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In handing the proof sheets of this book to the publishers, I rest in the hope of being able, in due course, to supplement it with a further volume which will bring the narrative down to the end of 1918—followed by a supplementary volume covering the post-war period in the form of a Political Narrative of our own times.

I would like to call this scrappy and disjointed story, “A Political History,” but I am only too well aware that the description would be a misnomer.

I have decided to call it “Politicians and the War,” for the object of the book is to deal with political events at home in contradistinction to military affairs abroad. It is designed to emphasise the immense importance of what may be called the civilian aspect of war direction—a thing which war-books tend to neglect.

And this is the only moral of the book—one which I feel it my duty to enforce, because the idea that statesmen have little or nothing to do with the winning or losing of war is a dangerous delusion.

The politician in war time has a sufficiently bad time anyhow. War certainly does nothing to exalt him above his due. He is not a popular figure, and the soldiers and sailors get all the worship and glory. His business is largely to shoulder the blame for their failures. For it is considered under war conditions disloyal to breathe a word of criticism against the military and naval experts, and yet thoroughly patriotic to abuse a civilian Minister. The politician has, in these circumstances, nothing to get from office but desperately hard work and a paltry salary. In fact, he is really happier and more important in opposition, if inclination, and not duty, were the predominating consideration.

I must say at the outset that nobody should read this book in the hope of finding in it “startling revelations” and “disclosures.” I have been at great pains to avoid anything of this kind, and to the best of my belief I have not transgressed in this matter in any way. I have, of course, a personal knowledge of the principal individuals who figure in the narrative, and of the stories which they told, or which were told about them, at the time. But no conversation with me is retold in these pages save with the consent of the person concerned. This does not mean that these persons take responsibility for the exact form the story assumes, or for any inference drawn from it. It does mean that they do not object to publication.

As far as anything in the nature of Cabinet secrets or official documents are concerned, I have adopted a certain course of policy throughout. I have read carefully all the published memoirs and books which are germane to the subject, and I have mentioned nothing that cannot be paralleled from these volumes. My list of books includes:

“The Genesis of the War,” by the Rt. Hon. H. H. Asquith, M.P. (1).

“Points of View,” by Viscount Birkenhead.

“The World Crisis, 1911-1914, and 1915,” by the Rt. Hon. Winston S. Churchill.

“Twenty-five Years,” by Viscount Grey of Fallodon.

“Soldiers and Statesmen, 1914-1918,” by Field-Marshal Sir William Robertson, Bt.

“Politics from Within, 1911-1918,” by Christopher Addison, M.D.

“Life of Lord Kitchener,” by Sir George Arthur.

“The Tragedy of Lord Kitchener,” by Viscount Esher.

“1914,” by Field-Marshal Viscount French of Ypres.

“Annals of an Active Life,” by General the Rt. Hon. Sir Nevil Macready.

I ought to explain that my original story was written down very shortly after the circumstances it records. But I have rewritten most of it at one time or another as additional information poured in. This has, undoubtedly, damaged the narrative as a consecutive account of events. On the other hand, it makes the valuation of the characters completely up to date.

So, in spite of the obvious defects of this method of presentation, I trust that this description of the politics of the war may amuse and instruct the public, and arouse a certain amount of reflection on the uses and abuses of democratic Government in war times.

One last word. I have rigidly cut out of this book all accounts of my own activities, except when a mention of my presence on some particular occasion substantiates the accuracy of a statement.