Читать книгу The New German Constitution - René Brunet - Страница 8

Revolution broke out in Germany at the beginning of November, 1918.

From the end of October riots and revolts had been taking place on board the vessels of the Imperial navy. But on November 4 at Kiel there broke out a revolt among the sailors, who became masters of the situation. They formed a Council of Soldiers which presented to the mayor of the city a list of demands—the liberation of arrested sailors; the suppression of a military hierarchy outside of the service; a demand that the approval of the Council of Soldiers be necessary for all military measures, etc.

The next day the workers of Kiel declared a general strike and formed Workers Councils which united with Councils of Soldiers consisting of the marines of the city.

From Kiel the movement spread the same day to Lübeck and to Hamburg. On the 6th, a general strike was proclaimed in the dock yards of Hamburg and revolution broke out in Bremen.

Simultaneously revolution won other cities: Hanover, Cologne, Magdeburg, Brunswick, Leipzig, and Dresden, where Councils of Workers and Soldiers were formed. From November 4th to the 9th all North Germany, the South and the Centre fell into the hands of the Councils.

The movement, which at its beginning could be considered as principally a military revolt, took on for the first time a political character most clearly marked in Munich, where in the night of the eighth of November after a great manifestation by the Independent Socialists serious disturbances broke out. The royal family was expelled and the Republic proclaimed.

With few exceptions the revolutionists met with no opposition. The bourgeoisie did not react. It was enough for some thirty marines from Kiel to enter a town or for a group of soldiers returning from the fighting front to present themselves at the city hall. Immediately every one yielded to their orders and the Councils were able to install themselves in power without firing a shot. In this revolution, to which no serious opposition had been presented and which appeared rather as the collapse of an old régime whose reason for existence had vanished, there lacked only to complete it the fall of the capital and the abdication of the monarch.

At Berlin the military power devoted itself to the defence of the city. On the fifth a state of siege was proclaimed and on the seventh a decree forbade the formation of Councils of Soldiers and of Workers “on the Russian model.”

But the same day the Social Democrats sent to Chancellor Maximilian of Baden the Secretary of State Scheidemann, the bearer of an ultimatum demanding the immediate abrogation of the decree forbidding meetings; such a transformation of the government of Prussia that those in control of it should be of the same political complexion as the majority of the Reichstag; the strengthening of the Social Democratic influence in the government; and finally the abdication of the Emperor and the renunciation by the Crown Prince of all claims to the throne.

Although confronted with imminent revolution only officials and functionaries were overthrown. The bourgeoisie here as elsewhere looked on passively and attempted no resistance.

As for Maximilian of Baden he hoped to find a basis for negotiation. He pondered measures to parliamentarize still further the old government and contemplated the immediate convocation of a constituent assembly to develop a new constitution. Meanwhile he did not reply to the ultimatum of the Social Democrats. Whereupon there were organized Councils of Workers and Soldiers in Berlin who made themselves felt with their first act on the morning of the ninth of November by declaring a general strike.

The Chancellor could no longer delay action. On the ninth at two o’clock in the afternoon, after a telephonic conversation with William II, he announced officially that the Emperor had abdicated and that the Crown Prince had renounced the throne. He declared that he, Maximilian of Baden, would remain in office until the installation of the Regent. He would propose to the Regent the nomination as Chancellor of the Social Democratic leader Ebert, and the convocation of electoral colleges with the view of choosing a national constituent assembly to which would be given the task of directing the future of the state.

Thus the Chancellor hoped to the last moment to effect in an almost legal manner the transition from the old to the new Germany. But the pressure of events was too strong for him and he was not able to realize his hope.

In the early part of the afternoon, Ebert accompanied by Scheidemann appeared at the Chancellery and declared in the name of their party that in order to avoid bloodshed and to maintain public order they considered it necessary to take power in their hands and assume the direction of the government. When Vice-Chancellor von Payer asked Ebert if he intended to conduct the government on the basis of the Constitution or in the name of the Councils of Workers and Soldiers, Ebert replied, “Within the frame work of the constitution.” After short deliberation and in view of the fact that the troops in Berlin had deserted the old government the cabinet of Maximilian decided to place in the hands of Ebert the powers of Chancellor of the Empire “subject to the approval of the legislature.” Ebert at once entered into office without the question of the regency being decided.

But the Socialist parties pressed for the proclamation of a republic. This proclamation took place several minutes after the installation of Ebert as Chancellor. In answer to the clamor of a great gathering of the people in front of the Reichstag Scheidemann appeared on the terrace and declared in substance, “We have conquered everywhere along the line. The old régime is no more. Ebert is Chancellor. Our deputy, Lieutenant Göhre, is associate minister of war. We must now strengthen our victory and nothing will stop our march. The Hohenzollerns have abdicated. Let us see to it that this magnificent day is marred by nothing. May this be a day of eternal glory in the history of Germany. Long live the German Republic!”

The same day and almost the same hour similar events took place in all the states of Germany. Everywhere under the threat and under the pressure of the Councils of Workers and Soldiers the old Diets and the old governments vanished. The kings, the grand dukes and the dukes resigned or were simply replaced. The republic was proclaimed. One can say that on November 9, 1918, when at two in the afternoon in front of the Reichstag Scheidemann proclaimed the Republic, the ancient régime had fallen in Germany.

From this date on all the organs of government which had incarnated the old régime disappeared or were entirely transformed.

The Bundesrat, in which the sovereignty of the old Reich was incorporated, ceased to exist as such. It is true that the new leaders of the Reich permitted the Bundesrat “the right to continue the exercise of administrative powers according to laws and regulations” (decree of November 14, 1918); and thus there continued a Bundesrat of limited power. But it was no longer the old Bundesrat, for the governments of the individual states, having changed through revolution, sent new delegates who no longer represented princes but republics.

Naturally there was no longer any question of the Emperor. Having lost his crown on November 9, he fled across the Dutch frontier on the 10th, as a private individual and his letter from Amerongen on November 28, 1918, in which he, William II, declared that he expressly renounced for all time the crown of Prussia and thereby “the Imperial German crown,” had only, so to speak, a moral effect.

After the resignation of Maximilian of Baden there was no longer a Chancellor of the Empire. It is true that he had passed on his powers to Ebert but we will see shortly that Ebert did not consider himself as such except for a few hours.

As for the Reichstag whose last session ended on October 26, 1918, it was not exactly dissolved after the revolution. At the same time no formal dissolution was necessary, for a new sovereignty had been installed and had taken the place of the old Reichstag. Meanwhile, taking advantage of the fact that no formal decision had been made as to the old Reichstag the chairman of that assembly, Fehrenbach, refused to recognize its implied dissolution. On November 12, 1918, he addressed a circular to the deputies in which he declared that owing to the exigencies of the hour and without the consent of the government he would convoke the Reichstag, reserving to himself the right to announce later the time and place of the assembly. The revolutionary government thereupon notified Fehrenbach that a conflict would ensue thereat. Notwithstanding this Fehrenbach several days later repeated the announcement of the convocation. But the old Reichstag never met again. In February, 1919, it was dissolved by decree which also declared that its last session was dated as of November 9, 1919.