to become today’s Mid-Pacific Institute. Others later came from the Kohala and Maunaolu Seminaries. During Frances Lawrence’s thirty-year tenure, fifty-nine young women received training in Dewey’s methods and took teaching positions in kindergartens. Gradually, however, the growing task of training teachers was absorbed by the Honolulu Normal School, created in 1896 and, after 1931, by the University of Hawaii.³⁰

By 1900, Mead and the Castle Foundation’s goal of a comprehensive progressive education for Hawaii was still to be realized. Nonetheless, when Harriet reviewed the changes in the first five years of the FKCAA, she saw a continuing role for women such as Lawrence in the future direction of early childhood education in Hawaii. Later, representatives of Columbia University, the U.S. Department of Education, and the Kindergarten Department of Los Angeles would rate the progressive education offered by the FKCAA as among the best in the country. Indeed, in 1920, John Dewey would visit Hawaii en route to Japan and China and would himself comment on the excellence of progressive kindergarten instruction then available through the FKCAA. His belief that the FKCAA and the Castle Kindergarten had bridged the gap between theory and practice gave perhaps the ultimate stamp of approval on years of hard work.³¹

Progressive education, as it existed in 1900, possessed an experimental curriculum directed toward the challenges of the future. With full faith in rational exploration, the unlimited potential of intellect to solve problems, and the sense that education held the key to social improvement in the twentieth century, progressive educators in Hawaii optimistically viewed the presets for a new century.³² However, the actual record of accomplishment of progressive education in Hawaii, seen in retrospect, was somewhat less successful than early adherents had hoped. Progressive elementary and kindergarten education never succeeded in its quest to provide educational opportunity for all ethnic and class groups in Hawaii. As Ralph Steuber, historian of educational theory and education in Hawaii, noted in an interview, progressivism also failed to provide the social integration and progress that reformers had hoped. This failure, however, may have been due to the inability to apply progressive theory to actual teaching practice, rather than to the shortcomings of Dewey’s ideas.³³

Despite a continuing debate about the role formal pedagogic structure should play in the curriculum, today progressivism is a generally accepted element in elementary and secondary education. Dewey’s and Mead’s central assumptions that the school is a community builder and that self and knowledge are both social constructs are given assumptions of teacher training in contemporary Hawaii. This is particularly true of the unspecialized curriculum of the kindergarten and the elementary school. Moreover, today, as in 1900, the private school often leads the public school in curricular innovation. Brief visits to the public University Lab School and to private schools such as Punahou, Hanahau’oli, and Holy Nativity reveal that basic progressivistic assumptions regarding education are alive and well.

Despite the practical difficulty of translating progressive theory into reality, the early efforts of Harriet Castle and the FKCAA established an educational framework that endures. The basic optimistic and secular faith that trained human intelligence can change the world for the better continues to be attractive. The progressive faith Henry Castle and G. H. Mead had in transmuting theological faith into secular engagement with social reform and change left Hawaii an educational legacy we still enjoy today. In 1943, the Territorial Department of Education would adopt a publicly supported full-day kindergarten that drew on the ideas of the Castles, Mead, and Dewey. In the twenty-first century, the Samuel N. and Mary Castle Foundation honors George and Henry with its continuing commitment to universal high-quality early education for three-and four-year-olds.

Alfred L. Castle

Samuel N. and Mary Castle Foundation

Honolulu, Hawaii

October 2012

NOTES

1. Robert M. Crunden, Ministers of Reform: The Progressives’ Achievement in American Civilization, 1889—1920 (Champaign-Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984). See also Gary A. Cook, George Herbert Mead: The Making of a Social Pragmatist (Champaign-Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993) and Alfred L. Castle, A Century of Philanthropy: A History of the Samuel N. and Mary Castle Foundation (Honolulu: Hawaiian Historical Society, 2004).

2. Luella Cole, A History of Education: Socrates to Montessori (New York: Rinehart, 1950), 525. See also Benjamin O. Wist, A Century of Public Education in Hawaii (Honolulu: Hawaii Educational Review Press, 1940), 134—35.

3. Adolph E. Meyer, An Educational History of the Western World (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1972), 377.

4. Annual Report for 1895, FKCAA Archives, Mother Rice Kindergarten, Honolulu.

5. Wist, Century of Public Education, 135.

6. Charter of the Free Kindergarten and Children’s Aid Association of the Hawaiian Islands, FKCAA Archives.

7. Charlotte Dodge, A History of the Free Kindergarten and Children’s Aid Association of the Hawaiian Islands, 1895—1945 ([Honolulu]: [FKCAA], n.d.), FKCAA Archives.

8. Ermine Cross, The Story of the Henry and Dorothy Castle Memorial Kindergarten (Honolulu: Paradise Engraving and Printing, 1923), 3.

9. Henry Castle, letter to Sister Carrie, March 1882, Henry Castle Letters (London: Sands and Company, 1902), 106.

10. Henry Castle, letter to Mary Castle, June 1885, Henry Castle Letters, 201.

11. Lawrence A. Cremin, The Transformation of the School: Progressivism in American Education, l876—1957 (New York: Vintage, 1964), 118.

12. John Dewey, The School and Society (Chicago: D. Appleton-Century, 1899), 43–44.

13. Ibid., 51.

14. Ibid., 70.

15. Harriet Castle Letters, 1897, FKCAA Archives.

16. J. N. Grouse, Chicago Kindergarten College, letter to Harriet Castle, Castle Correspondence, FKCAA Archives.

17. Dodge, History of the Free Kindergarten, 9.

18. Castle Correspondence, FKCAA Archives.

19. Harriet Castle, Notes, FKCAA Archives.

20. Harriet Castle, The Kindergarten and the Public School, Castle File, FKCAA Archives.

21. Ibid.

22. Ibid.

23. Harriet Castle, “Kindergarten Objectives,” KG Magazine, May 1923.

24. Ibid.

25. Castle File, Notes, FKCAA Archives.

26. Dodge, History of the Free Kindergarten, 5.

27. Ibid., 13.

28. Cremin, Transformation of the School, 125—26.

29. Adeline E. Babbitt, A Program for Children from 18 to 72 Months in the Hawaiian Situation (New York: Columbia University, 1948), 96.

30. Wist, Century of Public Education, 135.

31. Cross, Henry and Dorothy Castle Memorial Kindergarten, 4—6.

32. Herbert Zimiles, “Teachers College Record,” Progressive Education (Winter 1987): 205.

33. Dr. Ralph Steuber, personal interview, 10 May 1988.