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I am very pleased that Mteto Nyati decided to write this book and that Kwela Books agreed to publish it.

Towards the end of the book, the author refers to an opinion piece he wrote for the South African Sunday Times newspaper in November 2018, in which he said:

I had felt constrained during the Zuma years and, like many, had found it difficult to express an unequivocal position. Now I felt free to convey the importance of leaving positive footprints – of managing assets for future generations and preserving a legacy of values and ethics. And I wasn’t referring to business only. Government needed proper vision.

What Nyati meant by his emphasis on vision, values and ethics was elucidated by his insertion of a particular citation: the Preamble to our National Constitution, which begins, as we know – ‘We, the people of South Africa …’, and thus binds all of us to an agreed vision and a set of agreed values, ethics and objectives.

A re-reading of that Preamble tells us much about what has gone wrong during the last 25 years of our democracy. It is also a timely reminder of how much better our country will be when, together, we act in earnest and in a sustained manner to realise the objectives set out in that Preamble.

Nyati reminds us of the challenge we face: ‘The political space is a cacophony these days … Missing are voices of reason calling on South Africans to embrace their Constitution. We need leaders who can put forward a case for diversity and inclusion. It is not an easy message.’

According to the Oxford English Dictionary, ‘cacophony’ means ‘a harsh discordant mixture of sounds’. Indeed, emerging out of that cacophony are charges such as that ‘the negotiated 1994 settlement, obviously including the Constitution, was a betrayal of black people by Nelson Mandela and others’.

It speaks to his courage, honesty and depth of understanding that, despite this, and even in 2019, Nyati is still calling for the reconstruction and development of South Africa on the basis of ‘diversity and inclusion’.

Almost twenty years ago, in 2000, speaking in Port Elizabeth at that year’s National General Council (NGC) of the ANC as President of the organisation, I commented on the theme of the Council, which was about developing the kind of cadre our organisation and country needed.

Among other things, I said:

[As the ANC] we have attracted into and continue to retain opportunists and careerists within our ranks … [These] join … with the sole aim of furthering their personal careers and using the access to state power we have as a ruling party, to enrich themselves … We cannot afford to have a membership driven by a value system, a morality, centred on the promotion of the interests of these members at the expense of the fundamental and urgent interests of the millions who have twice, in 1994 and 1999, expressed the fullest confidence in the ANC…

I went on to say:

I am talking about the need for us to develop new cadres to meet the demands imposed on us by the victories we have scored as we have pursued the objectives of the democratic revolution. I am talking here of the need for us to implement a programme focused, among other things, on the development of cadres who are truly politically committed to the all-round success of the new democratic South Africa, and properly prepared with regard to the skills our country needs to achieve that success … [We] have to discuss the critically important question of our interaction with and impact on the student youth, the intelligentsia and the professionals in our country. We need to ensure that these strata in our society, that either have or will have the specialised skills our country needs, at the same time have the levels of national consciousness and patriotism that will enable our people to count on them as an asset for the development and modernisation of our country, for the benefit of the masses of our people.

The reason I am pleased Betting on a Darkie has been written and is being published is that it covers the very same matter I addressed in 2000 in the narrow context of a meeting of a political organisation, the ANC.

In the book, Nyati discusses the possibility of developing the kind of educated, qualified cadre South Africa needs to ensure its reconstruction and development – individuals who honour our diversity while building an inclusive society; citizens who are committed to pursuing the objectives stated in the Preamble to our Constitution.

It is a matter of common cause among all our people that the radical growth and development of an inclusive South African economy is one of the urgent and strategic challenges our country faces.

Nyati argues that this objective can and must be achieved.

The eminent Irish poet, W.B. Yeats, wrote: words are lightly spoken. However, what gives weight to Nyati’s words is that they are spoken by a fellow citizen who has repeatedly and practically proved his capacity as an effective economic and business change agent over a number of decades, having successfully served as an economic and business leader in a number of major domestic and international businesses.

At this point, perhaps I should say something about the contents of Betting on a Darkie. The book tells a very interesting story about how Nyati grew up in the Transkei in the Eastern Cape during the apartheid years, qualified as an engineer in the then Natal Province, worked at various levels in a number of companies as a developing business manager, and ended up in the position of Chief Executive Officer (CEO), to date, in major companies.

Of particular importance is that the young Nyati had to work in circumstances where, effectively, he had to serve as a pathfinder because the companies in which he worked had never had an African/black professional in their ranks above the position of ordinary labourer.

Naturally, he therefore had to overcome entrenched racial prejudice as he climbed up the managerial ranks, even as he finally reached the position of CEO in a number of companies.

Defined by the colonial and apartheid systems as the excluded and sub-human, naturally he involved himself in the liberation struggle, operating as an ANC activist. I believe all of us, as South Africans, must make an effort to understand what this book says about the impact young people had as liberation fighters and ANC activists during the post-1976 Soweto Student Uprising years.

Fortunately and quite correctly, Nyati also reflects on the important matter of his family life, which includes his parents and siblings, as well as his own wife and children.

The book is what I would call ‘a semi-autobiography’, which provides invaluable education about various matters, including suggestions about what our country must do to effect the fundamental economic transformation of which many speak.

Ultimately, Betting on a Darkie tells an inspiring story about the emergence of a role model in the context of the imperative for change agents to drive the fundamental reconstruction and development of our country so that we can deliver on the objectives detailed in the Preamble to our Constitution.

Mteto Nyati is such a model.

The story told in this book is about a humble South African who is devoted to education, and therefore the expansion of the frontiers of knowledge, who is keenly interested in using that knowledge to improve the human condition, and who understands that being educated imposes an obligation on him to stretch out a helping hand to those who are more disadvantaged than him.

This is a story about a fellow South African who is dedicated to the achievement of excellence, which drives him to hate all shoddy work. This tells all of us that this is a person whose working day will not be governed by the hours he is contracted to work, but by the quality of the product he will have produced by the end of that working day.

It is a story about a fellow national who is devoted to the values of honesty, truthfulness, objectivity and candour in the construction of good and durable human relations. This is a person devoted to principle and who therefore strives to approach his own contribution to the development of our country in a principled manner, fundamentally informed by the lessons of ubuntu and humaneness which he learnt at a very young age from his parents, especially his mother.

What I said in 2000 about the corruption of the ANC by the entry into its ranks of people who ‘join … with the sole aim of furthering their personal careers and using the access to state power we have as a ruling party, to enrich themselves’, was raised by Nelson Mandela at the 1997 National Conference of the ANC. It has been highlighted at all subsequent Conference Political and Organisational Reports of the ANC.

This means that for 25 years our country’s governing party, the ANC, has continuously admitted and retained in its ranks exactly the kind of person who is absolutely contemptuous of the value system – selflessly to serve the people of South Africa – which has informed the ANC since its foundation 107 years ago.

Given this history, it was inevitable that a new normal would become established within the ANC. That new normal would be that the governing party actually allows its members to abuse state power to enrich themselves – against the interests of the ordinary people of our country.

The need to establish the Judicial Commissions, headed by Judges Nugent, Zondo, Mpati and Mokgoro, which have and continue to sit in our country, has arisen in reality as a direct outcome of the emergence and entrenchment in the ANC of that new normal.

The state capture, corruption, lawlessness, betrayal of the public trust and other ills in our society which these Commissions have exposed are a direct consequence of our failure as the governing party to ensure that we do not allow the new normal to emerge and take root.

It is vitally important that all our people, and the ANC first and foremost, must understand that the state capture, corruption and the other negatives I have mentioned would never have become entrenched determinants of the future of our country if the ANC had done the right thing – concretely, in action, to refuse to allow its ranks to be filled by people who do not share its fundamental values.

The recent, 2019, elections have confirmed the ANC as our country’s governing party at the national level and in eight of our Provinces.

Given what I have said, it is obvious that unless what continues to be our governing party, the ANC, rids itself of those who join or remain in the organisation to abuse state power in their selfish interest, the conditions will remain for the continued perpetration of the crimes of state capture, corruption, and so on.

In this context, we must take very serious note of the allegations that have been made that many of the negative interventions made by the ANC or ANC members, owe their origin to agents provocateurs, and are counter-revolutionary in nature.

Allegedly, these provocateurs are agents who were infiltrated by the apartheid intelligence services into the ANC and other organisations of the democratic movement during the struggle years. It is believed that they are still ANC members and continue to be controlled by their erstwhile apartheid handlers. Thus they have not abandoned their strategic task of defeating the ANC and the democratic revolution!

The proposal is therefore made that an examination of the misdemeanours attributed to the ANC must include an investigation of whether these might have originated from the agents provocateurs I have mentioned, and are therefore part of the more radical attempt to achieve counter-revolutionary objectives.

Perhaps you are wondering what this, and my reference to the Judicial Commissions, has to do with this interesting and educative book, Betting on a Darkie.

The nature and calibre of ANC members is of strategic importance to the future of our country. To date, none of the political parties, nor the major observers and analysts, has questioned the perspective that the ANC will remain the dominant political force, even after 2019.

What I have said makes the plain and obvious statement that unless the ANC cleans up its membership to ensure that, at all levels, it is made up of people who respect its value system, and join and remain in the organisation with the sole purpose of serving the people of South Africa, our country will fail to wipe out the negative phenomena of counter-revolution, state capture, corruption and the other negatives that have preoccupied our Judicial Commissions of Inquiry.

This harks back to my assertion in 2000: that for it to serve the people of South Africa properly, the ANC has to develop its own members as ‘cadres who are truly politically committed to the all-round success of the new democratic South Africa, and properly prepared with regard to the skills our country needs to achieve that success…’

Regrettably, our history since that statement was made has told the painful story that it is not easy to find such cadres in our country. Evidence presented at the Judicial Commissions of Inquiry to which I have referred, among others, speaks of people in the public and private sectors who have the requisite skills, but clearly are not committed to the all-round success of the new democratic South Africa.

These skilled cadres include politicians, public service, corporate and other managers, corporate owners and managers, accountants, lawyers, prosecutors, police officers, journalists, trade unionists, religious leaders, and others.

The urgent question is: where will South Africa find the development cadres it urgently requires?

I began my Foreword by saying I was pleased Nyati had decided to write this book and that Kwela Books had agreed to publish it. I wrote this after careful reading, from beginning to the end, of the manuscript.

This appropriately entitled book, Betting on a Darkie, tells the immensely empowering and energising real (rather than fictional) story that we do have in our country exactly the kind of cadres South Africa needs to extricate itself from its political, economic and social crisis.

This story shows us that, while we must listen with great attention to, and act on, the depressing stories told at the Judicial Commissions, we must not lose sight of so much else in our country that is positive and exciting!

As told in Betting on a Darkie, that ‘much else’ in our country is about the progression of a black boy, Mteto Nyati, who grew up during the apartheid years in the stultifying rural Bantustans that colonialism and apartheid had imposed on the national majority, but who develops to become one of the giants in the world of global business – essentially a pioneer in successful business management, and therefore global wealth creation.

More than this, because Nyati developed into a professional with a vision greater than a mere focus on profit for the companies he led, and a fat salary and share options for himself, he has come to stand out as more than the modern successful business manager.

Betting on a Darkie has come exactly at the right time in the context of the historical evolution of our country. This is because it tells us of what is, in fact, an historic accomplishment. It says that what I stated in 2000 as an aspiration has, at least in part, been achieved.

Through this detailed, empowering and inspiring story, we see that our country has Nyati as a living and active example of the kind of development cadre South Africa requires: one who has the skills modern society needs and who is committed to building our country as a viable democracy.

He combines practical commitment to the ubuntu value system, commitment to selflessly serving the people, principled opposition to corruption and disadvantaging the disadvantaged, and developing his skills so he can use them to improve the life conditions of the masses of our people.

The public hearings at the Judicial Commissions have communicated the very disturbing message that for many years, the middle strata in our country, the professionals, have effectively betrayed the democratic revolution.

Objectively, it was expected that this democratic revolution would benefit those in the middle strata, materially and otherwise (as it did). It was also expected to improve the life conditions of the poor and disadvantaged through changes brought about by input from the middle strata in both the public and private sectors.

The preponderant message coming through during the public hearings of the Judicial Commissions is that those middle strata, the professionals, failed to do what was expected of them, especially relative to their own selfless professional conduct and their willingness to serve the interests of the poor and marginalised.

This book says that despite this, we must draw inspiration from the fact that out of sight of general public knowledge, we do indeed have members of the middle strata who have honestly and systematically discharged their responsibilities as selfless agents of change for the success of democratic South Africa.

It is in this context that I have called Nyati a role model – a role model in the context of the urgent and strategic task of ensuring that our country has a critical mass of middle-strata cadres who must honestly and selflessly play their role, as Nyati has.

I am privileged to strongly commend Betting on a Darkie to the South African reading public, hoping that we, the reading public, will impress on our government that it should study Betting on a Darkie in order to empower itself to address the task of building cadres for development.

Let us use the example set by Nyati, with him involved, to educate our young people to aim to be our new Mteto Nyatis!

This book, Betting on a Darkie, must serve as one of our teaching instruments, an honest and informative tool to help us produce principled cadres modelled on Mteto Nyati. This will help our country to achieve the noble goal of a better life for all.

PRESIDENT THABO MBEKI – Johannesburg 2019