Читать книгу The Life and Times of Ulric Zwingli - Johann Jakob Hottinger - Страница 9

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Just as Zwingli began his reformation in Switzerland, Martin Luther made his appearance in the German Empire. Many in those times tried to disparage the work of Zwingli by asserting that he only took the words out of Luther's mouth.--Learned men are since divided, some attributing the first step to the one and some to the other. As far as religion is concerned the question is of little consequence. The corruption of the church was the same in Switzerland as in Germany. Both were men of independent character. Each was developed in his spiritual peculiarities, according to his own nature and the custom of his people. But since Zwingli himself has set forth his relation to Luther, it may be worth our while to listen to his own language: "The great and powerful of this world have begun to proscribe and render odious the doctrine of Christ under the name of Luther; so that they, by whom it is preached, are called Lutherans. Thus it happened also to me. But before any one in our country ever heard the name of Luther, I had commenced to preach the Gospel in the year 1516, since I never went into the pulpit without placing before me the words, read in the Gospel of the mass for that day, in order to explain them from the Holy Scripture alone. In the beginning of the year, when I came to Zurich, no one yet knew anything of Luther, except that a book was published by him on indulgences, but it taught me little, for I had already been instructed concerning the fraud of indulgences by a disputation, which my beloved teacher, Thomas Wittenbach of Biel, held at Basel, although during my absence. Who then shall give me the nick-name of Lutheran? And when Luther's little book on the Paternoster appeared, and I had shortly before explained the same Paternoster in Matthew, I well knew, that many pious people suspected me of making that book and adding Luther's name to it. Who then could nick-name me a Lutheran? I point out this with all the circumstances, so that every one may learn, what the base intentions of several noblemen are, when they venture to tack the name of Luther to all, who preach the Gospel, so as thereby to make the doctrine odious to men, by giving you the name of a man, which is truly nothing else than a gross blasphemy, and a sure sign of a corrupt, godless conscience. Luther is, as it strikes me, an excellent soldier of God, who with great earnestness has looked through the Scripture as no one has ever done in a thousand years on earth, and with manly, undaunted spirit, has attacked therewith the Pope of Rome, as no one has ever done like him, as long as the Papacy has endured, yet without receiving abuse from others. But of whom is such an act? of God, or Luther? Ask Luther himself and, I well know, he will say, 'Of God.' Why then do you ascribe the doctrine of other men to Luther, when he himself ascribes it to God? Does Luther preach Christ? Then he does just what I do; although, God be thanked, by him a countless world more will be led to God, than by me and others, whose measure God makes greater or smaller, as he will. Nevertheless I will bear no name but that of my captain, Christ, whose soldier I am, who will give me office and pay as much as seems to him good. Now, I hope, every body will understand, why I do not wish to be nicknamed Lutheran; although I esteem Luther as highly as any man living." He proved by his actions that he spoke the truth, for when the Papal Bull of excommunication against Luther was already sent out, though not yet made known, he strove as far as it was in his power, first by representations to the acting attorney of the Legate in Zurich, and afterwards, by an anonymous publication, to hinder it as much as possible. So Zwingli stood then, acknowledging the high merit of the Saxon Reformer, supporting him, at his side; but now let us turn back to his national career.

The destructive influence of foreign mercenary service and pensions on the character of the people was no less visible in Zurich than in other States of the Confederacy, and the number of families, who were able to resist the charms of gold, displayed freely on all sides, was small, especially in the city. Indeed, the councils and people had, in the year 1513, executed a solemn oath against "Wages and Bribes," as it was called, and two years later, at the rumor of a high-handed breach of it, the people of the lakes rose up and by threats produced the flight of some of the bribed, and the dismissal and punishment of others; but the oath was taken on one day, uproar followed on the second, and then new transgressions on the third. When Zwingli came to Zurich, a suspicion, that had more or less foundation, rested on some of the first men in the government. This was increased by the notorious intrigues of the many foreign embassies, who were present, and their followers also not seldom helped on the demoralization of the city. In Bern the state of morals was better than in Zurich. "The Bernese"--wrote Sebastian Wagner to Zwingli--"appear to me not so morally corrupt as our people of Zurich. Their dress and their manners have a certain air of ancient Swiss simplicity." Bullinger also says, "Before the preaching of the Gospel Zurich was almost like Corinth in Greece. Much lewdness and frivolity prevailed, because diets were held there and many strangers flocked in, where the embassies of lords and princes were staying." George Mangolt of Constance tells us that he heard Zwingli himself say from the pulpit in the year 1520, that on a former visit to Zurich "he found so much wickedness there, that he silently resolved never to become a pastor in that city and prayed God to prevent it," and some years later, when reform began to gain ground, one of his friends, Anthony Dublet, wrote to him from Leyden, "I cannot tell you, what joy possessed me, what comfort stole into my heart, when I heard, that the first state of the Confederacy, your men of Zurich, till now, it seemed, born only for war and murder, more beasts than men, have laid aside their godless avarice joined to a godless cruelty, and in good faith pledged themselves to the simple Gospel and Christ, the Lord, the true Mediator. Truly, God is mighty, who can from such stones raise up children to Abraham!" The number of executions, one of which occurred nearly every month, was not able to keep down outbreaks of the lawless spirit, which ruled the nation, and the sentences of the judges on the bench not seldom bore marks of the rudeness of the age. In the second year of Zwingli's ministry, a witch was burnt, because she confessed on the rack, that she had sold herself to the Devil, had enjoyed connection with him, had ridden on a stick to Schaffhausen, and to an assembly of wicked spirits on the Heuberg, lamed cattle, and conjured up a frost and five hail-storms. New saints also were wantonly manufactured. The journeyman-tailors proclaimed St. Goodman as their patron, left off work, and went dancing about to the music of a drum. The authorities were compelled to interfere with sternness. All this shows the difficulties, that met the Reformer, on the part of the people, to whom he was sent.

And as it regards the government and the clergy his path was in no degree smoother. That some of the most distinguished members of the council were honestly and decidedly national in their feelings cannot be doubted. There is no evidence to show, that the burgomaster Mark Roist ever preferred his private advantage before the public weal, and his son Diethelm also, who sat next his father in the council, was an acknowledged man of honor. The deputy Rudolph Thumeisen had likewise maintained an unspotted reputation, and George Berger and Hans Effinger, even in Italy, among so many degraded characters, proved themselves incorruptible. Hans Edlebach, the treasurer Werdmueller, the banneret Schweizer, and of the younger men, Ulric Funk and Lavater, landvogt at Kyburg, enjoyed universal esteem. But besides these, there was another party, composed of men, who as the crowd says, meant well, though they were weak, and not inaccessible to the corrupting influences of the time, and hence undecided in moments of peril. The second burgomaster Schmied, his successor, the deputy Walder, and the senator Jacob Grebel may be pointed out as belonging to this class. On the other hand, there was yet a third class, who, were ready to desert any cause, and to help on and take part in any bold, disorderly proceeding. Accustomed to splendor and good-living, they had been reduced to poverty by idleness and prodigality, and hence were always in the market for the highest bidder. And yet by reason of their noble descent, and their extensive connections they were able to wield a considerable influence, for most of them were members of the aristocracy. Among these appear the Gœldins, the Stapfers, the Landenbergs, some of the branches of Zieglers and the Rahns, and bold men, like Onofrion Setzstab, who were prepared for any undertaking. Zwingli could foresee in them all, his deadly, and at a later period perhaps his powerful enemies.

Among the clergy, the new people's priest was brought into direct intercourse with the canons, who elected and had control over him. Although they had his kind wishes, he yet resolved, to act freely according to his convictions, supported by a feeling of spiritual superiority. He could scarcely have rejected good counsels from the trustee Utinger, and the canons Erasmus Schmied, Walder, Bachofen and some others perhaps, who at the very first extended to him the hand of friendship. His beginning will appear more difficult when we consider, that they acted by authority, and whoever, supported by it, ventured to come out into more decided opposition against him, could be certain of a strong support. That he therefore had to look for cold respect, but no hearty co-operation from one portion of the circle of his ministerial associates, and secret dislike, yea, even burning hatred from another, might be inferred from the nature of the human passions and the circumstances of the case.

In this way, his position had already become suspicious to the higher, and much more to the lower clergy, on account of their general dislike. The reputation, which had preceded him, made the race of monks tremble, for by their degeneracy, they had fallen into deserved contempt with the mass of the people. Still, distinguished patrons, and adherents in public and private remained true to him. Zwingli could not at least expect skillful opponents from this quarter. Their gross ignorance left them at his mercy. But just in the very consciousness of his superiority lay a temptation, so much the stronger to rash and premature action, and by this the Reformer was threatened with the greatest danger. Thus affairs stood in Zurich, when Zwingli began to teach. He arrived there on the 27 December, 1518, and immediately presented himself to the convent of the canons. Here he was made acquainted with the duties of his office. Of the fourteen articles of direction, the two shortest were those relating to the pulpit. Twice in a year he had to read aloud longer passages from the Gospels, to preach on Sundays, to announce the festivals, and to notify the chapter of the so-called anniversaries, or to see that it was done by one of his two assistants. The other articles treated of his presence in the choir, obedience, style of dress, the reading of the mass, baptism, simony (the selling of benefices or obtaining them by fraud), but especially the care of the revenues of the chapter. All his duties were detailed therein with the greatest precision and minuteness. An article was afterwards added, which made it the duty of the people's priest not to leave the city during seasons of pestilence.

At this meeting Zwingli declared that he regarded preaching as his chief business. First of all, the people must be taught to understand the Holy Scriptures. So it had been in ancient times. But now nothing was heard, except solitary extracts, and even these in a foreign language. He did not pass by the remark, that the church thus orders it, but appealed on the contrary to its oldest statutes, and proved clearly the modern origin and ruinous consequences of the change.

What he had told the canons, he made known to the congregation on the first of January, 1519, and on Sunday the second, began to expound the Gospel of Matthew. It is easy to imagine, that, when he first came out in this unwonted manner, a large number of hearers would be collected to-gether; but to retain them, demanded an inward call, combined with a vast range of knowledge. The applause, which he drew forth, continually increased, for he knew how to attract both the high and the low. His sermons were life-pictures; and this gave them their charm, their power, their practical effect. The doctrine of Christ, designed for all nations and all ages, is so simple, and can be traced back to such a few principles, that by a mere repetition, paraphrase, or exclusive explanation of these only, the most dexterous orator, obliged to appear so often, must become dull and cold; but infinitely rich, and ever new, is life surveyed in the light of this same doctrine. The appearance of Zwingli, not only every week, but almost every day, was, for this reason, always welcome. Now, when the occasion called for it, there were representations of the fate of Jesus and of the apostles; and then again, narratives or pictures from Christian or Jewish, and sometimes even heathen history, events of the day, and praise or blame, which, without fear of offence, he wove into his discourses. "Take it not to yourself, O pious man!" he was accustomed to say. Indeed this mode of preaching raised an excitement nearly like the press in our times. Yet one difference between the old and the new teachers of the people is not to be overlooked. The former employed throughout the rule of the Gospel, and was concerned for the advancement of religious truth and not mere party views.

In proportion, meanwhile, as his knowledge of the people of Zurich and their circumstances increased, his sermons became more direct and pointed. If any one found fault with them, and it came to the ears of the preacher, he might be sure of an answer at the first opportunity. He did not hesitate to speak of them by name, and sometimes gave free play to his wit. Whatever was done, in convent-walls, bar-rooms, and even in the hall of the council, contrary to truth, reason and sound morals, was exposed without mercy from the pulpit. Just then, 1519, the throne of the German Empire became vacant by the death of Maximilian I. Intrigues in regard to the choice of a successor kept the diet assembled in Zurich, in constant employment. Envoys were repeatedly sent to Italy in the service of the Pope; France attempted once more to bring about a closer alliance, and towards the north, in spite of all the dissuasion of the allied powers, whole troops of deserters streamed to the banner of Duke Ulric of Wirtemberg, who, driven from his own capital, was engaged in war against the Swabian League. Amid these circumstances Zwingli took occasion to speak sometimes a word from the pulpit concerning politics. In this, the Gospel gave him less countenance, than the example of those Jewish prophets, who formerly made bold to bring the rule of kings under their examination, warning, or censure. But the times were no longer the same, and such a transgression of the bounds marked out by prudence, might well awaken concern in the bosoms of individual statesmen, who were not deserving of reproach.

And yet amid all, he still gained firmer footing in Zurich. Every man of unbiased feeling was obliged to confess, that he was inspired by religion, and had the welfare of the state as well as the church truly at heart. Moreover, it could not escape any one, familiar with history, that only the most decided measures can eradicate deep-seated corruption. The universal abhorrence of the traffic of indulgences came to his aid. The miserable Samson, after filling his pockets at Bern, had ventured to approach Zurich. Both the spiritual and secular authorities approved of the attacks, which Zwingli made against him. He was prevented from riding into the city. Even the Diet, to which he appealed, would have nothing to do with him, and went so far as to give Felix Grebel, who was setting out for Rome, a commission to lay complaints of him before the Pope. Immediately the monk received evidence of Leo's displeasure. "The thirteen cantons of the Confederacy"--was written to him--"have complained to His Holiness, that, in the promulgation of indulgences, you have fallen into errors, which it were out of place here to enumerate. The Holy Father is much astonished at this, and has given orders, to enjoin upon you in his name, to be subject in all things to the will of the aforesaid lords of the Confederacy. You shall remain there, for the execution of your commission, if they demand it, but in no way oppose them, if they desire you to return to Italy; for it is the will of the Holy Father, that you be entirely obedient to these lords, his well-beloved sons, in all things that can contribute to the welfare of their souls. You will also show this letter to them."

There was great rejoicing over this conclusion of the matter, especially on the part of the General-vicar of the Bishop of Constance, Faber, who had formerly been Zwingli's fellow-student in Vienna, and had since then kept up a certain intimacy with him. Indeed at Zwingli's first bold debut the general-vicar seemed to wish it still closer. "Why"--wrote he to him--"do you make so careful and sparing a use of my friendship? Why do you seem to mistrust me? Do not doubt! Begun under favorable auspices, it will last forever." Still later he invited him to his house, communicated his plans to him, asked his judgment concerning books, and proclaimed aloud his praise, especially where he knew that it would reach Zwingli's ears. But the Reformer looked deeper. Modesty was a prominent trait in his character from youth upwards. In the one appeared the love of the world, the struggle to elevate himself by any means in his power, the vain fancy that he could hood-wink others by the assumption of a mask; in the other, a strong love for truth. Nevertheless, Zwingli wished to avoid a breach with his former friend; and now, especially, when he and the bishop seemed not unwilling to favor further reforms. In reference to this he thus expresses himself in the letter to Valentine Compar already quoted from: "I have sent humble and dutiful letters to the Bishop of Constance, and pointed out to him publicly and privately and in every way, how he ought to apply himself to spreading abroad the light of the Gospel; and that it would redound to the honor of the whole race of Landenberg, if he were the first bishop, who would cause the Gospel to be freely preached; but I do not know how the weather has changed. They, who were so prompt before, have given me no answer, either by mouth, or pen, except, what they have done in general. But this was unlike the former, because (in consequence of it) the vicar let me understand orally and by writing, the Bishop would not endure too much urging from the Pope."

Amid such signs of a storm gathering on all sides, the plague broke out in Zurich towards the close of the summer of 1519. Spreading in almost all the neighboring countries, it reached Switzerland from the east, and penetrated into the secluded vallies of the mountains. Zwingli received the news of its near approach in a bath at Pfeffers, and, mindful of his duty as people's priest, immediately hurried back to Zurich. Seeing the peculiar danger, he sent several young men, who were living in his house, particularly his young brother Andrew, to their homes; but he himself unterrified began to discharge the duties of his office. The result, that was foreseen, followed. He also was laid upon a bed of sickness.

Not for harmony of rhythm, but for the deep inward feeling, which they manifest, the verses composed by him, after he had become convalescent, in two different periods of sickness, are truly remarkable. They show us the sources of his faith and activity, and a character, which even in view of what appeared to be his last hour, remained true to itself. An admirer of Zwingli in modern times, still keeping faithfully to the thoughts, has altered the language to that of our century, and in this form they may also be admitted here.¹

In the beginning of sickness:
Lo! at my door Gaunt Death I spy; Hear, Lord of life, Thy creature's cry. The arm that hung Upon the tree, Jesus, uplift-- And rescue me.	Yet, if to quench My sun at noon, Be thy behest, Thy will be done! In faith and hope Earth I resign, Secure of heaven-- For I am thine!
When the disease gained strength.
Fierce grow my pains: Help, Lord, in haste! For flesh and heart Are failing fast. Clouds wrap my sight My tongue is dumb, Lord tarry not, The hour is come!	In Satan's grasp. On Hell's dark brink, My spirit reels,-- Ah! must I sink? No, Jesus, no! Him I defy, While here beneath Thy cross I lie.

But his vigorous constitution surmounted the disease. About the end of autumn signs of convalescence began to appear, and he gave vent to his joy, at the prospect of restoration to life and activity, in the following stanzas:

My Father God, Behold me whole! Again on earth A living soul! Let sin no more My heart annoy, But fill it, Lord, With holy joy.

Though now delayed, My hour must come, Involved, perchance, In deeper gloom. It matters not Rejoicing yet I'll bear the yoke To Heaven's bright gate.

Thus sickness did not cause him to waver in his settled convictions, but filled him, on the contrary, with new courage. Yet the last poem shows us that a foreboding of a darker fate in the future was by no means strange to him. Indeed, not long after his recovery, he expressed himself still more clearly in a similar strain to his friend Myconius. After a glance at the dangers which surrounded Luther, he continued: "Whatever may befall me, I, already marked out as a victim, look for every thing evil from the clergy and the laity. I only pray Christ for courage to bear all with a manly heart, and that he may crush or strengthen me, his laborer, as may seem good to him, and, should I even fall under excommunication, I will think of Hilary, that learned and holy man, who was banished from Gaul to the deserts of Africa, and of Lucius, who was driven from the Roman See, and afterwards brought back with honor. I will not liken myself to such men, who though greater than I, still endured the greatest evils. But should one glory await me; may it be, to suffer shame for Christ! Yet, let him, who thinketh he standeth, take heed lest he fall."

That he could thus express himself to his best friend only by letter and no more see him in person at his side, belonged to the bitter trials of his life at this time. Myconius had just then accepted a call to the highest professorship in his native city Luzern, and Zwingli found himself deprived of half his support, "like an army"--he said--"one of whose wings is cut off in the presence of the enemy." This man, by reason of his moderation, had great influence with the clergy and the laity, and often became a useful mediator between them and the impetuous Zwingli. There was no one now to persuade the Reformer to use milder measures; and the complaints of the canons, summed up in a letter to his superior, the Provost Frei, only provoked him to a repulsive answer. These related chiefly to the imposition of tithes, the main source of revenue to the church, and an unjust burden in the eyes of the majority of the nation. The people's priest was expressly pledged by the statutes, to take care of the conscientious disposition of the tithe, and to insist upon it as a religious duty in his discourses. "Instead of which"--says the letter of the canons--"he denies the divine origin of the tax, and seems to regard it as tyranny, if it be strictly enforced. Is it any wonder that the people stick to him? He makes us odious to the laity, calls the monks 'theologians of the cowl,' and whatever he hears bad of them, he talks about it in the pulpit." It is almost certain, that the Provost, when Zwingli had conversed somewhat earnestly with him concerning these charges, was ashamed of the memorial of his subordinates. At least he cherished no hatred toward his person. On the contrary, some months later, he exerted his utmost influence to induce the chapter of the canons, without consulting a higher spiritual court, to simplify their worship and alter the breviary of the cathedral, "because it is impossible in this age to keep up any longer the multitude of holidays, ceremonies and ecclesiastical customs, which have been accumulating for centuries." In the same manner Zwingli was afterwards, upon his own request, admitted into the number of the canons.²

Thus far in Zurich the external condition of the church remained the same. The agitation was confined to the souls of men. In the mean time this was little felt beyond the limits of the canton. Neither the Confederates, nor the Bishop, nor the Pope, nor his legates found any occasion to interfere; and now again it was from political events, that the first general movement took its rise.

The Perpetual Peace was concluded by Francis I, in the hope of paving the way for a closer alliance with the Confederates. He needed and sought after their soldiers; he wished to take them away from his enemies. He, therefore, sent to them some of his men of business, who were best acquainted with our country and its inhabitants; lavished gold in abundance, and held in his employ some of the most active Swiss as recruiting officers. Among these, Albert von Stein, a Bernese, was the boldest and most indefatigable. He was well known in the canton of Zurich. He had relations and connexions there. His appearance always gave rise to an excitement, and in some districts of the country at least, the youth did not lend an unwilling ear to his voice. When by the election of Charles V. to the throne of the German Empire in the year 1519, the French King saw his hopes vanish, he redoubled his efforts to secure the wished for defensive alliance, and a favorable hearing first of all in Bern and Luzern. Most other places joined with them. Only Zurich, Schwyz, Basel, and Schaffhausen stood out against it. At length, in April 1521, the three latter were also won over. On the 5th of May, the treaty was subscribed in Luzern by twelve states and all the places subject to them, and at the same diet the resolution was passed, to make a last general endeavor, to prevent Zurich from withdrawing by herself.

It is mentioned by Bullinger and all his contemporaries that Zwingli spoke out decidedly against this treaty from the pulpit and whenever he found opportunity; and they seem to infer from the strength and clearness of papers concerning it issued from Zurich, that he had the chief hand in their composition. But the Confederates worked against him with just as much zeal. Not only did envoys from Bern, Luzern, Uri, Unterwalden, Zug and Solothurn, along with the French ambassador Lameth, present, in the name of all the others, petitions, expressions of regard, and even hints at grievous consequences in case of a refusal, but written letters came also from the rural districts and congregations, demanding a subscription of the treaty. Albert von Stein and others like him, were seen traveling repeatedly from place to place throughout the canton.

Under these circumstances the government resorted to a natural expedient. It declared that it must first hear the voice of the people, and then the great council would decide.

Members of the council were sent into all the bailiwicks, to lay before the assembled commons, first the treaty itself, and then, a written explanation of its several articles, and ask their patient examination of it, and also a communication of their views, in writing, to the government. With the league and its significance to the Confederacy the more circumstantial history of the country begins. On the contrary, the real voice of the people ought to be plain to us from the answers of the commons. The records may be quoted in the true-hearted language of the time, and a beginning made with Winterthur.

"On notice brought by our worthy lords, the knight Felix Grebel, Younker Conrad Engelhard and Master Henry Wegmann, who as ambassadors of our gracious, loving lords, the burgomaster, and the Small and Great Councils of the city of Zurich, have sufficiently informed, by written instructions, my lords, the Schultheiss, and the Small and Great Councils of the city of Winterthur concerning the alliance--it is true: my lords, the Schultheiss, and the Small and Great Councils, would have thought advice from them unnecessary, since they have already given it to our lords, the burgomaster, and the Council of the city of Zurich, by their deputy and member. But since they could not be excused and found themselves included with others in the letters of instruction, they have sat upon the business and framed an answer to be given to the twelve cantons, in the hope that it may serve to further peace and unity. And the humble, earnest answer and prayer of my lords, the Schultheiss and the Small and Great Council, is, that some way may be devised, so to arrange matters, that our lords, the burgomaster and the Council of the city of Zurich, may be and remain one with the twelve cantons and the other Confederates, with the further offer, that, if it happen so or not, they will none the less act, as becomes pious, honest people, and place their lives and property at your disposal."

"The four Wards, together with Wipkingen, Seebach, Schwamendingen, and Oerlikon, also Wiedikon and Wollishofen, give answer to the paper read before them concerning the French alliance: first of all, that they thank my lords for their distinguished honor and friendship in laying open before them their cares and trials; therefore, be it their general will and opinion, and urgent desire and prayer, that my lords will be very slow to enter into union and alliances with the French, as well as other foreign princes and lords, since they would have nothing at all to do with the French aforesaid. For each honest man can scarcely raise children enough to send to the French King. Besides, be it also their desire, that the treaties and what they grant, be maintained among the Confederates; and thereto, as pious, true people and subjects, they pledge their lives and property and all else, that God has given them."

"An assembly at Hirslanden and Riespach have with one accord resolved on the cross, that they fervently, earnestly, and with the highest zeal, thank our lords of Zurich for their pious, friendly notice, and for telling them so truly the misery, troubles and dangers of the alliance with the king, brought about and subscribed to by the twelve cantons, and therefore, earnestly beseech our lords aforesaid to remain firm in their honest purpose and intention, and give the go-by to all princes and lords; then will they also pledge to them their souls, honor, lives and property without any reserve, since they would have nothing at all to do with this alliance, as far as lies in their power."