Читать книгу Master Wace, His Chronicle of the Norman Conquest From the Roman De Rou - Wace - Страница 10
CHAPTER VIII.
OF HAROLD'S JOURNEY TO NORMANDY, AND WHAT HE DID THERE
ОглавлениеNow in that country of England there was a seneschal112, Heraut113 by name, a noble vassal, who on account of his worth and merits, had great influence, and was in truth the most powerful man in all the land. He was strong in his own men, and strong in his friends, and managed all England as a man does land of which he has the seneschalsy. On his father's side he was English, and on his mother's Danish; Gite114 his mother being a Danish woman, born and brought up in great wealth, a very gentle lady, the sister of King Kenut. She was wife to Godwin, mother to Harold, and her daughter Edif115 was queen. Harold himself was the favourite of his lord, who had his sister to wife. When his father had died (being choked at the feast), Harold, pitying the hostages, was desirous to cross over into Normandy, to bring them home. So he went to take leave116 of the king. But Edward strictly forbade him, and charged and conjured him not to go to Normandy, nor to speak with duke William; for he might soon be drawn into some snare, as the duke was very shrewd; and he told him, that if he wished to have the hostages home, he would choose some messenger for the purpose. So at least I have found the story written117. But another book tells me that the king ordered him to go, for the purpose of assuring duke William, his cousin, that he should have the realm after his death. How the matter really was I never knew, and I find it written both the one way and the other.
Whatever was the business he went upon, or whatever it was that he meant to do, Harold set out on his way, taking the risk of what might fall out. What is fated to happen no man can prevent, let him be who he will. What must be will come to pass, and no one can make it nought.
He made ready two ships, and took the sea at Bodeham118. I know not how the mischief was occasioned; whether the steersman erred, or whether it was that a storm arose; but this I know, that he missed the right course, and touched the coast of Pontif, where he could neither get away, nor conceal himself. A fisherman of that country, who had been in England and had often seen Harold, watched him; and knew him, both by his face and his speech; and went privily to Guy, the count of Pontif119, and would speak to no other; and he told the count how he could put a great prize in his way, if he would go with him; and that if he would give him only twenty livres, he should gain a hundred by it, for he would deliver him such a prisoner, as would pay a hundred livres or more for ranson. The count agreed to his terms, and then the fisherman showed him Harold. They seized and took him to Abbeville; but Harold contrived to send off a message privily to duke William in Normandy, and told him of his journey; how he had set out from England to visit him, but had missed the right port; and how the count of Pontif had seized him, and without any cause of offence had put him in prison: and he promised that if the duke would deliver him from his captivity, he would do whatever he wished in return.
Guy guarded Harold mean time with great care; fearing some mischance, he sent him to Belrem120, that he might be further from the duke. But William thought that if he could get Harold into his keeping, he might turn it to good account; so he made so many fair promises and offers to the earl, and so coaxed and flattered him, that he at last gave up his prisoner121; and the duke thus got possession of him, and gave in return to the count Guy a fair manor lying along the river Alne122.
William entertained Harold many days in great honour, as was his due. He took him to many rich tournaments, arrayed him nobly, gave him horses and arms, and led him with him into Britanny—I am not certain whether three or four times—when he had to fight with the Bretons123. And in the meantime he bespoke Harold so fairly, that he agreed to deliver up England to him, as soon as king Edward should die; and he was to have Ele124, one of William's daughters, for his wife if he would; and to swear to all this if required, William also binding himself to those terms.
To receive the oath, he caused a parliament to be called. It is commonly said that it was at Bayeux125 that he had his great council assembled. He sent for all the holy bodies thither, and put so many of them together as to fill a whole chest, and then covered them with a pall; but Harold neither saw them, nor knew of their being there; for nought was shewn or told to him about it; and over all was a philactery, the best that he could select; OIL DE BŒF126, I have heard it called. When Harold placed his hand upon it, the hand trembled, and the flesh quivered; but he swore, and promised upon his oath, to take Ele to wife, and to deliver up England to the duke: and thereunto to do all in his power, according to his might and wit, after the death of Edward, if he should live, so help him God and the holy relics there! Many cried "God grant it127!" and when Harold had kissed the saints, and had risen upon his feet, the duke led him up to the chest, and made him stand near it; and took off the chest the pall that had covered it, and shewed Harold upon what holy relics he had sworn; and he was sorely alarmed at the sight.
Then when all was ready for his journey homeward, he took his leave; and William exhorted him to be true to his word, and kissed him in the name of good faith and friendship. And Harold passed freely homeward, and arrived safely in England.
112
Seneschal, 'lieutenant du duc pour l'administration civile;' 'ce mot, dérivé de la langue Franke, signifie proprement serviteur gardien des troupeaux ou gardien de la famille, senes-skalch. C'était un office de la maison des rois franks, et, par suite de la conquête, une dignité politique de la Gaule.' Thierry, i. 270.
113
Wace generally writes Harold's name thus; we shall, however, henceforth use the usual historical spelling: as also in the case of Godwin, whom Wace calls Gwigne, and some of the Norman chronicles Gaudvin.
114
Alias Githe or Githa.
115
Ead-githa of the Saxon chronicle, who married in 1043, and died in 1075.
116
The scene of the Bayeux tapestry opens here.
117
'I cannot say how the truth may be,
I but tell the tale as 'twas told to me.'
Benoit de Sainte-More sends the archbishop of Canterbury to William, at Edward's desire, to convey his intention of leaving to the duke the inheritance of the English crown.
L'arcevesque de Cantorbire,
Li plus hauz hom de son empire,
Out en Normendie tramis,
Les anz avant, si cum je vos dis,
Por afermer ce qu'il li done,
Tot le reaume e la corone.
And Harold's mission is described as being expressly intended, in the following year, to confirm the same bequest:
Por estre plus certains e meres,
E qu'il n'i sorsist encombrier,
Resout l'ovre plus esforcier.
Heraut, qui quens ert del pais,
Trestot li plus poestéis
Que nul des autres del reiaume,
Ce lui tramist al duc Guillaume,
Que del regne enterinement
Tot qui a la corone apent
Li feist feuté jurée,
Eissi cum ele ert devisée:
Veut qu'il l'en face serrement
Et qu'il l'en donge tenement....
118
Bosham, near Chichester; a manor which Domesday shows to have belonged to Harold's father Godwin. See Ellis, Domesday, i. 310.
119
Guy succeeded his brother Enguerran, William's brother-in-law, who was killed before Arques. Guy, after being captured at Mortemer, was, according to Ordericus Vitalis, p. 658, kept prisoner at Bayeux, and was ultimately released on homage and fealty to the duke. See our previous notes on this family, and a subsequent one on Aumale. Benoit states positively that a storm carried Harold to Ponthieu:
—trop lor fu la mer sauvage:
Kar granz tempers e fort orage
Ne les i laissa ariver:
Ainceis les covint devaler
Dreit en Pontif. La pristrent port,
Eissi ateint e eissi mort;
Mieux vousissent estre en sezile.
120
Beaurain on the Canche, arrondissement of Hesdin.
121
According to William of Poitiers, Guy himself conducted his prisoner to William at Eu. Benoit ascribes the surrender to William's threats and military preparations, for which purpose
....manda li dux ses genz
Sempres, a milliers e a cenz;
Vers Ou chevaucha irascuz
Dunt Heraut ne li ert renduz.
122
The Eaulne.
123
'Tales togeder thei told, ilk on a good palfray.' Robert Brunne's Chronicle, quoted in Thierry, i. 250. Benoit de Sainte-More says of this part of the story,
Od que li Dux out jostées,
Mult granz e mult desmesurées:
Por aller essilier Bretons,
Vers lui torcenos e felons
Qui n'el deignoient sopleier,
Le mena od sei osteier;
Là fist de lui si grant cherté
C'unc tant n'out de sa volunté,
Ne fu nul leu mais tant joiz
Qu'il cil afaires fu feniz.
124
Adela. According to Ordericus Vitalis it was Agatha, another daughter. He adds a pathetic story as to her felling in love with Harold, and dying of grief at her disappointment, and at an attempt made to consign her to a new match with the king of Gallicia. See Maseres's note, p. 103, and Mr. Amyot's dissertation in the Archæologia. The story of her attachment to Harold is rather inconsistent with the date of 1053, usually assigned to William's marriage; as his daughter would not be more than eleven years old at Harold's visit. The date, however, of the marriage is uncertain. See a note in M. Deville's volume on St. Georges de Bocherville. According to Benoit de Sainte-More, it was part of the agreement that Harold should not only have "Aeliz la proz e la sage," but with her "del regne une moitie." Nothing is said by him of any contrivance as to the relics on which the oath was administered. The oath and agreement, as narrated by him, will be found in the appendix I.
125
Ordericus Vitalis fixes the scene at Rouen, and William of Poitiers at Bonneville-sur-Touques. The latter places the event before the expedition to Brittany; which, except on Wace's authority, is not known to have occurred more than once.
126
Either from its figure or the ornaments upon it.
127
"Ki Dex li dont!" It is unnecessary to observe how variously these events have been told. In the words of William of Malmsbury, 'Lectorem premonitum velim, quod hic quasi ancipitem viam narrationis video, quia veritas factorum pendet in dubio.' The accounts of Thierry, Sir Francis Palgrave, and Depping, may be referred to as those of the latest writers. In Wace we are following the story of a Norman, as told at a Norman court: but on the whole there is little in his history that is at variance with probability, or with the best evidence on the subject. It will be observed that he does not go the full length of some of the Norman historians, in pretending that the English nation gave any formal assent to Edward's views as to the disposition of his kingdom in favour of his kinsman William.
