Читать книгу The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898. Volume 18 of 55 - Unknown - Страница 5

Last year I informed you at length of the naval battle, and of the signal victory which our Lord was pleased to give us over the enemy, the Hollanders, who came to these islands with the largest force that has ever been here. They brought ten galleons well equipped with men, artillery, ammunition, and other implements of war. Of these ten galleons they lost three in the battle—one, the admiral’s ship, was sunk, and two were burned. Four of the remaining seven fled to Maluco, badly damaged. So many of their men were killed and wounded that, although they had set out with a large number, they arrived with scarcely one hundred. These were the messengers of an event most disastrous for them but fortunate for us. The other ships fled to Japon.

Until now the natives of the Malucas Islands had greatly favored the heretics; but, loving novelty and seeing that the power of the Hollanders had declined, they began to plan a revolt. When the Hollanders learned of this, they hanged in Machien, one of their best strongholds, a chief whom, it was understood, the natives wished to place at the head of the insurrection. But in other quarters they could not so quickly effect a remedy. In the island of Siao the people killed all the Hollanders who had seized their land, except three whom they handed over alive to our governor of Maluco for galley-slaves. The natives of the island of Vanda [Banda] dealt in the same manner with the Hollanders who were there, and gained the ascendency. In Ambueno some of the natives revolted. The Hollanders tried to pacify them by force of arms, but we do not know how the affair ended. All this, however, was not what most disturbed the Hollanders, but it was rather the fact that they saw that English ships had come and formed an excellent stronghold in Pullovay.8 Thus, when the Hollanders undertook to eject the English from that port, the two nations were engaged in as bloody warfare with each other as [each was] with us. From all these circumstances it seems that the strongholds of the Hollanders were about to fall; and that, if at that time it had been possible to go with a fleet to the Malucas, a great exploit might have been performed. By this means, as wrote the governor of Ternate, Lucas de Vergara Gabiria, everything might, perhaps, have turned in our favor. But it was not possible to do this as was desired.

As I informed you in my report of last year, two other galleons, called “Leon Rojo” and “Fregelingas,” had separated from the rest of the fleet near the coast of Ilocos, a province of the island of Manila, in order to plunder, to more advantage and with less risk, the Chinese who were accustomed to steer for that coast. For this reason they took no part in the naval battle. This was very fortunate for them, since, without loss of men or of artillery, they plundered nine [many—V.d.A.9] Chinese ships, laden with very valuable silks which the Chinese were bringing here to the city of Manila. When these learned of the destruction of their fleet, they made haste to return to Japon, where they arrived on the seventh of July, 617. On the way they overtook two Chinese ships loaded with silks. They captured them, and, as their own were full of the plunder that they had taken, they put seven men as a guard on each of the Chinese ships and took them thus to Japon. When in sight of Japon the ships were driven by a storm, and one of the Chinese vessels was separated from the other and from the two of the Hollanders. It made port in the kingdom of Satsuma. But the authorities of this place, learning that the ship was a captive, and disapproving of a thing so foreign to civilized intercourse, would not consent that they should remain in the port longer than four days, at the end of which time they forced them to leave. During these four days the Chinese who came in the ships, about thirty-four in number, went ashore and secretly bought some catanas, arms peculiar to Japon and not very different from cutlasses. With these they embarked for Firando, another kingdom of Japon. One night they suddenly fell upon the Hollanders [the seven who guarded the ship], and, in spite of their resistance, they beheaded them and threw them into the sea. The Chinese then loaded all their goods upon little fishing boats that they had provided for the purpose, and setting fire to their ship, fled with their property in different directions. In all of this they were very diligent and discreet. If they had not been so, the Hollanders who reside in that kingdom undoubtedly would have taken the ship away from them by legal process, because (as we shall see later) the Hollanders have things much to their liking at the court of the emperor.

The two galleons, “Leon Rojo” and “Fregelingas,” and the other Chinese ship, of which I spoke, arrived at Cochi [Kochi], a port of the island of Firando, one league from the port and city of Firando.10 Here they began in great haste to unload the galleon, “Leon Rojo,” with the purpose of going to look out for the ship of Macan. The Portuguese who reside in Nangasaqui, learning of this design, went to the governor of that city to complain of what the Hollanders were planning. He sent them at once to the Jeno11 of Firando with an order by which the Jeno was commanded not to allow any Dutch ship to go out in search of the ship of Macan commanded by the Portuguese. This precaution, however, was unnecessary, because our Lord prevented, by other means, the accomplishment of their purpose. On the day of the blessed apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, a furious storm overtook them while they were in the port of Cochi. The “Leon Rojo” ran aground and filled with water; the “Fregelingas,” through loss of mainmast and rigging, was badly shattered. The Chinese ship also ran aground, and silks of great value were injured by water. With infinite labor and expense they hauled off the “Leon Rojo,” and, as best they could, they took it to the port of Firando. They were compelled, however, to give it up and leave it here for lost, because the leak was so great that it was impossible to stop it. They took the “Fregelingas” also to Firando, where they quickly repaired it.

There remains to be told the fate of another ship, called the “Sol Viejo” [“Old Sun”], that fled from the battle of last year and was confidently believed to have foundered in the sea. In it, however, the Dutch general, Juan Rodriguez Lam,12 escaped. With only eighty men, who remained with him, he crossed to the coast of Camboja, and went to the port of Champan [Champa V.d.A.] in order to repair the damage that the ship had sustained here in the Felipinas. They were not able to go, as they wished, from there to Patam, where they had a factory, because the vendavals, which were contrary, had now arisen. Therefore, they were forced to put into Japon at the port of Nangasaqui, where they entered with two other ships of theirs. One of these, the “Leon Negro” [“Black Lion”], carried one hundred and fifty-five men, and twenty-eight pieces of artillery, all of cast iron; the other, the “Galeaça,” carried ninety-five men and twenty-four pieces of artillery. The Dutch general had met these two ships on their way from Bantan, where the Hollanders had another factory. The “Leon Negro” and the “Galeaça” had captured three Chinese vessels that were going to Bantan to trade with the Hollanders. To save the Chinese the trouble, the Hollanders had loaded all the goods of the Chinese upon their own ships, thus taking from them the great wealth of silk they were carrying, and leaving them only the hulks of the ships. [In the margin: “Not the least compensation was made for such great injustice and injury.”] Sailing, then, by way of Hermosa Island, these two ships had sighted the “Sol Viejo;” and, thinking that it was the ship of Macan, they were much rejoiced, and prepared to seize it. When they came a little nearer, however, they discovered that it was the “Sol Viejo,” in which was their own general, who had fled routed from the naval battle that took place in these islands. Distressed at the bad news [of their defeat in this battle], they together [with the “Sol Viejo”] directed their course to Nangasaqui, where they made port the first of July, 617. While these three ships were anchored within the bar of this port, news arrived that the ship of Macan was eight or ten leguas at sea. The governor of Nangasaqui prepared and sent a message to the Portuguese to the effect that they could enter the port without any fear whatever of the Hollanders. But, not considering this safe, they withdrew to another port near by, where they felt more secure. When the governor saw that, on account of the Hollanders, the ship did not enter his port, he commanded that notice be given to the Hollanders, in the name of the emperor, that they should go at once to their port of Firando, which had been assigned to them for trade with Japon. They disregarded this command and replied that they had come to Japon with no other purpose than to look for that ship, which they must take without fail. The governor responded with a second notification, and so they thought it best to leave unobstructed the entrance to Nangasaqui, and to go to Firando, where they joined five Dutch vessels—including the “Leon Rojo,” which had been abandoned.

As has been ascertained, these heretics plundered on the coast of Manila eighteen Chinese ships, besides the two which on their return to Japon they [the “Leon Rojo” and the “Fregelingas”] had carried with them as they were, loaded, and the three which the ships coming from Bantan [the “Leon Negro” and the “Galeaça”] had despoiled. This robbery caused much commotion in Japon. The brother of the ruler of Firando governed that state at this time, because of the absence of the latter, who had gone to court. He accordingly placed guards upon the Dutch ships as soon as they arrived, and commanded that no one should go to them or buy anything from them until the emperor should know of their arrival, which he reported immediately. The Hollanders, paying no attention to these orders, began to unload their cloth until they filled the warehouses of their factory, leaving the surplus in the ships. Much of this cloth was wet, because, as I said above, their vessels [the “Leon Rojo” and the “Fregelingas”] and that of the Chinese had been shipwrecked. As this was the rainy season, it was impossible to dry it; and thus, to their great sorrow, much was lost. They secretly sold everything that they could before there should come from the court any order that might be to their disadvantage. They made a large sum of money, and then in all haste they loaded a great number of the boxes of silk upon the “Leon Negro,” which they put in readiness for whatever might happen. They then despatched their messengers to Macao [sc. Meaco], the court of the emperor, to whom they presented four fine pieces of bronze artillery, which he prized very highly. They sent also thirty thousand taes of silver, each one equal in weight to ten Spanish reals, and many pieces of various kinds of silk, with which they gained the good will of the emperor and of the courtiers upon whom their prosperity and security in Japon depended. As a result of this, they were soon very successful in their negotiations, at which they were greatly pleased; for they were given permission to sell their spoils in the kingdom of Japon to whom and wherever they pleased, since they said that the Spaniards were their enemies and that the Chinese were going to trade with them [the Spaniards]. With the matter thus arranged, they returned to Firando, and, as they found themselves in such favor, the first thing that they did was to take back from the poor Chinese the hulk of the ship and some cloth of little value, which they had given them because they had feared that they might not be successful at court. And they did this in spite of the fact that the Chinese, with their good industry and hard labor, had drawn from the water the ship, which, as has been said, was stranded and submerged. The Hollanders carried this spoliation to such an extent that they took their very clothes from their bodies.

Having completed this very successful exploit, on the fifteenth of October they despatched for Holanda the “Leon Negro” with sixteen hundred boxes of changeable silk. Each box contained two picos of silk (each pico equals five arrobas); besides this, they shipped three hundred fardos of black and white mantas—all of which will yield a great sum of money, if it reaches its destination. In the ship “Fregelingas” the Dutch general returned to the strongholds of Maluco; he carried with him a great quantity of timber to repair other ships, and many provisions and munitions to supply their fortresses. The other two ships, the “Sol Viejo” and the “Galeaça,” warned us that they intended to come to the coast of Manila about April, in order to plunder at once the ships which come to this city at that season. This has really happened, because for almost two months two Dutch ships have been in the place13 [where they seized the ships from China. This has caused much apprehension in this city—V.d.A.] which last year furnished so powerful a fleet; for then it had galleons with which to defend itself. Now it has none, because six galleons were sent to other islands in order that the injuries that they had received in the late battle might be repaired. On the eleventh of October a furious hurricane overtook the ships and, [since they had been pierced by balls in the battle—marginal note in MS.; also in V.d.A.] they parted in the middle and sank in the sea. The twenty-four pieces of artillery which the galleons carried—four in each galleon—were lost with the ships. They were, however, neither very large nor of much value. Most of the people escaped by swimming, or upon some rafts; but as many as four hundred persons, including Spaniards, Indians, and Chinese, were drowned. And some of those who had escaped from the storm by means of the rafts perished from hunger out at sea, after the storm subsided. In this event the justice of God was evident, because it is said that that many had embarked upon these galleons with their concubines, purposely to live with them in the holds of the ships, without fear of either God or man; therefore our Lord permitted men and galleons to run aground. [Not only was the city deprived of these six ships, but] it must be added the information received from his Majesty that the fleet of galleons formed in Cadiz to come here, by way of the cape of Buena Esperança, had been sent toward Saboya [i.e., Savoy] to impede the expedition of Count Mauricio to that dukedom. This city, seeing itself thus deprived of the forces that it had and of those that it expected, resolved at once to build six galleons and some galleys; this they are doing with all speed. But as these ships have not yet been finished (and cannot be very soon) they were worthless to oppose these two Dutch vessels that have been along the coast of Ilocos, a province of the island of Manila, and have plundered at will everything within their reach. According to some, they have despoiled of silks and other merchandise twelve or thirteen ships. Thus only the smallest number escaped falling into their hands, and then only by the merest chance. However, on the night of the eighteenth of May, the Dutch ships were in danger of shipwreck. There arose a strong wind, a vendaval, which obliged them to take care of their own ships and to release the Chinese vessels that they had with them. Four of these, delighted at this good opportunity, resolved to flee, and as the winds were favorable, they set out on the return voyage to China.

The Dutch carried on this pillaging with little risk, and without fear, because they had learned, through some prisoners who had escaped, of the loss of our galleons. With these spoils they returned, I think, to Japon, where they will again be received as they were last year. And the worst of it is that they will delight in coming [every year to inflict as much more damage; and therefore the Chinese will not dare to come—V.d.A.] to this city with their ships, and commerce will cease. Everything will then be lost, because the prosperity of these islands depends solely upon trade with China. May God prevent this with his powerful hand.

In the island of Oton a strange thing happened this year. The ships that usually go with supplies to aid the forces of Maluco were despatched from the city of Manila. In one of the best of these embarked Manuel Riveyro, a father of our Society from the house of Ternate. He had come here to solicit and collect the alms which his Majesty orders to be given to the fathers who labor in the Malucas Islands. For many days, for years even, nothing had been given; and, as a result, Ours were suffering great privation. The father was very successful and collected from the royal treasury a large sum of money. Part of this he spent for very rich ornaments and for images for our churches; part for ship stores, and for gifts with which to aid the poor soldiers in those strongholds of Maluco, who suffer great want. These soldiers are materially assisted by our fathers who reside there, to the great edification and gratitude of the soldiers. With these supplies the father embarked in one of the ships, and arrived at Punta de Najo [Naso—V.d.A.], about eight leagues from the town of Arebalo, where the king’s ships go to take on rice and meat for the Malucas. At this town it was necessary for the father of our Society, and other fathers of St. Francis, to go ashore to obtain some things which they needed, in order to have them ready when the ship should arrive. Therefore they disembarked to go by land, and the ship anchored off the point. One day the master, who was called Juan de Ochoa Sarape [? Lara—V.d.A.], brought it about by deceit that the captain of the ship, Francisco Benitez, the pilot, and two soldiers who were not of his following, should disembark. There were on board also two mariners, a Galician and a Castilian, neither of whom had sided with him in the treason that he had planned with the others. He sent these down the hatchway for some ropes, and then took a lock and fastened the hatchway. Thereupon the traitors unsheathed their swords, drew their arquebuses and muskets, and lighted their fuses. Standing under arms, they cut the cables, and set sail, taking possession of the ship and of all the goods that it carried for the king, for the governor of Maluco, and for the fathers of San Francisco and of our Society, all of which, they say, might be worth more than thirty thousand pesos. The captain and the pilot, who witnessed this treason from land, embarked at once in a little vessel, and, coming near the ship, discharged three muskets, none of which did any damage. The traitors asked the pilot whether he wished to go with them. Seeing that neither he nor the captain was so inclined, they took them to land, and in their ship changed their course to Borney and Macasar. This treason was committed by twelve Spaniards, eight of whom were Biscayans and four Castilians. They made captain the master [of the ship] who was the author of the treason. Besides these [twelve Spaniards], there were on board this ship the other two Spaniards, whom, as I said, they were carrying as prisoners, as well as some Indians of this country who also were compelled to go. When Father Ribeiro considered how much labor it had cost him to get together the help he was carrying there for the fathers of Maluco, this disaster caused him some distress—all the greater when he thought of the hunger and need that they must suffer. But our Lord prevented this. The father started out to beg alms from the inhabitants of the town; and in a short time he got together an abundant supply of rice, wine, and meat for one year, for all responded liberally to relieve a necessity that had so moved them to pity. The father set, sail with all this in another ship, and we trust that, by God’s help, he is already in Maluco. This is the same vessel that had been despatched this year for Nueva España as almiranta. It left port so heavily laden that it was necessary to put back into harbor to unload part of the merchandise, so as to be able to make the voyage. This done, they set out a second time from the port; but they encountered such violent storms that, after sailing entirely around the island of Manila, losing the masts, and imperiling their lives, they returned to Manila on the seventh of October, 617. Afterward the vessel was utilized [for Ternate] in the manner indicated above.

From the Mindanaos there came persistent rumors that they were undertaking to set out with a large fleet to besiege the fort of Caraga which was in the same island, Mindanao, and held in check a province of that island. Its inhabitants do not now engage in robberies and hostile incursions by sea, as has been their custom. [Upon receipt of this news] two galleys were despatched from the city of Manila, in order that with the caracoas that were to be found in Zebu they might go to aid the fort. They left Zebu for Caraga, but before arriving there our fleet turned back, partly because notice was received that the rumor had not been true, and partly because the winds had arisen. These winds would have greatly endangered our ships upon their entrance to and departure from that coast, which is very bold.

But, although we have been free from these enemies this year, we have had to deal with others, the Camucones,14 a people who owe allegiance to the king of Burney, They are thieves who scour the sea, plundering everything within their reach. They are so cruel that they never imprison, but kill all upon whom they can lay their hands. These people came to the Filipinas this year with seven caracoas and seventeen ajuangas, vessels resembling large galleys, but not so strong; ordinarily they carry four hundred men at the oars. They did very little damage, however, for they must have heard that our fleet was on the sea, and therefore they soon withdrew to their own territory. Their withdrawal was also due in no small degree to the fact that when they once landed upon an island the native Indians, sallying forth, killed some of their men and put their heads upon poles along the coast in order to terrify the rest. It was the special providence of our Lord that our father provincial did not fall into the hands of these corsairs when he went to visit the Pintados Islands, for when they [the father and his crew] were not far from the islands, a strong wind came up ahead of them, which compelled them to remain sheltered in a small bay for more than fifteen days. Here the news of these enemies came to them, and therefore the father retired to Manila. It is certain that if that contrary wind had not arisen he would have gone forward, and would have fallen into their hands.

The devotion to the Immaculate Conception of the most sainted Virgin has greatly increased among all the people. As soon as the ship from Nueva España arrived, bringing the news of the elaborate demonstrations that had been made in all España in honor of this Lady, they began to place on all the corners and upon the doors of churches notices that read, “Praised be the most holy sacrament and the Immaculate Conception of the most holy Virgin, conceived without blot of original sin.” There was no lack of persons who tried to efface one of these notices that was on the door of the church of Santo Domingo, a fact which caused the people to burn with greater devotion to this Lady. It was arranged that for two nights there should be a procession of masked figures. In it a banner with an image of the Immaculate Conception was displayed; lamps were placed throughout the city; the cathedral bells began to chime; and the orders formed in line of march. One devout person placed on the corners eighteen images of the Conception of our Lady, with a legend reading, “Without blot of original sin.” Other pious people adorned these images with gilded ornaments and lights that burn all night. The children continually recited before these images, in loud voices, various couplets in praise of the Immaculate Conception, thus fulfilling that saying of David, ex ore infantium e lactentium [“out of the mouths of babes and sucklings”], etc.

Concerning the persecution in Japon, I can only say that with the death of Daytusama, who was the chief cause of the expulsion of our fathers,15 it was hoped that the persecution would cease or at least would abate. On the contrary it has increased under the new administration of his son, who is so hostile to the law of Christ our Lord that simply because of our holy faith he has martyred one religious from each of the four orders there. These four religious, among many others, had gone about secretly, as in England, with great labor cultivating that vineyard. This event occasioned much rejoicing in the hearts of all the people of this city, the laity as well as the religious. They talked of making fiestas and public rejoicings in thanksgiving that our Lord had adorned the four orders that are in these islands with four martyrs so distinguished. But in order not to further provoke to wrath the ruler of Japon, who had ordered their death, and for other reasons, it was thought best to suspend for the present all kinds of fiestas. Among those who suffered this fortune or fate was a father of our Society named Juan Bautista Tavora, a native of the island of Tercera. He died in company with a father of San Francisco. Afterward they martyred two others, one of Santo Domingo, and the other of San Agustin, and in order that respect might not be paid by the Christians to their bodies, the heathen threw them into the sea. The bodies of the father of our Society and the father of Santo Domingo were placed together in one box; those of the two fathers of San Francisco and San Agustin in another. These last were afterward found, but the first were not. The account of all that happened concerning this matter I will place in the relation of that province [Japon] where these most happy deaths will be related at length.

I will conclude this account with one of the most singular events that have ever happened in the world. Although it is discreditable to the Order of St. Augustine, it should be related here with all truth, because it is so public and will be so noised about through all the world. When Fray Vicente de Sepulveda,16 first cousin of Father Juan Laurencio, rector of the College of Mexico, finished his term of three years as provincial, the fathers of St. Augustine met in chapter in a convent near the city of Manila, to elect a new provincial. They chose Fray Geronimo de Salas,17 not without dissensions and discords between the two parties into which they are divided. This provincial died twenty days after his election. He died, as some say (and this opinion seems not without foundation, as we shall see further on), from poison that they gave him, and consequently his death was very sudden. By the death of this Fray Geronímo de Salas, Fray Vicente de Sepulveda returned to the office of provincial, as their regulations provide. It seemed to some religious who were not of his party that it was too much for him to govern three more years, so they planned to cut the thread of life for him—by means of poison, since this would not betray them. They gave it to him more than eight times in his food and drink—in his chocolate, and even in the wine with which he was consecrated. The poison was ground glass, and it resulted in eruptions over his entire body and in illness for several days, but it did not produce death. When the conspirators saw that their attempts so far had been unsuccessful, four of them planned to kill him with their own hands. The affair was so public that not only was the conspiracy noised about among the friars but also among the laity of Manila. Thus it came to the ears of the provincial himself, who had not lived as prudently as he should have done for the safety of his person. After this, he was very careful about his food and drink; he locked himself in at night, and entrusted the key of the apartment to only a few. He ordered one, who was the author of the treason (and he was the one that was suspected), that in virtue of his [the provincial’s] holy precept, he should not come into the convent of Manila, but that he should prepare to embark for Nueva España where they should take from him the cowl. Thereupon this individual, Fray Juan de Ocadiz—who was a native of Madrid, a priest, and one of long service in his order—formed an agreement with three others, all young men about twenty years of age, who had been ordained to preach. These were Fray Juan de Quintana and Fray Andres Encinas (both natives of Manila), and Fray Ignacio de Alcaraz, born in Nueva España in a place near Acapulco, called I think, Quatulco. Fray Ignacio was companion and secretary to this provincial, and so he had the opportunity of making a key to the apartment, by first making an impression of the key in wax. On the thirty-first of July, 617, the day of our Father Ignacio, at eleven o’clock at night, the four opened the door of the provincial’s apartment with the key that had been prepared for the purpose. The provincial heard the noise immediately, and suspecting what it might be, rose from the bed, and went shouting to meet them. At this juncture the three evangelists repented of what had been begun, and talked of withdrawing from it. But Fray Juan de Ocadiz, bolder than the rest, since he had already begun the work, told them that if they deserted he would have to stab them. Thereupon all four together attacked the provincial, threw him upon the bed, and held his mouth. The three evangelists held his arms and legs firmly, and Fray Juan de Ocadiz, putting his knees upon his stomach, choked with his hands. While the friar was choking him, the provincial begged for confession. Fray Juan said, “Father, repent of your sins, and in token of this clasp my hand.” The provincial took his hand, and the murderer absolved him, adding, “Trust, Father, in our Lord, who will pardon your sins.” Upon this he seized his throat, and finished choking him. Then with diabolical cruelty, in order to be more certain [that he was dead] they twisted his neck against the bed in such a way that they disjointed the bones, no that the head fell from one side to the other as if he had been a dead fowl. All this tragedy was committed in the dark, so they went for a light, cleansed the provincial’s body of the blood that had gushed from his mouth, changed his bed-linen and garments, and set everything in good order, that it might appear that he had died of some sudden accident. They did not take into consideration the many discolorations upon his body, or the twisted neck, that must soon give testimony of the hideous crime. Fray Andres Encinas took all the bloody clothing and threw it into the closets. The others closed the door from within, with a cross bar, and jumped through a little window. Although the provincial had given many loud cries, and other friars lived near the apartment, nothing was heard in the convent—a thing that seems impossible. After the crime was completed the bells rang for matins, for which it was now time. The murderers, or rather parricides, with great craftiness went to prayers. Morning came, and the hour arrived at which the provincial was accustomed to open his apartment; but he did not open it. They waited a little, but he did not come out. They knocked at the door, but he did not respond; they knocked louder, but in vain. The prior and the other friars, who were ignorant of the affair, determined to break down the doors. They did so, entered, and then beheld the crime, and saw that the provincial had been killed with violence. The prior, a certain Fray del Rincon,18 hastened to the president of the royal Audiencia and to Don Geronimo de Sylva, captain-general, in order that they might give him help of which he was destitute because there was so great a tumult in the convent. They soon came with men. First the president ordered that all the friars should go one by one to kiss the hand of the dead man, in order that he might note the countenance of each. Finally they buried the provincial, and every one can well infer what would be said of the whole order; for people will forget that in the apostolic college there was a Judas and in Heaven a Lucifer, and yet the other apostles and the angels did not fall on this account. Reports of the affair were transmitted to the bishop of Zebu, Don Fray Pedro de Arce, of the Order of St. Augustine, and at that time governor of the archbishopric of Manila. He imprisoned some and tortured others; and in a short time, and with little trouble, the criminals were discovered. He made all the investigations, prepared the case, and handed it over to the definitorio, which, as they said, had by right jurisdiction in the matter. The definitorio, which was composed of nine of the most prominent friars of their order, advised with the other orders as to whether, without consulting the pope, it could condemn the criminals to actual degradation and deliver them over to the secular arm. The Society [of Jesus] avoided, as far as it could, giving its opinion upon an affair that was of such moment, and that must create such a sensation. In the decision of the affair, whether wise or unwise, it was best for us not to interfere. The authors were examined, and upon the advice of wise and learned men the definitorio resolved to give the sentence. It was read to the criminals from the pulpit of the church of St. Augustine, on the nineteenth of September, 617, before all the people, who had congregated to witness a spectacle so extraordinary. Immediately they took from him the cowl, and left them with only some short cassocks such as are worn by clergymen. They delivered them to the bishop, who was already prepared for the degradation. He immediately began to degrade them, and then delivered them over to the secular arm. They were taken to jail by the strong guard of soldiers that had been in the church ever since the criminals had been removed from the prisons to hear the sentence. But it was possible to execute this sentence against three only, because Fray Andres Encinas had escaped the night before, in company with a lay brother who was guarding him. With chains and all, the lay brother removed him from the prison at twelve o’clock at night, and, placing him upon his back, carried him along an unfinished wall of the convent, with great danger to both of falling and killing themselves. He took from him the chains and, together with another lay brother of their order, they jumped from the wall and fled in great haste. On the twenty-second of September of the same year, 617, the secular tribunal pronounced the sentence of death upon the three. They were taken from the jail amid a great retinue of religious of all orders, who were assisting, and of soldiers who were guarding the prisoners. At ten o’clock in the morning they were hanged in the square before the largest assembly of people, I think, I have ever seen in my life. They died with suitable preparation. I am unwilling to omit the account of a very peculiar circumstance. Twenty years ago they were hanging in Madrid that Augustinian friar because he wished to make a pastry-cook king of Portugal, and to marry him to Doña Ana de Austria, the mother of Fray Juan de Ocadiz. She was watching the proceeding, and all at once she began to scream and weep. When asked the cause of this she replied that she fancied she saw on the gallows her son, who was an Augustinian friar. Followed by a large crowd they took the bodies of these three men who had been hanged, to the convent of San Agustin for interment, where they will remain with their provincial until God calls them to judgment. The friars then very diligently searched for the one who had fled, in order to execute upon him the same sentence. At first they did not find him. And afterward, although they might have captured him, they did not, because they did not feel obliged to revive the painful remembrances and cause to all, and especially to his mother and the relatives whom he has here, the grief and distress that the first three deaths occasioned.

Besides these there were found guilty in the affair Fray Joseph de Vides, a native of Mexico, who had been instructor of the novices; and Fray Pedro de Herrera, a native of Medina del Campo, who had been professor of theology, and who now was prior of a convent. As these two were not so guilty as the others the friars took from them the cowl, and sentenced them to six years at the galleys in Maluco; and to suspension [from mass] for one additional year, on account of the reverence that is due to so high and divine a mystery. They were handed over to the secular tribunal, and were put upon galleys. But in a few days they escaped, and embarked upon a small ship in company with Fray Andres Encinas and the lay brother who had freed him from prison. All four set out together upon the return to Malaca, in order to go from that place to Goa, España, and finally to Rome. Such is the unfortunate event which was reported last year to the pope, the king, and all the world alike. This year report will be made of the justice meted out to the malefactors.19 And as more than four lies will be written, I have thought it best that your Reverences should know the affair just as it occurred, nothing being added or omitted.20

Events at Ternate

Since this was written, advices came from Ternate that brought us some news which I will add here. The aid that was sent from this city to the Malucas Islands arrived, and those who carried it found in the passage two Dutch ships awaiting them, to prevent their entrance to our fortifications, and even to take the supplies, if possible. They made an attack and our people thought best to withdraw; but after some days they returned by another route, to land the supplies if they could. They again found the Hollander in the road and, being attacked a second time, they fought, made a great effort to pass, and succeeded—although the enemy so pursued one ship, the admiral’s, that it ran aground in the island of Tidore. Most of the people were saved, but some the enemy killed with musket-shots, and some, who threw themselves into the water, perished. Captain Alonso Martin Quirante, who was in our stronghold of Tidore, hurried out and prevented the enemy from taking anything from the ship.

Many of the provisions that were in the ship were lost, among them almost all of those that the father, as I mentioned above, was taking for our fathers. In the thick of the battle this father was the first to be wounded. He was struck on the arm by a splinter, but his wound was of little consequence. The soldiers, however, will not because of this loss be in want this year; for the English went [to the Malucas] with a shipload of rice to trade for cloves, and the viceroy sent six galeotas of provisions from India.

The above-mentioned captain, Alonso Martin Quirante, made an ambuscade, in which he killed twenty-one Hollanders and captured four. Of the enemy, twenty-five Hollanders and many of the Indians of their following deserted to our fortifications. Although the king of Tidore has always been very favorable to us, the prince his son has been very friendly and of much importance to the Hollanders. But our Lord has been pleased to destroy these friendly relations in this way. The Hollanders, for what reason I do not understand, hanged one and drowned four of the people of Tidore. On account of this the prince has been so opposed to them that he has sworn to avenge himself, and to do them all the injury that he can. And he will do this, without doubt, because he is very valiant.

So much for the Malucas. To this may be added the fact that the admiral Heredia had made, at his own expense, a beautiful, though not very large, ship with which to serve his Majesty whenever occasion might offer. Just as soon as it was launched upon the sea, it was overtaken by a storm so severe that it foundered and was lost.

I forgot to say that one [Marginal note—Sequeyra’s ship] of the two ships that were despatched last year for Nueva España, but did not arrive there, was separated from the other. It must be known that a certain de Sequeira, a Portuguese of the Order of Christ [del Habito de Christo], went in it as captain. He had come as general of the fleet which five years ago the king sent by way of the cape of Buena Esperanca,21 and he carried a cédula from his Majesty to the effect that they should send him back at once by the same route. Instead, they detained him four years in this city, much against his will. At last they sent him as captain of this ship in order that he might go to España by way of Nueva España. They loaded upon this ship goods of high value, although not a great quantity of them, because the vessel was small. He began his voyage with favorable winds astern, and when he had reached the latitude of more than 30 degrees, he saw that he might turn toward India; but, the brisas beginning to vex the ships, he ordered the return, and, arriving at these islands, disembarked some Castilians whom he carried but who did not wish to go with him. He steered for Malaca and India, in order to go, they say, to España upon the voyage which his Majesty had ordered. He arrived at Malaca and died, I think, in Cochin. Nothing more is known [of him], nor [is it known] what will be done with the goods that he carried.

The ships from Nueva España arrived very late, at the beginning of July. It was fortunate that the vendavals were very much delayed this season; for, if they had begun when they usually do, it would have been impossible for the ships to reach these islands this year. But God chose to bring to us the governor22 who was so much desired. A grand reception, with many costly triumphal arches, was prepared for him in Manila. But he embarked from the port of Cabite in a galley, and entered quietly into the palace through a postern gate near by, and therefore the whole reception fiesta was a failure. And when they desired him to go out of the city again, in order that he might enter with solemnity, he said that he did not wish them to carry him in procession as if he were a penitent, and so he remained there.