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The earlier revolutions against Spain were actuated by well-defined causes. They have been summarized as follows:

Causes of Earlier Revolutions (1) Denial of freedom of speech and press; (2) desire for Filipino representation; (3) proceedings by which a man was condemned without being heard; (4) violation of domicile and correspondence on mere secret denunciations; (5) agitation for the secularization of parishes; (6) political and civil equality for Filipinos and Spaniards; (7) desire for promulgation of the Spanish Constitution in the Philippines; and (7) the martyrdom of Burgos, Gomez, and Zamora, and later of Rizal.

The Revolution of 1896 The revolution of 1896, however, had an additional cause which was dominant in the minds of the leaders. It was “Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity.” In the words of General Aguinaldo in a manifesto, “We aspire to the glory of obtaining the Liberty, Independence, and Honor of the Country.”

The Pact of Biac-na-Bato This revolution was halted in 1897 by the Pact of Biac-na-Bato, which was signed between the Revolutionists and the Spanish authorities. There were three outstanding stipulations in the pact:

First, that the Filipino leaders should leave the country for the time being.

Second, that liberal and sweeping reforms would be introduced without delay.

Third, that the sum of $800,000 would be paid the Filipinos in two instalments, as evidence of good faith.

The Filipinos complied with their part of the agreement; Aguinaldo and his followers went to Hongkong. But the Spaniards did not comply with theirs; only $400,000 was paid to the revolutionists and no reforms were introduced.

The Republic Accordingly, Aguinaldo and his companions returned to the Islands and renewed the struggle. On June 12, 1898 at Kawit, Cavite, they proclaimed the Independence of the Philippines from Spain. Soon afterwards a Philippine Republic was ratified, with General Aguinaldo as President. The capital was established at Malolos about 30 miles from Manila. There an elective Congress sat regularly, passed laws, levied taxes, administered revenues, kept in motion the machinery of justice, directed a military organization, carried on efficient war and constantly appealed to the patriotism of the people.

Governmental Machinery Set Up A complete governmental machinery was set up. The government was declared to be “popular, representative, and responsible.” Church and state were made separate, and, profiting by the experience of the past, freedom of religious worship was expressly recognized in the Constitution. The powers of government were made to reside in three distinct entities—the legislative, the executive, and the judicial, to be entirely separate. It was declared that no two of these powers should be vested in a single person or corporation, nor can the legislative power be conferred on a single individual alone. The government was recognized throughout the islands and had the wholehearted support of the entire population.

At the time America insisted in imposing her sovereignty and authority not only were the Filipinos in military control of the country; they were administering its political affairs as well. This they did from the establishment of the Republic until the autumn of 1899. “Up to that time,” writes Albert G. Robinson, of the New York Evening Post, “the territory occupied by the forces of the United States in the Island of Luzon was confined to a very limited area in the vicinity of Manila, with a filamentary extension northward for some fifty or sixty miles along the Manila-Dagupan railway. Very much the same condition obtained on the other islands. One thing is certain: although greatly disturbed by the conditions of war, this territory was under some form of governmental administration.”

THE MALOLOS CONSTITUTION.—The fundamental law that had been prepared and adopted by the independent government has since then been known as the “Malolos Constitution.” This Philippine Magna Carta embodied the advanced thought of the times and was replete with sound principles. It had all the requisites of a “fundamental law of the land”—an enumeration of individual rights, the organization of the state and of the government, provisions pertaining to the public welfare (such as education, appropriation, the militia, local government, impeachment, etc.) and provisions for constitutional revisions.

Salient Features The Parliamentary System of government was adopted as best suited to the needs of the archipelago. Sovereignty was to reside in the people through their duly elected representatives. The aim throughout was to adopt a government and a social order essentially democratic, without those privileges of caste or classes which were the determinant causes of the revolution. The popular assembly was to be the directing power.

The following progressive principles were enunciated:

(1) That no one should be tried in courts created by private laws or by special tribunals; (2) that throughout the republic there should not be more than one kind of court for all citizens both in civil, criminal, and military actions; (3) that no person or corporation should be given emoluments that were not as compensation for public service fixed by law; (4) there shall be no primogeniture nor should decorations and titles of nobility be accepted; (5) that every Filipino citizen shall enjoy the right of meeting, association, petition, and liberty of the press; (6) freedom of religious worship throughout the land and inviolability of domicile, correspondence, and property; (7) the right of habeas corpus; (8) gratuitous and compulsory public instruction; (9) taxes to be in proportion to the income of the taxpayers.

The legislative power was vested in an unicameral assembly. The representatives elected by the people were to be representatives of the entire nation and could not bind themselves to specific mandates from their constituents.

The President of the republic and the Assembly were to initiate laws.

Impeachment of high officials of the government was unhesitatingly made a part of the fundamental law. Even the President of the republic could be impeached in cases of high treason.

A permanent commission was created to take the place of the assembly during recess, the motive behind its creation being that legislative bodies should be permanent because the popular will works continually and consequently should be continually represented in the governmental machinery.

The permanent commission was to be composed of seven members elected by the assembly from among its members. Its powers were:

(1) To declare if a certain official of the government should be impeached; (2) to convene the assembly to an extraordinary session in cases in which it should constitute itself into a tribunal of justice to consider impeachments; (3) to resolve all pending questions with a view to bringing them before the assembly for consideration; (4) to convoke the assembly to special sessions whenever these are necessary; (5) to substitute the assembly in its power regarding the. constitution with the exception that the permanent commission can not pass laws.

The executive power was vested in the President of the Republic who exercised it through his secretaries.

The President of the Republic was elected by the constituent assembly by an absolute majority of votes. His term of office was four years but might be reëlected. The powers of the President were expressly enumerated. The secretaries of departments constituted the Cabinet, presided over by the President. There were seven departments—foreign relations; interior; finance; war and navy; public instruction; communications and public works; agriculture, industry, and commerce.

Ministerial responsibility was established so that whenever a cabinet had lost the confidence of the majority of the assembly its members were morally bound to resign.

The judicial power was vested in a supreme court and in such other tribunals as might be created by law. The judiciary was made absolutely independent of the legislative and executive departments. The chief justice and the attorney-general were appointed by the Assembly with the concurrence of the President and of the cabinet.

Provinces and municipalities were given administrative autonomy. The central government intervened in their acts only when they over-stepped their powers to the prejudice of general or individual interests.

A Constituent Assembly was to be convened in case of an election of the President of the Republic and whenever there were proposed changes in the constitution. In either of these two cases the regular assembly was dissolved by the President and the Constituent Assembly convoked. The constituent assembly was to be composed of the same members of the regular assembly plus special representatives.

Such was the framework of the governmental machinery created by the first republican constitution ever promulgated in the East. In the words of General Aguinaldo, the Constitution was “the most glorious note in the noble aspirations of the Philippine revolution and is an irrefutable proof before the civilized world of the culture and capacity of the Filipino people to govern themselves.”

Comments of Foreigners.—The comments of unbiased foreigners on this ill-fated attempt of the Filipino people to live an independent existence all point to the fact that the Republic together with the constitution the independent government had established was a great work of an unquestionably able people.

John Barrett, ex-director of the Pan-American Union, saw the Philippine Republic in operation, and described it as follows:

“It is a government which has practically been administering the affairs of that great island, ‘Luzon’ since the American possession of Manila, and is certainly better than the former administration. It had a properly formed Cabinet and Congress, the members of which, in appearance and manners, would compare favorably with the Japanese statesmen.”

Admiral Dewey, after studying Philippine conditions, during the Spanish-American War, spoke of the Filipinos as follows:

“In my opinion, these people are far more superior in intelligence and more capable of self-government than the natives of Cuba. I am familiar with both races.”

General Merrit, on his arrival in Paris in October, 1898, was reported as saying:

“The Filipinos impressed me very favorably. I think great injustice has been done to the native population.… They are more capable of self-government than, I think, the Cubans are. They are considered to be good Catholics. They have lawyers, doctors, the men of kindred professions, who stand well in the community, and bear favorable comparison to those of other countries. They are dignified, courteous, and reserved.”

Leonard Sargent, a naval cadet, and W.B. Wilcox, paymaster of the Navy, after travelling over the Island of Luzon, at that time wrote a report of their trip, which was referred by Admiral Dewey to the Navy Department with the indorsement that it was “the most complete information obtainable.” Mr. Sargent remarked:

“Although this government has never been recognized, and in all probability will go out of existence without recognition, yet, it cannot be denied that, in a region occupied by many millions of inhabitants, for nearly six months, it stood alone between anarchy and order.

“As a tribute to the efficiency of Aguinaldo’s government and to the law-abiding character of his subjects, I offer the fact that Mr. Wilcox and I pursued our journey throughout in perfect security, and returned to Manila with only the most pleasing recollections of the quiet and orderly life which we found the natives to be leading under the new régime.”