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My arrival at Toronto—Strange impression concerning me—The conduct of the Loyalists—and of the Republicans—Copy of letter from Mr. Joseph Hume to Mr. M‘Kenzie, found among Mons. Papineau’s baggage—My communication to his Majesty’s Government.

There would be no end to this chapter were I to describe the simplicity of mind, ill-naturedly called ignorance, with which I approached the city of Toronto.

With Mr. M‘Kenzie’s heavy book of lamentations in my portmanteau, and with my remedial instructions in my writing-case, I considered myself as a political physician, who, whether regularly educated or not, was about to effect a surprising cure: for, as I never doubted for a moment either the existence of the 553 pages of grievances, nor that I would mercilessly destroy them root and branch, I felt perfectly confident that I should very soon be able proudly to report that the grievances of Upper Canada were defunct—in fact, that I had veni-ed, vidi-ed, and vici-ed them.

As, however, I was no more connected with human politics than the horses that were drawing me—as I had never joined any political party, had never attended a political discussion, and had never {33} even voted at an election, or taken any part in one—it was with no little surprise that, as I drove into Toronto, I observed the walls placarded in large letters which designated me as

“Sir Francis Head, a tried reformer.”

I could soon see that the loyalists looked upon me in this light, and, accordingly, on the very first appointment, that of Surveyor-General, which they themselves forced me to make, they almost one and all joined in a very improper petition to the King, which I am sure they have all since deeply regretted.

Exposed as I knew I must be to the political storm, it was to me a matter of the most perfect indifference from which quarter of the compass it proceeded. “I have the grievances of Upper Canada,” I said to myself, “and I have their remedies;” and, whether the Tories liked the medicine or whether they did not, I cared not a single straw.

Among those who in private audience presented themselves to me was Mr. Bidwell, the Speaker of the House of Assembly.

To this gentleman, who was the leader of the republicans, I expressed the same language which I had addressed to the leaders of the opposite party. I told him plainly that I was an inexperienced man, but that I would deal honestly towards the country; and, being resolutely determined to correct the grievances of the province, I at once took up the book which {34} contained them, and invited Mr. Bidwell to converse with me freely on the subject.

To my utter astonishment, he told me that there were grievances not at all detailed in that book, which “the people” had long endured and were still enduring with great patience; that there was no desire to rebel, but that a morbid feeling of dissatisfaction was daily increasing—that increase it would, and that, in fact, if it had not been distinctly stated that I was the bearer of new instructions, those with whom he was associated had come to the determination never to meet in provincial parliament again. “What, do you mean, Sir,” said I, “that this book of grievances, which I have been especially sent to correct, does not contain the complaints of the province?” Mr. Bidwell repeated his former answer, and, from that day to the hour of his leaving the country, never could I get him to look at the book of grievances, but whenever I referred to it he invariably tried to decoy me to some other Will-o’-the-wisp complaint, which in like manner would have flown away before me had I attempted to approach it.

When Mr. M‘Kenzie, bringing with him a letter of introduction from Mr. Hume, called upon me, I thought that of course he would be too happy to discuss with me the contents of his own book, but his mind seemed to nauseate its subjects even more than Mr. Bidwell’s. Afraid to look me in the face, he sat, with his feet not reaching the ground, and {35} with his countenance averted from me, at an angle of about 70 degrees; while, with the eccentricity, the volubility, and indeed the appearance of a mad-man, the tiny creature raved in all directions about grievances here, and grievances there, which the Committee, he said, had not ventured to enumerate.

“Sir,” I exclaimed, “Let us cure what we have got here first!” pointing to the book before me. But no, nothing that I could say would induce this pedlar to face his own report; and I soon found that the book had the same effect upon all the republican members, and that, like the repellent end of a magnet, I had only to present it to the radicals to drive them from the very object which His Majesty’s Government expected would have possessed attraction.

Although I had arrived in total darkness, the light of truth at once now bursting upon my mind, I perceived most clearly that the republicans had over-reached themselves; or, in still plainer terms, that they had killed the goose which had been laying them golden eggs. The following Guy-Faux letter from Mr. Joseph Hume, M.P., to Mr. M‘Kenzie, points out the cautious, cunning, bit-by-bit course of “reform,” which, in order to attain their treasonable object, the republicans in our colonies ought to have adopted, instead of dangerously asking for too much at a time, or of ever rashly committing the sum total of their grievances to paper.

This letter, which was taken among Mr. Papineau’s {36} baggage after he had absconded, was endorsed in the traitor’s own hand-writing as follows:

“Jos. Hume. Addressed to W. L. M‘Kenzie, advice respecting the policy to be pursued by him.”

“To William Lyon M‘Kenzie, of Toronto.

“London, December 5th, 1835.

“My dear Sir,

“You will learn, with as much pleasure as surprise, of the recall of your present Lieutenant-Governor, and of the appointment of Sir Francis Head to succeed him. Of the causes which produced this very fortunate change I will not now dilate, but congratulate you and the people of the province of the choice made of Sir Francis.

“Sir Francis is known as the author of ‘Observations on South America,’ whither he went on some mining expedition, and as the author of the ‘Bubbles of the Brunnens.’ He has been employed as poor-law commissioner in Kent, and his conduct and principles have been much approved of.

“He has been selected as a civilian, as I hope it is now the determination to send civilians as governors, instead of the military men, as heretofore. Sir Francis has, therefore, I believe, sold out of the army. I send you a letter of introduction to Sir Francis, to whom I have given^[1] the 1st and 7th Report of your Committee of Grievances, that he may read and study them on his voyage to Canada; I gave {37} him some of your late letters to me to read, so that he might know the grievances you have to complain of, and arrive in some degree acquainted with your province. If I had your other reports, I should have given him a copy. I gave my first copy to Sir George Grey, Under-Secretary, and Mr. Chapman has replaced that one by those you sent him. If these had been in time, I should have met Sir Francis Head, and have explained to him my view of your situation, but I have written to him shortly on these subjects. I enclose you a letter to him, and send you a copy of that letter, that you may see what I have said to him.

“My anxiety is, that you and all the reformers should receive Sir Francis in the best possible manner, and do everything consistent with principle to meet his views and wishes. We think Sir Francis will do what is possible to conciliate and settle matters, and you must make allowance for the instructions he may have from Downing-street, where I do not think they have yet come to the resolution of doing to the colonists what they are doing, or striving to do, for the people of the United Kingdom.

“When I tell you that to us, who are on the spot, and watching every movement of ministers, there appears to be a reluctance to make reforms efficient for the objects contemplated, and that we have still the battle to fight for extended suffrage—for protection for our electors in voting—for equal civil rights to all classes of religious opinions—for reform in our courts of law, &c., you must not be surprised if the ministers are not prepared to yield you an elective Legislative Assembly, which is one chief object of your demands. You must have patience, and take as much as you can get quietly. I approve much of the spirit of the speech of Lord Gosford to the Assembly of Lower Canada, {38} and trust that Sir Francis Head will do as much for you. In that case, and you will be right to demand equal justice, I would have you moderate your demands for the Legislative Council, and get all the other rights fairly established. If I could have influence with Mr. Papineau and his associates, I would counsel him to accept cheerfully the proffered concessions by the Government, and give a fair trial to the Government under the new and improved system. You must bear in mind that the conduct of the House of Lords in the last session has raised in the minds of the reformers here a conviction, as strong as it can be either in Upper or Lower Canada, that the House of Lords should be elective and responsible, and I have given notice for an inquiry, with that view, in the ensuing session. We do not expect to carry that measure, as Lord John Russell has, in public speeches, declared his intention to resist—to resist any interference with the House of Lords and their privileges. But we shall discuss the nature and constitution and power of that House, and take, in the mean time, all the concessions we can, to complete the Reform Bill, and other measures now in progress. We do this to get quietly what can be used afterwards for getting more, if that shall after trial be necessary. Your demands respecting the Legislative Council are exactly the same in principle as ours respecting the Lords. Responsibility to the people in both countries I deem essential for good government, and for the power and satisfaction of the people. But I must consider the resistance to that concession, and wait the proper time for urging the demand, so as not to interfere with other reform going on.

“Our object, therefore, is your object; and I request you to use your influence to prevent that question, if it should {39} not be yielded by your Governor, from causing strife or ill will between the Reformers and the Government. I observe that Lord Gosford has left the Legislative Council, as to its election by the people, out of his speech; but he has promised to improve it by leaving out all those dependent functionaries, and you should try to get on with that, the best way you can, for some time. Whenever we succeed in England, you will have no difficulty in Canada in obtaining an improved Legislative Council, and I hope you will keep that in view.

“I wish you would convey to Mr. Papineau, in Lower Canada, this opinion and advice, as the one which all the best friends of Canada in this country would offer, and let them consolidate and mature what his Lordship has offered to give them. My friend Mr. Roebuck, and some others here, are too sanguine, and disposed to demand too much, and in a manner likely to do harm to the party here; and I should, therefore, be delighted to see a tone of moderation and conciliation assumed by the popular party in both countries, in answer to the overtures of the present Whig Government. You will bear in mind that the Liberal party here have the court, the aristocracy, and the church all against them, and that it is sound policy in the Radicals not to urge demands from the Whigs which shall, in any way, give ground for the King to throw off the Whigs and to take the Tories to power. Every day the Whigs remain in power, the power of the people is increasing, and the power of the Tories and the church is decreasing: I therefore entreat you to prevail upon the Reformers in both Canadas to act with moderation; and, whilst they continue to state what their ultimate and just demands are, receive with conciliation what they can get towards the amelioration of your existing grievances.

{40}

“If the Reformers, from the Ultra-Radical to the milk-and-water Tory-Whig, had not acted on these principles in the last session, the Tories would have remained in power, and we should not have got Municipal Reform and other reform, as now going on.

“You may take my advice, who have never flinched from giving an honest advice to the Canadians, that the healing of their differences in the Canadas, by accepting the concessions offered, will please the Ministers here, and give satisfaction to the King, who is understood to take a warm interest in your affairs. Take what you can get—petition for the rest; but use cool language, and act with moderation in every way. You may trust to us here, that every accession of right and power, by the people of the United Kingdom, will soon be returned to the Canadians. I shall be pleased to hear from you from time to time, and, with best wishes for your success,

“I remain,

“Yours obediently,

(Signed)“Joseph Hume.”

“P.S.—The Tories here have been boasting much of their success in the late registration of votes, but I believe without truth. I believe Reformers are stronger than ever all over the country, and that, with the aid of the Municipal Councils, the majority for Reform in the House of Commons, in the next election, will be 150 at the least. The Tories are boasting of an early dissolution, and that Sir Robert Peel will again be in office soon; but, as the present Ministry will not resign, I do not think the King will try another coup-d’état, as he did in November last year,

“From all this you will conclude that the Whigs will remain, and as they cannot stand without the Radicals, {41} the Ministers must be doing a little to please them, and thus the rights of the people will be gradually secured.

“J. H.”

Having endeavoured to explain the position in which I found myself, after my first fortnight’s experience in provincial government, I will now lay before my readers a despatch which was written within a week of my arrival at Toronto.

Government House, Feb. 5, 1836.

My Lord,

In my despatch, No. 2, I informed your Lordship that I arrived at Toronto on the 23rd ult. I had previously engaged apartments, for myself and the three gentlemen who accompanied me, at the principal hotel in this city, but on my arrival a letter from Sir John Colborne was immediately delivered to me, by his aid-de-camp, informing me that rooms were prepared for me at Government House. Requiring rest and quietness, I at first declined the invitation; but, finding that party differences were running very high, and being desirous to show that I had at least arrived with unbiassed feelings, I thought it better to accept than to decline the attention that was offered to me, and I accordingly went to Government House on Saturday.

On Monday I was sworn in as Lieutenant-Governor of this province, and the following morning Sir John Colborne and his family left Toronto for {42} Montreal, accompanied, for a few miles, by a vast concourse of people, who, I was happy to see, vied with each other in testifying the sense they entertained of his amiable character and high moral worth.

On Sir John Colborne’s departure I endeavoured to make myself acquainted with the outline of public feeling in the province, by conversing calmly with the men of most ability of all parties. I had several interviews with the Chief Justice and the officers of the crown, two long conversations with Mr. M‘Kenzie, member for York, two interviews with Mr. Bidwell, the Speaker of the House of Assembly, and with others.

As far as I was capable of judging, it appeared to me that, in general terms, a good feeling pervaded a majority of the people of this province, who, intently occupied in their various locations, are naturally desirous to be tranquil, and equally disposed to be loyal.

That party-feeling, however, and struggle for office, which have existed so strongly in the mother-country, have produced similar excitements in this province; added to which, strong republican principles have leaked into the country from the United States. These various elements have long been conflicting together in the House of Assembly, which, I firmly believe, misrepresents the general feeling and interests of the inhabitants, who, as I have {43} before said, ardently desire peace, tranquillity, and a continuance of exemption from taxation. But, from the peculiar state of this infant society, all that is good and estimable remains at the bottom, while the surface is agitated by factious discussions.

In England this evil would soon be corrected by the ebullition of a free press; but the greatest difficulty which seems to present itself is, that the press is here conducted by editors who, on all sides, not only misrepresent, but shamelessly falsify, all public events. In Toronto, this unprincipled mode of warfare is so well understood, that it produces but little evil; but the dissemination of falsehood throughout the remote districts of the province, as well as in Lower Canada, creates a moral contagion which it is almost impossible to arrest.

As far as I have been able to judge, I should say that the republican party are implacable; that no concession whatever would satisfy them, their self-interested object being to possess themselves of the government of this province, for the sake of lucre and emolument.

Under these circumstances, I considered that the great danger I had to avoid was the slightest attempt to conciliate any party; that the only course for me to adopt was to act fearlessly, undisguisedly, and straightforwardly, for the interests of the country, to throw myself on the good sense and good feeling of the people, and abide a result, which, I firmly believe, will eventually be triumphant.

Having resolved on this course, I verbally explained {44} it to Mr. Bidwell, the Speaker of the House of Assembly, a gentleman of unimpeachable moral character, but of strong republican principles; to Mr. M‘Kenzie, one of the members for York; to the various heads of parties; and to the members of the Executive Government; and, on the 27th ultimo, I delivered to the two Houses of the Legislature the following speech:—

Honourable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and Gentlemen of the House of Assembly,

As the Lieutenant-Governor of this province, I am commanded by the King to lay before you the answer his Majesty has been pleased to give to the several addresses and representations which proceeded from the two branches of the legislature during your last session.

This communication I shall submit to you in a Message, which will at once inform you of the difficult and most important duties about to devolve upon me, as well as upon yourselves.

As regards myself, I have nothing either to promise or profess, but I trust I shall not call in vain upon you to give me that loyal, constitutional, unbiassed, and fearless assistance which your King expects, and which the rising interests of your country require.

The newspapers I have forwarded contain the Addresses I received from the Legislative Council, and from the House of Assembly, to which addresses I replied as follows:—

Honourable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council,

It is with much satisfaction that I receive your congratulations upon my assumption of the government of this important {45} province, and I cordially participate in the sentiments of gratitude you express for the paternal solicitude of our most gracious Sovereign.

Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Assembly,

I thank you for the address I have just had the pleasure to receive from you. I appreciate the liberality with which you welcome my arrival among you. I am gratified to learn that you sincerely desire cordially to co-operate with me in the arduous duties which, by command of our revered Sovereign, we are about impartially to perform; and I look with confidence towards the future for the continuance of your loyal support.

A great difficulty now arose in my mind, namely, whether my message should consist of my instructions and appendix, as I received them, or whether I should condense them.

I at first attempted the latter course, but, in carrying it into effect, I found the subjects so important, the remedies to be applied requiring so unavoidably the explanatory arguments upon which they had been prescribed, that I felt it was almost impossible for me to undertake correctly to translate them into other words. I also considered, that as unexpected difficulties had lately arisen in Lower Canada, and as the press was at that moment decrying “the trembling Government of Great Britain,” any concession proceeding from me might appear as if extorted by the threats of the moment: whereas, I felt that if my instructions were given to both Houses exactly as I {46} received them, their date would clearly show that they had no reference whatever to the tumultuous proceedings of the day.

I had also reason to believe that the House of Assembly would not be satisfied with anything short of the precise words of his Majesty’s Government, inasmuch as Sir John Colborne had formally announced to them, that on my arrival the King’s answer to the addresses and communications from both Houses of the Provincial Legislature would be officially announced to them. I felt confident that they would receive with the greatest suspicion and dissatisfaction any alteration made by me, and that although I might certainly assert the prerogative of refusing to accede to their wishes, yet that such a course would belie the straightforward policy which I had declared I would adopt, and at once involve me in an ignominious dispute, amounting, after all, to nothing less than a quibble, because as I was actually ordered by your Lordship to give them the substance of my instructions, they might fairly argue that the substance and the reality were and ought to be identical.

It is true that by giving to them the Appendix which is an extract of Lord Gosford’s instructions, I felt that I might possibly embarrass his Lordship and the Commissioner of Inquiry; but after giving the subject the best reflection I was able, I considered that the point of all others on which the House of {47} Assembly were most anxious to receive his Majesty’s determination, namely, the alteration, if any, in the Legislative Council, was only mentioned in my instructions by a reference to the said Appendix, and that the manner in which it was there treated was by arguments (which I could not presume to withhold) avowedly declared to be applicable to both the Canadas.

I also remembered, that in the draft of the Instructions and Appendix originally given to me by your Lordship, I was ordered to give the “copy” of them to the provincial Legislature, and that when the word “substance” was substituted, for the word “copy,”^[2] your Lordship will remember it was explained to me in England, that the alteration was merely made because it had been considered undignified that it should appear, I was ordered to do so, your Lordship observing to me, “But remember, the more you give them of it the better.”

I have not hesitated to make this explanation to your Lordship of the course I determined to adopt, because, as regards Lord Gosford, I am not without the apprehensions I have stated.

For the reasons above stated, I accordingly forwarded {48} a copy of my Instructions and Appendix to each house of Parliament, in the form of a message, headed as follows:—

“Government House, 13th January, 1836.

“The Lieutenant-Governor transmits to the Legislative Council (House of Assembly) the communication alluded to in his speech to the two Houses of the Legislature, on the 27th instant.

“The Lieutenant-Governor was commanded by his Majesty to communicate the substance of his Instructions to both Houses of the Provincial Parliament, but considering it would be more satisfactory to them to receive the whole, he accordingly transmits it herewith.”

I am well informed that the Legislative Council were highly satisfied with the above message, and a deputation waited upon me with an address expressive of these sentiments.

The House of Assembly has not yet pronounced its opinion on the subject, but has merely ordered 2000 copies of the message to be printed. A most violent discussion will of course take place, and the result will pretty clearly determine the relative strength of the placable and implacable parties in that House.

Whatever may be the result, I shall steadily and straightly proceed in the course of policy I have adopted: I shall neither avoid nor rest upon any party, but, after attentively listening to all opinions, I will, to the best of my judgment, do what is honest {49} and right, firmly believing that the stability of the throne, the interests of this province, and the confidence of the people can now only be secured by such a course.

I have the honour to be,

My Lord,

Your Lordship’s most obedient servant,

F. B. Head.

The Lord Glenelg, &c. &c. &c.

As I had anticipated, the production of my Instructions embarrassed Lord Gosford in the policy by which he was endeavouring to obtain his supplies. The Colonial Office joined in the general disapprobation which, in London, was expressed at my conduct, although the Office knew, as well as one who is still living knows, that in my Instructions, as they were originally shown to the King, I was ordered to give “the copy,” and that it was his Majesty himself who made the alteration, which was explained away to me by Lord Glenelg, as I reminded his Lordship in the preceding despatch.

[1]	Mr. Hume sent these reports and letters to me. He wrote me a note proposing an interview, which I politely declined, and, after having read his papers, returned them by a messenger.—F.B.H.

[2]

This alteration was made by the King himself, who deemed it infra dig. that the Assembly of Upper Canada should read that I was ordered to give them a copy of my instructions. His Majesty thought it better that the quantum of the communication of my instructions should at least appear to be left to my discretion.