Читать книгу A Narrative - Sir Francis Bond Head - Страница 5

Table of Contents

My reasons for not having delayed the publication of my “Narrative” until the despatches ordered to be printed by the house of lords were promulgated.

The accusations against me and against the legislature of Upper Canada, contained in Lord Durham’s Report, which, by the advice of Her Majesty’s Government, was “presented by her Majesty’s command to both Houses of Parliament,” were as follows:—

1. That, as Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, I had managed to obtain at the elections a constitutional majority in the House of Assembly, by making deceptive misrepresentations to the people; and that in a number of instances the said elections had been carried “by the unscrupulous exercise of the influence of my Government.”

2. That I had formed my Executive Council of persons whom I had “taken from without the pale of official eligibility,”—that this Council had “accepted office almost on the express condition of being mere ciphers;” and that, having been selected under these degrading circumstances, it continued, {vi} under the administration of Sir George Arthur, “to feel that under no conceivable contingency could they expect an Assembly disposed to support them.”

3. That the members of the House of Assembly of Upper Canada “had been elected under circumstances such as to render them peculiar objects of suspicion and reproach to a large number of their countrymen;” and that they were accused of having “violated their pledges at the elections.”

4. That by the above acts the people of Upper Canada had been exasperated.

On these offensive accusations being laid, by advice of Her Majesty’s Government, before both Houses of Parliament, accompanied by four hundred folio pages of additional matter selected by the Government, but which, strange to say, did not contain a single word in defence either of me or of the Executive Council or House of Assembly of Upper Canada, I found myself all of a sudden most ungenerously thrown by a Government I had faithfully served, into a dilemma from which it was utterly impossible for me to extricate myself with impunity: for, if I should vindicate myself, by publishing the despatches which I had refused to divulge to both Houses of the Canadian Legislature, I knew I should instantly be accused of betraying my employers; while, on the other hand, if, to avoid this imputation, I should remain silent, I felt most strongly that the Executive Council of Upper Canada {vii} whose private as well as public characters had been so unjustly assailed—the House of Assembly of Upper Canada, who had during two arduous sessions so nobly supported me, the electors of the province, who in peace as well as in war had so constitutionally flocked around me, and the Legislatures of our North American Colonies, who had so loyally co-operated with Upper Canada in standing against democracy, would indignantly have declared, that, supported as I had been by them all, I was bound to them by honour and by gratitude, not only regardless of every personal sacrifice, to step forward to shield them in their absence from being so unjustly defamed before the Imperial Parliament, but to save them from the ruinous consequences of Lord Durham’s Report, by exposing to the country the unintentional misrepresentations which it contained. The dilemma in which Her Majesty’s Government placed me was a cruel one; because, without any means of escaping, it forced me to sacrifice either my reputation among diplomatic men by publishing my despatches, or my character among men of the world by ungratefully shrinking from defending those to whom, under Providence, I was indebted for infinitely more than my life.

The Duke of Wellington, totally unsolicited by me, seeing the miserable predicament in which I was placed, magnanimously rose in my defence, and, supported by two late Secretaries of State for the Colonies both of whom declared that I was entitled {viii} to vindication, his Grace called upon Lord Melbourne for the production of the whole of my despatches.

The very point which I myself had refused to accede to the addresses of both Houses of the Canadian Legislature was thus fairly brought before Lord Melbourne by his political antagonist, and the moment had therefore arrived for his Lordship to determine and to declare before the country, whether he would resist or yield to a request, the consequences of which he was fully aware of. His Lordship was pleased deliberately to accede to the Duke of Wellington’s motion, and accordingly such of my despatches as were necessary to my vindication were ordered to be printed.

The important point being yielded, publicity being granted, and the immediate elucidation of the real truth being of vital importance not only to my own character, to the character of the authorities of Upper Canada, but to the empire at large, ten days after this permission was granted, I published in a popular form, and with necessary explanations, the case which I had hitherto withheld from the public.

In this publication I did not divulge a single State secret, but by producing less than a sixth of my despatches, I merely exculpated myself from the accusations which had been made against me, by explaining what had been the policy I had endeavoured to pursue, what had been the difficulties which had vexatiously been opposed to me, and how, instead of being supported by my employers, I had {ix} by their repeated attacks been eventually driven from my post.

For reasons which I am unable to explain, an unusual delay took place in the promised production of my despatches, in consequence of which my defence of the policy I had pursued was published before it was officially promulgated by Her Majesty’s Government.

I acknowledge with submission the breach of form I have thus committed; at the same time it will, I hope, be also admitted that, leaving my natural eagerness to vindicate myself, and those who had supported me, from the offensive accusations which had been brought against us before both Houses of Parliament, completely out of the question, it was of vital importance that my volume should reach the colonies and appear before the judgment of the British public, as nearly as possible, simultaneously with Lord Durham’s unfortunate recommendations: for surely it must be evident that in our colonial policy there exist errors enough without wilfully sowing and giving time for the growth of others, which, by a prompt reply, might at once be eradicated; and this general observation is particularly applicable to Lord Durham’s Report, which, without intentional offence to his Lordship, I must say, contains allegations against the Legislature of Upper Canada, and expressions of admiration of the United States, almost sufficient to make our Canadian Militia throw down their arms in despair.

{x}

Notwithstanding these reasons, it has, however, been observed by Her Majesty’s Government, before Parliament, “that my publication of my despatches is unparalleled, and that long may it remain so.” Whether the provocation as well as the treatment I have received from Her Majesty’s Government be also “unparalleled” is a question for the public rather than me to determine. I will therefore proceed to notice two other remarks made against me by Her Majesty’s Government, viz., that I ought not to have published at all—first, any despatches impugning the political principles of individuals (one of whom principally alluded to is, I presume, Her Majesty’s Under Secretary of State for the Colonies); and secondly, any expressions hostile to the institutions of the United States, Her Majesty’s Government having determined, although I have published them, officially to withhold all such documents from the pubic.

Now what a contradiction this is to the course which the Government pursued respecting Lord Durham’s allegations against me!

These allegations leaked out into the “Times” newspaper before they were officially laid before Parliament, or rather before it was even decided that they should be laid before Parliament, just as my despatches appeared after they had been ordered to be printed. In the former case, however, the greater irregularity was urged by Her Majesty’s Government as their excuse, or rather as their reason, for promulgating {xi} a libel; while, in the lesser case, it is said to be no reason at all for their publishing it. And now, let us examine who are the parties that in one instance Her Majesty’s Government join in attacking, and in another instance, exactly similar, protect from defamation.

Why, the individual whom Her Majesty’s Government have assisted in assailing before both Houses of Parliament is the man who on the continent of America humbly maintained monarchical principles against democracy; while, on the other hand, the individual whom they shield is Her Majesty’s Under Secretary for the Colonies, declared, on respectable evidence which it has been offered to produce, to have assisted in our colonies the progress of republican institutions!!

But not only do Her Majesty’s Government protect this individual, but they declare their intention to protect democracy itself; and although twenty-two pieces of artillery of the United States were fired during a fortnight upon Upper Canada while I commanded there—although the Americans, after having set a price upon my head, shamefully invaded the province in all directions,—shot down thirty of our brave soldiers,—cruelly murdered and plundered the Queen’s subjects,—brutally insulted several ladies on board the British steamer (the Sir Robert Peel), which they burnt,—barbarously mutilated the corpses of our officers, one of whom, it is said, they hung up by the {xii} heels as a mark for their rifles.—Although, on relinquishing the government of Upper Canada, I was pursued for upwards of forty miles by these Americans, who hunted me like bloodhounds to murder me, for no other reason than because, as her Britannic Majesty’s representative, I had resisted the repeated proclamations by which the American “Generals commanding” had insolently called upon Her Majesty’s subjects of Upper Canada to exchange British institutions for democracy.—Notwithstanding all these provocations, and notwithstanding these infamous aggressions have already cost the country nearly two millions of money, I am to be censured by Her Majesty’s Government for having, after they had agreed to the publication of my despatches, made the country and the civilized world aware that I had called “shame” upon those institutions of the United States which their citizens had vainly endeavoured, by bayonets and artillery, to force upon the people of Upper Canada, whether they liked them or not.

If Her Majesty’s Government are of opinion that the old-fashioned custom, which in British history has ever been maintained, of indignantly resisting insult and aggression, is henceforward to be abolished, why, instead of first inculcating the new doctrine upon an humble individual like myself, did they not venture at once to rebuke the Duke of Wellington when, on the 6th ult., his Grace, in a speech which men of property in the United States will both appreciate and admire, compared {xiii} the unjustifiable invasion of the Canadas “to a system of warfare known only among the most lawless of the most barbarous states of the East and of Africa?”

Do Her Majesty’s Ministers conceive that the plain-dealing yeomen, farmers, merchants, and manufacturers of the British empire are to be called upon to pay two millions of money for a secret war with America, which no man is to dare to mention; and that our public officers, smarting under the indignities they have received from the American Republic, are to be publicly censured, unless, with the servility of spaniels, they lick the hand that has been striking them?

Do Her Majesty’s Ministers afford this unheard-of protection to our own revered institutions? No! Every fault which conflicting Commissioners of Inquiry, one after another, can ingeniously point out in the Monarchical institutions of the Canadas have been printed with eager alacrity; every recommendation from friend or foe to subject the Governor, the Executive Council, and the Upper House of the Provincial Legislature to the will of the people, has been listened to “with the utmost possible respect,” and published in detail. Lord Durham’s censures against my policy; his Lordship’s allegations against the Executive Council whom I appointed, against the Legislative Council, and even against the representatives of the people of Upper Canada, by the advice of Her Majesty’s Ministers, have been all “laid before {xiv} both Houses of Parliament by command of the Queen.”

Neither the private nor the public feelings of the supporters of British institutions have been spared; but the moment (availing myself of Lord Melbourne’s motion, that a portion of my despatches be printed) I tell the country the real truth—the moment, in defence of our monarchical constitution, I utter a word against those republican institutions of the United States, which have assailed and insulted it, Her Majesty’s Government defend democracy, and frown upon me for having disclosed the resistance I offered to its attacks!

Lastly, how could Her Majesty’s Government complain before the House of Commons, that too many of my despatches had been published, when in the same breath they cheerfully consented to print a second batch of them, on Mr. Hume’s ridiculous pretence, that their publication was necessary for the purification of his character?

If her Majesty’s Ministers feel that they have been seriously injured in the opinion of steady men of business by the publication of my despatches, they should blame themselves, not me: for if they themselves had not torn up the solemn treaty of peace which existed between us, I should still have been governed by its terms.

The dilemma in which they involved me, by acknowledging and laying before Parliament, as an official “Report,” the pamphlet of an Ex-Governor, {xv} who before his resignation had been received had, in a Quebec Proclamation, assailed them and the Imperial Parliament as severely as after his resignation had been accepted he assailed in his said London Pamphlet the conduct and by-gone policy of an Ex-Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, “functus officii,” like himself—the consequent demand in the House of Lords for my despatches—and the exertions which I was forced to make in self-defence, will, I believe, be a warning to British Statesmen:—

1st. Never again to forget their own dignity by refusing to accept the resignation of a public servant, when, by word as well as by deed, he frankly says of their measures (as I did within four months of my arrival at Toronto), “that he has not an idea in common with them;” and that the policy they have desired him to follow “has a democratic character, to which he cannot conscientiously accord.”

2ndly. Never again in our colonies, in opposition to the earnest recommendations of the Lieutenant-Governor, to raise up the well-known enemies, and to pull down the time-tried friends of British Institutions.

3rdly. Never again to combine with any one in unjustly dragging before both Houses of Parliament a silent, innocent man, who, in his retirement, was faithfully concealing their policy.