Читать книгу The Poetical Works of John Skelton (Vol. 1&2) - John Skelton - Страница 7
Оглавление“IN CLARISSIMI SCHELTONIS LOUANIENSIS POETÆ LAUDES EPIGRAMMA.
Quum terra omnifero lætissima risit amictu,
Plena novo fœtu quælibet arbor erat;
Vertice purpurei vultus incepit honores
Extensis valvis pandere pulchra rosa;
Et segetum tenero sub cortice grana tumescunt,
Flavescens curvat pendula spica caput.
Vix Cancri tropicos æstus lustravit anhelans
Pythius, et Nemeæ vertit ad ora feræ,
Vesper solis equos oriens dum clausit Olympo,
Agmina stellarum surgere cuncta jubet:
Hic primo aspiceres ut Cynthia vecta sereno
Extulerat surgens cornua clara polo;
Inde Hydram cernas, stravit quam clava trinodis
Alcidæ, nitidis emicuisse comis;
Tum[40] Procyon subiit, præpes Lepus, hinc Jovis ales,
Arctos, et Engonasus, sidus et Eridani;
Ignivomis retinet radiis quæ stellifer orbis
(Quid multis remorer?) sidera cuncta micant.
Nutat Atlanteum convexum pondus, ocellis
Dum lustro hæc ægris, vergit et oceano.
Tum furtim alma quies repens mihi membra soporat,
Curaque Lethæo flumine mersa jacet:
O mihi quam placidis Icelos tulit aurea somnis
Somnia, musiphilis non caritura fide!
Nuncia percelebris Polyhymnia blanda salutans
Me Clarii ut visam numina sacra citat.
Ut sequar hanc lætus, mihi visus amœna vireta
Et nemorum umbrosos præteriisse sinus:
Scilicet hæc montes monstraverat inter eundum
Et fontes Musæ quos coluere sacros;
Castalios latices, Aganippidos atque Medusei
Vidimus alipedis flumina rupta pede;
Antra hinc Libethri monstrat Pimpleidos undas,
Post vada Cephisi, Phocidos atque lacus;
Nubifer assurgit mons Pierus atque Cithæron,
Gryneumque nemus dehinc Heliconque sacer;
Inde et Parnasi bifidi secreta subimus,
Tota ubi Mnemosynes sancta propago manet.
Turba pudica novem dulce hic cecinere sororum;
Delius in medio plectra chelynque sonat:
Aurifluis laudat modulis monumenta suorum
Vatum, quos dignos censet honore poli:
De quo certarunt Salamin, Cumæ, vel Athenæ,
Smyrna, Chios, Colophon, primus Homerus erat;
Laudat et Orpheum, domuit qui voce leones,
Eurydicen Stygiis qui rapuitque rogis;
Antiquum meminit Musæum Eumolpide natum,
Te nec Aristophanes Euripidesque tacet;
Vel canit illustrem genuit quem Teia tellus,
Quemque fovit dulci Coa camena sinu;
Deinde cothurnatum celebrem dat laude Sophoclem,
Et quam Lesbides pavit amore Phaon;
Æschylus, Amphion, Thespis nec honore carebant,
Pindarus, Alcæus, quem tuleratque Paros;
Sunt alii plures genuit quos terra Pelasga,
Daphnæum cecinit quos meruisse decus:
Tersa Latinorum dehinc multa poemata texit,
Laude nec Argivis inferiora probat;
Insignem tollit ter vatem, cui dedit Andes
Cunas urbs, clarum Parthenopæa taphum;
Blanda Corinna, tui Ponto religatus amore,
Sulmoni natus Naso secundus erat;
Inde nitore fluens lyricus genere Appulus ille
Qui Latiis primus mordica metra tulit;
Statius Æacidem sequitur Thebaida pingens,
Emathio hinc scribens prælia gesta solo;
Cui Verona parens hinc mollis scriptor amorum,
Tu nec in obscuro, culte Tibulle, lates;
Haud reticendus erat cui patria Bilbilis, atque
Persius hinc mordax crimina spurca notans;
Eximius pollet vel Seneca luce tragœdus,
Comicus et Latii bellica præda ducis;
Laudat et hinc alios quos sæcula prisca fovebant;
Hos omnes longum jam meminisse foret.
Tum[41] Smintheus, paulo spirans, ait, ecce, sorores,
Quæ clausa oceano terra Britanna nitet!
Oxoniam claram Pataræa ut regna videtis,
Aut Tenedos, Delos, qua mea fama viret:
Nonne fluunt istic nitidæ ut Permessidos undæ,
Istic et Aoniæ sunt juga visa mihi?
Alma fovet vates nobis hæc terra ministros,
Inter quos Schelton jure canendus adest:
Numina nostra colit; canit hic vel carmina cedro
Digna, Palatinis et socianda sacris;
Grande decus nobis addunt sua scripta, linenda
Auratis, digna ut posteritate, notis;
Laudiflua excurrit serie sua culta poesis,
Certatim palmam lectaque verba petunt;
Ora lepore fluunt, sicuti dives fagus auro,
Aut pressa Hyblæis dulcia mella favis;
Rhetoricus sermo riguo fecundior horto,
Pulchrior est multo puniceisque rosis,
Unda limpidior, Parioque politior albo,
Splendidior vitro, candidiorque nive,
Mitior Alcinois pomis, fragrantior ipso
Thureque Pantheo, gratior et violis;
Vincit te, suavi Demosthene, vincit Ulyxim
Eloquio, atque senem quem tulit ipse Pylos;
Ad fera bella trahat verbis, nequiit quod Atrides
Aut Brisis, rigidum te licet, Æacides;
Tantum ejus verbis tribuit Suadela Venusque
Et Charites, animos quolibet ille ut agat,
Vel Lacedæmonios quo Tyrtæus pede claudo
Pieriis vincens martia tela modis,
Magnus Alexander quo belliger actus ab illa
Mæonii vatis grandisonante tuba;
Gratia tanta suis virtusque est diva camenis,
Ut revocet manes ex Acheronte citos;
Leniat hic plectro vel pectora sæva leonum,
Hic strepitu condat mœnia vasta lyræ;
Omnimodos animi possit depellere morbos,
Vel Niobes luctus Heliadumque truces;
Reprimat his rabidi Saulis sedetque furores,
Inter delphinas alter Arion erit;
Ire Cupidineos quovis hic cogat amores,
Atque diu assuetos hic abolere queat;
Auspice me tripodas sentit, me inflante calores
Concipit æthereos, mystica diva canit;
Stellarum cursus, naturam vasti et Olympi,
Aeris et vires hic aperire potest,
Vel quid cunctiparens gremio tellus fovet almo,
Gurgite quid teneat velivolumque mare;
Monstratur digito phœnice ut rarior uno,
Ecce virum de quo splendida fama volat!
Ergo decus nostrum quo fulget honorque, sorores,
Heroas laudes accumulate viro;
Laudes accumulent Satyri, juga densa Lycæi,
Pindi, vel Rhodopes, Mænala quique colunt;
Ingeminent plausus Dryades facilesque Napææ,
Oreadum celebris turba et Hamadryadum;
Blandisonum vatem, vos Oceanitidesque atque
Naiades, innumeris tollite præconiis;
Æterno vireat quo vos celebravit honore,
Illius ac astris fama perennis eat:
Nunc maduere satis vestro, nunc prata liquore
Flumina, Pierides, sistite, Phœbus ait.
Sat cecinisse tuum sit, mi Schelton, tibi laudi
Hæc Whitintonum: culte poeta, vale.
Ex capitalibus hexametrorum litteris solerter compositis emergit hoc distichon;
Quæ Whitintonus canit ad laudes tibi, Schelton,
Anglorum vatum gloria, sume libens.”[42]
Another laudatory notice of Skelton by a contemporary writer will not here be out of place;
“To all auncient poetes, litell boke, submytte the,
Whilom flouryng in eloquence facundious,
And to all other whiche present nowe be;
Fyrst to maister Chaucer and Ludgate sentencious,
Also to preignaunt Barkley nowe beying religious,
To inuentiue Skelton and poet laureate;
Praye them all of pardon both erly and late.”[43]
Skelton frequently styles himself “orator regius;”[44] but the nature of the office from which he derived the title is not, I believe, understood. The lines in which, as we have just seen, Whittington so lavishly praises his “rhetoricus sermo,” allude most probably to his performances in the capacity of royal orator.
In 1498 Skelton took holy orders. The days on which, during that year, he was ordained successively subdeacon, deacon, and priest, are ascertained by the following entries:
“[In ecclesia conuentuali domus siue hospitalis sancti Thome martiris de Acon ciuitatis London. per Thomam Rothlucensem episcopum vltimo die mensis Marcii]
M. Johannes Skelton London, dioc. ad titulum Mon. beate Marie de Graciis iuxta Turrim London.”
“[In cathedra sancti Pauli London. apud summum altare eiusdem per Thomam permissione diuina London, episcopum in sabbato sancto viz. xiiii die mensis Aprilis]
Johannes Skelton poete [sic] laureatus Lond. dioc. ad titulum Mon. de Graciis juxta turrim London.”
“[In ecclesia conuentuali hospitalis beate Marie de Elsyng per Thomam Rothlucensem episcopum ix die mensis Iunii]
M. Johannes Skelton poeta lureatus [sic] London. dioc. ad titulum Mon. de Graciis iuxta turrim London.”[45]
When Arthur, the eldest son of Henry the Seventh, was created Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester, in 1489,[46] Skelton celebrated the event in a composition (probably poetical) called Prince Arturis Creacyoun,[47] of which the title alone remains; and when Prince Henry, afterwards Henry the Eighth, was created Duke of York, in 1494,[48] he was hailed by our author in some Latin verses—Carmen ad principem, quando insignitus erat ducis Ebor. titulo—a copy of which (not to be found at present) was once among the MSS. in the Library of Lincoln Cathedral, having been seen by Tanner, who cites the initial words—“Si quid habes, mea Musa.”[49]
As at the last-mentioned date Prince Henry was a mere infant, there can be no doubt that the care of his education had not yet been entrusted to our poet. It must have been several years after 1494 that Skelton was appointed tutor to that prince—an appointment which affords a striking proof of the high opinion entertained of his talents and learning, as well as of the respectability of his character. He has himself recorded that he held this important situation:
“The honor of Englond I lernyd to spelle,
In dygnyte roialle that doth excelle:
Note and marke wyl[50] thys parcele;
I yaue hym drynke of the sugryd welle
Of Eliconys waters crystallyne,
Aqueintyng hym with the Musys nyne.
Yt commyth thé wele me to remorde,
That creaunser[51] was to thy sofre[yne] lorde:
It plesyth that noble prince roialle
Me as hys master for to calle
In hys lernyng primordialle.”[52]
And in another poem he informs us that he composed a treatise for the edification of his royal pupil:
“The Duke of Yorkis creauncer whan Skelton was,
Now Henry the viii. Kyng of Englonde,
A tratyse he deuysid and browght it to pas,
Callid Speculum Principis, to here in his honde,
Therin to rede, and to vnderstande
All the demenour of princely astate,
To be our Kyng, of God preordinate.”[53]
The Speculum Principis has perished: we are unable to determine whether it was the same work as that entitled Methodos Skeltonidis laureati, sc. Præcepta quædam moralia Henrico principi, postea Henr. viii, missa. Dat. apud Eltham A.D. MDI., which in Tanner’s days[54] was extant (mutilated at the beginning) among the MSS. in the Lincoln-Cathedral Library, but which (like the Latin verses mentioned in a preceding page) has since been allowed to wander away from that ill-guarded collection.
When Prince Henry was a boy of nine years old, Erasmus dedicated to him an ode De Laudibus Britanniæ, Regisque Henrici Septimi ac Regiorum Liberorum. The Dedication contains the following memorable encomium on Skelton; “Et hæc quidem interea tamquam ludicra munuscula tuæ pueritiæ dicavimus, uberiora largituri ubi tua virtus una cum ætate accrescens uberiorem carminum materiam suppeditabit. Ad quod equidem te adhortarer, nisi et ipse jamdudum sponte tua velis remisque (ut aiunt) eo tenderes, et domi haberes Skeltonum, unum Britannicarum literarum lumen ac decus, qui tua studia possit, non solum accendere, sed etiam consummare;” and in the Ode are these lines;
“Jam puer Henricus, genitoris nomine lætus,
Monstrante fonteis vate Skeltono sacros,
Palladias teneris meditatur ab unguibus arteis.”[55]
The circumstances which led to the production of this Ode are related by Erasmus in the following curious passage: “Is erat labor tridui, et tamen labor, quod jam annos aliquot nec legeram nec scripseram ullum carmen. Id partim pudor a nobis extorsit, partim dolor. Pertraxerat me Thomas Morus,[56] qui tum me in prædio Montjoii[57] agentem inviserat, ut animi causa in proximum vicum[58] expatiaremur. Nam illic educabantur omnes liberi regii, uno Arcturo excepto, qui tum erat natu maximus. Ubi ventum est in aulam, convenit tota pompa, non solum domus illius, verum etiam Montjoiicæ. Stabat in medio Henricus annos natus novem, jam tum indolem quandam regiam præ se ferens, h. e. animi celsitudinem cum singulari quadam humanitate conjunctam. A dextris erat Margareta, undecim ferme annos nata, quæ post nupsit Jacobo Scotorum Regi. A sinistris, Maria lusitans, annos nata quatuor. Nam Edmondus adhuc infans, in ulnis gestabatur. Morus cum Arnoldo sodali salutato puero Henrico, quo rege nunc floret Britannia, nescio quid scriptorum obtulit. Ego, quoniam hujusmodi nihil expectabam, nihil habens quod exhiberem, pollicitus sum aliquo pacto meum erga ipsum studium aliquando declaraturum. Interim subirascebar Moro, quod non præmonuisset; et eo magis, quod puer Epistolio inter prandendum ad me misso, meum calamum provocaret. Abii domum, ac vel invitis Musis, cum quibus jam longum fuerat divortium, Carmen intra triduum absolvi. Sic et ultus sum dolorem meum, et pudorem sarsi.”[59]
The mother of Henry the Seventh, the Countess of Richmond and Derby, is well known to have used her utmost exertions for the advancement of literature: she herself translated some pieces from the French; and, under her patronage, several works (chiefly works of piety) were rendered into English by the most competent scholars of the time. It is to her, I apprehend, that Skelton alludes in the following passage of the Garlande of Laurell, where he mentions one of his lost performances;
“Of my ladys grace at the contemplacyoun,
Owt of Frenshe into Englysshe prose,
Of Mannes Lyfe the Peregrynacioun,
He did translate, enterprete, and disclose.”[60]
According to Churchyard, Skelton was “seldom out of princis grace:”[61] yet among the Actes, Orders, and Decrees made by the King and his Counsell, remaining amongst the Records of the Court, now commonly called the Court of Requests, we find, under anno 17. Henry vii.; “10 Junii apud Westminster Jo. Skelton commissus carceribus Janitoris Domini Regis.”[62] What could have occasioned this restraint, I cannot even conjecture: but in those days of extra-judicial imprisonments he might have been incarcerated for a very slight offence. It is, however, by no means certain that the “Jo. Skelton” of the above entry was the individual who forms the subject of the present essay;[63] and it is equally doubtful whether or not the following entry, dated the same year, relates to the mother of the poet;
(Easter term, 17. Henry vii.) | “Johanne Skelton vidue de regard. Domini Regis[64] | iij. li. vj. s. viij. d.” |
It has been already shewn that Skelton took holy orders in 1498.[65] How soon after that period he became rector of Diss in Norfolk, or what portion of his life was spent there in the exercise of his duties, cannot be ascertained. He certainly resided there in 1504 and 1511,[66] and, as it would seem from some of his compositions,[67] in 1506, 1507, and 1513; in the year of his decease he was, at least nominally, the rector of Diss.[68]
We are told[69] that for keeping, under the title of a concubine, a woman whom he had secretly married, Skelton was called to account, and suspended from his ministerial functions by his diocesan, the bloody-minded and impure Richard Nykke (or Nix),[70] at the instigation of the friars, chiefly the Dominicans, whom the poet had severely handled in his writings. It is said, too, that by this woman he had several children, and that on his death-bed he declared that he conscientiously regarded her as his wife, but that such had been his cowardliness, that he chose rather to confess adultery (concubinage) than what was then reckoned more criminal in an ecclesiastic—marriage.
It has been supposed that Skelton was curate of Trumpington near Cambridge[71] (celebrated as the scene of Chaucer’s Milleres Tale), because at the end of one of his smaller poems are the following words:
“Auctore Skelton, rectore de Dis.
Finis, &c. Apud Trumpinton scriptum[72] per Curatum ejusdem, quinto die Januarii Anno Domini, secundum computat. Angliæ, MDVII.”[73]
But the meaning evidently is, that the curate of Trumpington had written out the verses composed by the rector of Diss; and that the former had borrowed them from the latter for the purpose of transcription, is rendered probable by two lines which occur soon after among some minor pieces of our author;
“Hanc volo transcribas, transcriptam moxque remittas
Pagellam; quia sunt qui mea scripta sciunt.”[74]
Anthony Wood affirms that “at Disse and in the diocese” Skelton “was esteemed more fit for the stage than the pew or pulpit.”[75] It is at least certain that anecdotes of the irregularity of his life, of his buffoonery as a preacher, &c. &c. were current long after his decease, and gave rise to that tissue of extravagant figments which was put together for the amusement of the vulgar, and entitled the Merie Tales of Skelton.[76]
Churchyard informs us that Skelton’s “talke was as he wraet [wrote];”[77] and in this propensity to satire, as well in conversation as in writing, originated perhaps those quarrels with Garnesche, Barclay, Gaguin, and Lily, which I have now to notice.
As the four poems Against Garnesche were composed “by the kynges most noble commaundement,” we may conclude that the monarch found amusement in the angry rhymes with which Skelton overwhelmed his opponent. Garnesche, it appears, was the challenger in this contest;[78] and it is to be regretted that his verses have perished, because in all probability they would have thrown some light on the private history of Skelton. The Flyting of Dunbar and Kennedy[79] bears a considerable resemblance to the verses against Garnesche; but the two Scottish poets are supposed to have carried on a sportive warfare of rude raillery, while a real animosity seems to have existed between our author and his adversary.[80] At the time of this quarrel (the exact date of which cannot be determined) Christopher Garnesche was gentleman-usher to Henry the Eighth, and dignified with knighthood;[81] and (if Skelton may be credited) had risen from the performance of very menial offices to the station which he then occupied. As he had no claims on the remembrance of posterity, little is known concerning him; but since we have evidence that his services were called for on more than one occasion of importance, he must have been a person of considerable note. He is twice incidentally mentioned in connexion with the royal sisters of Henry the Eighth. In 1514, when the Princess Mary embarked for France, in order to join her decrepit bridegroom Louis the Twelfth, Garnesche formed one of the numerous retinue selected to attend her, and had an opportunity of particularly distinguishing himself during that perilous voyage: “The ii. daye of October at the hower of foure of the clocke in the morenynge thys fayre ladye tooke her ship with all her noble compaignie: and when they had sayled a quarter of the see, the wynde rose and seuered some of the shyppes to Caleys, and some in Flaunders, and her shippe with greate difficultie was brought to Bulleyn, and with great ieopardy at the entryng of the hauen, for the master ran the ship hard on shore, but the botes were redy and receyued this noble lady, and at the landyng Sir Christopher Garnyshe stode in the water, and toke her in his armes, and so caryed her to land, where the Duke of Vandosme and a Cardynall with many estates receyued her and her ladyes,”[82] &c. Again, in a letter, dated Harbottle 18th Oct. 1515, from Lord Dacre of Gillesland and T. Magnus to Henry the Eighth, concerning the confinement in childbed of Margaret widow of James the Fourth, &c. we find; “Sir Christofer Garneis came to Morpeth immediatly vpon the queneis delyueraunce, and by our aduice hath contynued there with suche stuff as your grace hath sent to the said quene your suster till Sondaye laste paste, whiche daye he delyuered your letter and disclosed your credence, gretely to the quenes comforte. And for somiche as the quene lieth as yet in childe bedde, and shall kepe her chambre these thre wookes at the leiste, we haue aduised the said sir Christofer Garneis to remaigne at Morpeth till the queneis comyng thidder, and then her grace may order and prepare euery parte of the said stuf after her pleasure and as her grace semeth moste conuenient,” &c.[83] A few particulars concerning Garnesche may be gleaned from the Books in the Public Record Office:
(Easter Term, 18 Hen. vii.) “Cristofero Garneys de regardo de denariis per Johannem Crawford et al. per manuc. for.[84] | xl. li.” |
(i.e. in reward out of moneys forfeited by John Crawford and another upon bail-bond.)
(1st Henry viii.) “Item to Christofer Garnisshe for the kinges offring at S. Edwardes shiryne the next day after the Coronacion[85] | vj. s. viij. d.” |
(Easter Term, 1–2 Henry viii.) “Cristofero Garneys vni generosorum hostiariorum regis [one of the king’s gentlemen-ushers] de annuitate sua durante regis beneplacito per annum | x. li. |
Eidem Cristofero de feodo suo ad xx. li. per annum pro termino vite sue[86] | xx. li.” |
and we find that afterwards by letters patent dated 21st May, 7th Henry viii., in consideration of his services the king granted him an annuity of thirty pounds for life, payable half-yearly at the Exchequer.[87]
(11th Henry viii.) “Item to Sir Christofer Garnisshe knight opon a warraunt for the hyre of his howse at Grenewyche[88] at x. li. by the yere for one half a yere due at Ester last and so after half yerely during x yeres[89] | c. s.” |
(20th Henry viii.) “Cristofero Garnyshe militi de annuitate sua ad xxx l. per annum per breve currens Rec. den. pro festo Michīs ult. pret. viz. pro vno anno integro per manus Ricardi Alen[90] | xxx. li.” |
see above: this entry is several times repeated, and occurs for the last time in 26th Henry viii.[91]
Bale mentions among the writings of Alexander Barclay a piece “against Skelton.”[92] It has not come down to us; but the extant works of Barclay bear testimony to the hearty dislike with which he regarded our author. At the conclusion of The Ship of Fooles is this contemptuous notice of one of Skelton’s most celebrated poems;
“Holde me excused, for why my will is good,
Men to induce vnto vertue and goodnes;
I write no ieste ne tale of Robin Hood,
Nor sowe no sparkles ne sede of viciousnes;
Wise men loue vertue, wilde people wantonnes;
It longeth not to my science nor cunning,
For Philip the Sparow the Dirige to singe:”[93]
a sneer to which Skelton most probably alludes, when, enumerating his own productions in the Garlande of Laurell, he mentions,
“Of Phillip Sparow the lamentable fate,
The dolefull desteny, and the carefull chaunce,
Dyuysed by Skelton after the funerall rate;
Yet sum there be therewith that take greuaunce,
And grudge therat with frownyng countenaunce;
But what of that? hard it is to please all men;
Who list amende it, let hym set to his penne.”[94]
That a portion of the following passage in Barclay’s Fourth Egloge was levelled at Skelton, appears highly probable;
“Another thing yet is greatly more damnable:
Of rascolde poetes yet is a shamfull rable,
Which voyde of wisedome presumeth to indite,
Though they haue scantly the cunning of a snite;[95]
And to what vices that princes moste intende,
Those dare these fooles solemnize and commende.
Then is he decked as Poete laureate,
When stinking Thais made him her graduate:
When Muses rested, she did her season note,
And she with Bacchus her camous[96] did promote.
Such rascolde drames, promoted by Thais,
Bacchus, Licoris, or yet by Testalis,
Or by suche other newe forged Muses nine,
Thinke in their mindes for to haue wit diuine;
They laude their verses, they boast, they vaunt and iet,
Though all their cunning be scantly worth a pet:
If they haue smelled the artes triuiall,
They count them Poetes hye and heroicall.
Such is their foly, so foolishly they dote,
Thinking that none can their playne errour note:
Yet be they foolishe, auoyde of honestie,
Nothing seasoned with spice of grauitie,
Auoyde of pleasure, auoyde of eloquence,
With many wordes, and fruitlesse of sentence;
Unapt to learne, disdayning to be taught,
Their priuate pleasure in snare hath them so caught;
And worst yet of all, they count them excellent,
Though they be fruitlesse, rashe and improuident.
To such ambages who doth their minde incline,
They count all other as priuate[97] of doctrine,
And that the faultes which be in them alone,
Also be common in other men eche one.”[98]
In the Garlande of Laurell we are told by Skelton, that among the famous writers of all ages and nations, whom he beheld in his vision, was
“a frere of Fraunce men call sir Gagwyne,
That frownyd on me full angerly and pale;”[99]
and in the catalogue of his own writings which is subsequently given in the same poem, he mentions a piece which he had composed against this personage,
“The Recule ageinst Gaguyne of the Frenshe nacyoun.”[100]
Robert Gaguin was minister-general of the Maturines, and enjoyed great reputation for abilities and learning.[101] He wrote various works; the most important of which is his Compendium supra Francorum gestis from the time of Pharamond to the author’s age. In 1490 he was sent by Charles the Eighth as ambassador to England, where he probably became personally acquainted with Skelton.
That Skelton composed certain Latin verses against the celebrated grammarian William Lily, we are informed by Bale,[102] who has preserved the initial words, viz.
“Urgeor impulsus tibi, Lilli, retundere:”
and that Lily repaid our poet in kind, we have the following proof;
“Lilii Hendecasyllabi in Scheltonum ejus carmina calumniantem. [103]
“Quid me, Scheltone, fronte sic aperta
Carpis, vipereo potens veneno?
Quid versus trutina meos iniqua
Libras? dicere vera num licebit?
Doctrinæ tibi dum parare famam
Et doctus fieri studes poeta,
Doctrinam nec habes, nec es poeta.”
It would seem that Skelton occasionally repented of the severity of his compositions, and longed to recall them; for in the Garlande of Laurell, after many of them have been enumerated, we meet with the following curious passage;