Читать книгу America's Siberian Adventure 1918-1920 - William Sidney Graves - Страница 7

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The War Department, on August 3, 1918, cabled the Commanding General of the Philippines to send by the first available United States Transports the following troops for duty in Siberia: The 27th and 31st Infantry Regiments, one field hospital, one ambulance company, and Company “D” 53rd Telegraph Battalion, including clothing for winter service as far as practicable. The necessary subsistence and other supplies were to be furnished from stores in Manila until the Service of Supply could be established direct from San Francisco to Vladivostok.

I was informed of these orders on the same date and directed to forward to Vladivostok five thousand men from the 8th Division at Camp Fremont. In the selection of these men the following instructions were given:

“The men should be strong, hardy, fit for service intended, and should represent all parts of the United States; it being desired that they should not contain a large proportion of men from the Pacific Coast States.”

These men were to fill the two regiments from the Philippines to war strength. I was authorized to confer with the Commanding General of the Philippines relative to officers for duty on my staff or I could, if desired, take officers of my staff at Camp Fremont.

The question of clothing and supply gave me great concern. I knew nothing of the probable duty these troops would be called upon to perform; I knew nothing about what buildings, if any, I could get to house the men after arriving in Siberia; and, in addition, I pictured Siberia as a cold, barren, and desolate country.

By the time I returned from Kansas City, Brigadier General J. D. Leitch, who was in command at Camp Fremont, had received the orders relative to the movement of troops and had energetically begun preparation for the transfer. About all I had to do relative to the movement was to check up the arrangements, make some personal preparations, and on August 11, 1918, I notified the War Department that all was in readiness for the move.

After conferring with General C. A. Devol, in charge of Quartermasters work in San Francisco, I telegraphed the War Department asking for authority to call on him direct for supplies. The War Department approved my request and this cut out the Quartermaster General’s office in Washington, which, naturally, was principally occupied with supplying the American troops in France. Later, I was very thankful for this arrangement, as it provided for direct dealing which was in the interest of prompt supply.

At this point I desire to express the gratitude of the entire command as well as my personal thanks to Mrs. Stern of Menlo Park, California, for the many articles sent to the command, such as fruit and candy, as well as many other articles which only a discriminating and intelligent woman could select. At Christmas every enlisted man in the command, due to her kindness, had two oranges which, in far away Siberia, was a treat that I am sure we will always gratefully remember.

On August 13, the War Department authorized me and my staff to sail from San Francisco on the Transport Thomas, which carried 40 officers and 1,889 enlisted men. On August 14, we left Camp Fremont, California, on two special trains at 12:30 and 12:35 p.m., and embarked at 2:30 p.m., but the shipping authorities would not permit sailing until after dark, so we did not leave the harbour until 8:30 at night. Some other agency of the Government evidently thought the world should know of this movement of American soldiers, as the searchlight was turned on the Thomas and kept there until we passed through Golden Gate. To provide protection from German submarines or some other reasons of safety which were unknown to me, we were being escorted by the old U. S. Battleship Oregon and the U. S. Gunboat Vicksburg. The Transport Thomas was not known as a ship likely to break any speed records, but it was certainly faster than the Oregon and Vicksburg. I was not informed as to how long we were to be protected by these Naval vessels, but by noon on August 15 I became a little impatient at having to stop and wait for our escort, so I directed that we wave good-bye and steam full speed ahead for Vladivostok.

As one of the announced principal reasons for sending troops to Siberia was “to help the Czecho-Slovaks consolidate their forces and to get into successful cooperation with their Slavic kinsmen” it is quite interesting to analyse the situation of the Czechs at the date my orders were written, July 17, 1918. It should be remembered that the main reason advanced by those interested in military intervention in Siberia, was the immediate and urgent need for protection of the Czechs who were supposed to be trying to get through Siberia to Vladivostok and then to the Western front where they could join the Allies.

On April 26, 1918, Mr. John F. Stevens, head of the Russian Railway Commission, received from the State Department a telegram as follows:

“Ambassador (Mr. Francis) Vologda recommended that Emerson be sent immediately with two to five Engineers to Vologda to confer about transportation. ... Department approves.”

The Emerson referred to was Colonel George H. Emerson, Mr. Stevens’ first Assistant in the Russian Railway Service Corps, which will be referred to in a later chapter.

Colonel Emerson and party left Harbin on May 4, 1918 for Vladivostok, to make arrangements for transportation. On the 6th, he explained his orders to the American Consul at Vladivostok and to Admiral Austin M. Knight, commanding the Asiatic fleet. Both Mr. Caldwell and Admiral Knight stated they knew of no arrangements for a train for Colonel Emerson and suggested, that as they had no dealings with the Soviet at Vladivostok who were then in charge of Governmental affairs, that Colonel Emerson deal direct with local authorities about his transportation. This is the first time I can find any record of the official representatives of the United States having received instructions not to deal with the Soviets, and I assume, of course, the American Consul at Vladivostok was acting under instructions of his Government.

On May 9, Colonel Emerson met the Soviet representatives of the railroad and informed them of his instructions to go to Vologda and asked them to provide the necessary railroad equipment. The railroad officials said they would immediately take the necessary measures so they could get started. The Soviet representatives stated to Colonel Emerson that they had found they were unable to carry on the immediate work of conducting transportation efficiently and they hoped America would soon be in a position to assist; that what they needed were men to properly organize and direct the work.

At this time Colonel Emerson says he found at Vladivostok “a large number of Czech troops of the 5th and 8th regiments and were informed there were some eight thousand located in barracks.”

The Chinese Eastern Railway representatives at Vladivostok would not cooperate in getting transportation and insisted that none of their equipment be taken. Colonel Emerson notified the Soviet representatives to this effect, and they experienced some difficulty and delay in getting the necessary equipment for him. The Soviet railway officials finally turned over to Colonel Emerson, Amur Service Car No. 1, which the Soviets had been using, and secured International Sleeping Car No. 2036 for them. Colonel Emerson further states that the Soviets had difficulty in getting a car with suitable cooking accommodations, but they finally told him that if he could take Chinese Eastern Car No. 2015 to Nikolsk or Habarovsk, they, the Soviets, would wire ahead and locate a dining car and they could then return Car No. 2015. The Soviets finally got a special train, and Colonel Emerson and party left Vladivostok May 19, 1918. This special train arrived at Habarovsk at 9:00 a.m., the 20th, and Colonel Emerson was informed by the Chinese Eastern representative there that they had no dining car to furnish them, and that they would have to leave No. 2015 at Habarovsk. At 10:30 the same morning a messenger from the Soviet Commissar brought Colonel Emerson a letter from the President asking him to call at his office, and he sent him an automobile in which to make the trip.

When Colonel Emerson arrived at the office of the Commissar he discovered this official spoke English with very little accent, and expressed his surprise at finding a Russian Soviet official in the interior of Siberia with such a thorough knowledge of the English language. The Commissar replied:

“It is going some to change from a bum lawyer in Chicago to a Commissar of the Soviets in Eastern Siberia in two months.”

Colonel Emerson notified this official of his orders and was assured the matter would be adjusted. Later this matter was straightened out and at daylight the next morning the train continued with Car No. 2015. Colonel Emerson had requested that his train run only during the day in order that he might inspect the line, which request was acceded to by the Soviet officials.

The special arrived at Irkutsk May 26, about 1:00 p.m., where Colonel Emerson found the American Consul General, Mr. Harris, who had been there for two weeks. Mr. MacGowan, the American Consul, who had notified Mr. Francis at Vologda, of the evidences showing the activity of the Germans in organizing and equipping German prisoners, previously referred to, was also there.

AMERICAN TROOPS ON THE MARCH IN SIBERIA

Colonel Emerson states that the Soviet representatives met his train to ascertain his wishes. They were informed he desired to go as soon as possible, so arrangements were immediately made and Colonel Emerson left at 2:00 p.m. He arrived at Krasnoyarsk in the evening of May 27, and the station-master told him “the line was in trouble ahead and he could not let him proceed.” He found the American Vice-Consul who introduced him to the President of the Soviets who informed him that the Czechs were fighting at Marinsk, three hundred versts west, and that he had sent one thousand regulars of the Red Army to try and make peace, as he wanted to get the Czechs through to Vladivostok without any more trouble. Colonel Emerson offered the services of himself and Major Slaughter, U. S. Army, as mediators, which offer was accepted, and the President of the Soviets agreed to send a telegram to the Commanding Officer of the Czech troops at Marinsk, signed by Major Slaughter, asking the Czechs to defer all action until they could confer with Colonel Emerson. Colonel Emerson’s train proceeded to Marinsk, and about twelve miles from there they found the Headquarters of the Russian troops. The Russian Commander said the Czechs were responsible for the trouble, and the Russians would request that the Czechs disarm before they would permit them to proceed to the East. In addition, the Russians added the following conditions before consenting to the Czechs proceeding:

1. That the Russians would permit the movement of disarmed Czechs in an expeditious manner to Vladivostok.

2. The Czechs to promise they would not in any way directly or indirectly interfere with internal or Government affairs in Russia.

3. That the Czechs and Russians would appoint a commission to investigate the trouble at Marinsk with a view to punishing the offenders.

4. That the Russians would agree to return to the Czechs all foreign owned ammunition at Vladivostok which has been taken from them.

The Russian authorities agreed to put a guard of Russian soldiers on the Czech train so as to guarantee safety to Vladivostok. Colonel Emerson and party went from Russian Headquarters to Marinsk to confer with the Czechs, and the following is taken from the stenographic report of the conference:

“Conference held between Colonel Emerson and Captain E. B. Kedlets at Marinsk, Siberia, May 29, 1918, relative to Czech soldiers taking possession of City of Marinsk, Siberia—Colonel Emerson then offered his services as mediator in the differences referred to above. Captain Kedlets thanked him, but in a very short statement explained that they positively would not disarm. Colonel Emerson asked if they had experienced any molestation or trouble between South Russia and Marinsk. Captain Kedlets replied that they had not been molested since leaving South Russian territory under immediate German influence, but stated that due to German influence they were afraid of being captured. Colonel Emerson stated that there were 12,000 Czechs in Vladivostok, with 3000 more enroute between Marinsk and Vladivostok, and they had all stated they had not been molested in Russia. Captain Kedlets admitted that he and other train commanders had instructions from Penza to stop where instructions overtook them and capture the towns; that it was a concerted movement and that director of movement was at this time in Novo-Nikolaevsk. These train commanders were to remain in the towns until further instructions were received. Captain Kedlets suggested that Colonel Emerson go to Novo-Nikolaevsk and consult General Gaida, their leader, and stated that the movement was a concerted movement and at a designated time all train commanders were instructed to take over the towns. Captain Kedlets agreed to let Colonel Emerson’s train proceed to Novo-Nikolaevsk and consult Gaida but unless he got a messenger back in three days he would open hostilities.”

Colonel Emerson did not go to see Gaida, but returned to Soviet Headquarters and reported the result of his conference. The head of the Soviets got very much excited and said:

“France, through concerted action with the Czech troops, has taken Siberia in twenty-four hours.”

Colonel Emerson then decided to try and get a French Consul or Military Attaché from Irkutsk as he felt no one could deal with the Czechs except the French. He telegraphed Consul General Harris and asked him to use his influence to this effect and in this way save the railroad from being put out of commission. On May 30, 1918, Colonel Emerson and Major Slaughter, U. S. Army, joined in a telegram to Consul General Harris, Irkutsk, and to American Consul Harbin for Mr. Stevens, in part as follows:

“Conference Czech Commander Marinsk stated emphatically they would not give up arms and munitions, admitted movement was concerted action Czech forces in Siberia and European Russia, instructions take cities in vicinity where they are located.”

On May 31, Consul General Harris telegraphed from Irkutsk:

“I have the following proposition with which the French Consul General agrees. I propose to the Soviets at Krasnoyarsk and other towns West to allow the Czech trains to continue to Irkutsk, where the French Consul General and I, with a white flag, went to meet Czech delegate, and finally, in a treaty between Czechs and Soviets, three Czechs trains disarmed and went East to Vladivostok with thirty rifles for protection of each train.”

These are the Czechs that General Gaida said he would punish for leaving Irkutsk, as soon as he came in contact with them.

On May 31 Consul General Harris telegraphed Colonel Emerson that the Czechs and Soviets had had a fight at the station in Irkutsk, and two other trains of Czechs, one thousand men, arrived at first station west of Irkutsk, and there was another fight. After these clashes, Consul General Harris and the French Consul succeeded in disarming the Czechs and sending them on to the east, with thirty rifles for each train, and a Soviet official accompanying each echelon. Consul General Harris said the Russians bind themselves to forward all Czechs east, without any hindrance, and that the Russian authorities at Irkutsk asks why Czechs are not sent from Vladivostok. We answer “no transportation available.”

If the Allies were really trying to get the Czechs to the Western front in France, it seems peculiar that no arrangements had been made for ships to take them from Vladivostok. I am clearly of the opinion that as early as May 28, 1918, there was no intention of sending the Czechs to the Western front. I am unable to say exactly when this decision was made, but it was at least two months and six days before I received my instructions in which appeared the sentence, “For helping the Czecho-Slovaks, there is immediate necessity and justification.” All foreign representatives were not informed of the intent, relative to Czechs until about one month later.

At the time under discussion, there was naturally a tenseness in the ranks of both Czechs and Russians. The Czechs were passing through an unknown country where the atmosphere was charged with rumours of plots and schemes. The Soviets not only were filled with anxiety as to the Czech’s intentions in Siberia, but they apparently felt that for foreign troops to pass through the country armed, would lower their dignity and would be an infringement of their sovereign rights. Colonel Emerson was not only anxious to get through to Vologda, in European Russia, but was anxious that the Trans-Siberian Railroad should not be put out of commission, and to help in accomplishing his desires, he told General Gaida that nothing would be gained by fighting if the Czechs really wanted to get to Vladivostok. General Gaida stated that as soon as the new Government comes into power, it will stop the Soviets and there will then be no trouble about destroying bridges and tunnels.

Captain Kedlets, who was at the conference of Colonel Emerson and Gaida, referring to the new Government, stated “now a new Government has been established that will make it possible for us to move forward.” Colonel Emerson replied: “Regardless of any new Government that may be organized, you must admit that at the present time, the power is in the hands of the Soviets. They are certainly in a position to block your progress to Vladivostok.” Gaida replied: “In ten days there might be, in Irkutsk, another power.” Gaida also stated that the points they had taken were occupied by a new Government, and it was to their advantage to leave some rifles to help the new Government.

This was a clear indication that the Czechs were involved in driving the Soviets out of the towns, and substituting for them “the new Government,” often referred to in the conferences.

On June 1 or 2 the French Consul General sent the following message from Chita to Gaida: “The Echelons of Seventh Regiment. The Soviet Government offering all assistance to expedite the movement. Do not let yourself be implicated in the internal political fight.” This French official evidently had not been informed of the plans of the French.

Again on June 4—to American Consul Thomas, who was with Colonel Emerson on his train: “Have General Gaida, who is in command of Czechs, understand that he must only consider the movement of these Echelons East, also, advise him he must not do anything without first securing instructions from the French and American Consuls, and that he must not forget the important and explicit instructions of Professor Masaryk.”

At 8:00 p.m., June 3, the two sides met between the lines and a conference was held in Colonel Emerson’s car. At 3 a.m., June 4, an armistice, applicable to Marinsk, was signed which was to last six days. On June 4, Colonel Emerson and Major Slaughter sent a message to Consul General Harris at Irkutsk, in part:

“Now going West with Soviet and Czech representatives secure final settlement. Soviet agrees permit Czech proceed, fully armed. White guards Novo-Nikolaevsk, Tomsk, and Marinsk taking advantage situation to arm and take control places named. Czechs refuse permit Soviet resume authority these places prior to their departure.”

Colonel Emerson’s train arrived at Novo-Nikolaevsk the evening of June 5. He had a conference with the Czech commander, General Gaida, and two of his assistants, and American Consul Ray. Before this conference there was a lot of childish bickering as to Colonel Emerson’s authority, but he was still patient and explained again why he happened to be mixed up with the trouble between the Czechs and Soviets. At this conference the American Consul asked him when the Czechs and Soviets had trouble at Irkutsk. Colonel Emerson said it was part of the Czech concerted action to take the towns in which these Czechs Echelons were. The Czech replied, “Sunday one week ago, May 28.”

The representative of the new white guard Government called on Colonel Emerson and said—“He had called on Ambassador Francis about two weeks ago at Vologda, and stated that the new Government was connected with the Central Siberian Government organized at Harbin under Mr. Ostrougoff and he had been informed it had been recognized by the Allies.”

Just after Colonel Emerson left Novo-Nikolaevsk he received a message from Consul General Harris saying he wanted to be present at the final peace conference which he supposed would be held at Omsk. The Czechs suggested the conference be held at Kargat instead of Omsk. Colonel Emerson stopped at Kargat where Consul General Harris joined him on the 8th. Mr. Harris had a conference with Czech representatives at noon on the 8th. Captain Krizek, Czech, at the outset of the conference asked Mr. Harris what he thought of the new Government. Mr. Harris replied:

“Nothing was known in Irkutsk when I left concerning any counter-revolutionary movement. My mission had to do only as a mediator between the Czechs and Bolsheviks. My mission had nothing to do with factional strife in Russia, between Bolsheviks and the counter-revolutionary movement.... The President of the United States has issued specific instructions to all the official representatives of the United States in Russia to in no way interfere, recognize or become mixed up with any faction or partisan strife in Russia or Siberia.”

This latter statement of Consul General Harris is very important in trying to ascertain the truth as to whether the American troops in Siberia were used in accordance with the wishes of the President of the United States. A reading of my instructions, previously quoted, will show there was absolutely no difference in the meaning of my instructions and the instructions Consul General Harris says were given to all representatives of the United States in Siberia, and not one word or letter of my instructions were changed during my entire stay in Siberia.

As soon as Consul General Harris was informed of the counter-revolutionary movement against the Soviets in all towns occupied by the Czechs, he refused to longer act as mediator and withdrew from all conferences. As justification for this action he again repeated the instructions he had received from the United States Government.

Colonel Emerson continued his efforts to reach Vologda, and reached Cheliabinsk on June 13, where there were many Czechs, and there he met Major Guinet. There were train difficulties reported west of Cheliabinsk and he did not arrive at Miass until June 16, where it appeared impracticable to proceed further west. On June 23 he received from Major Guinet, of the French, who had gone to Omsk, the following:

“The French Ambassador makes known to Commandant Guinet that he can thank the Czecho-Slovaks for their actions, this in the name of all the Allies. They, the Allies, have decided to intervene the last of June and the Army Czecho-Slovaks and the French Mission form the advance guard of the Allied Army. Next comes recommendations in respect of occupation and organization a double point, political and military.”

I have no information as to the identity of the “French Ambassador” referred to by Major Guinet but it was probably the Ambassador to Russia.

On June 25 Colonel Emerson states “Major Guinet called on us and showed us the message relative to intervention, and said this message ‘was sufficient for him to start action,’ ” and suggested we take over operation of railroad. Colonel Emerson and party were very anxious for a verification of the part of the French Ambassador’s message which said, “This in the name of all the Allies,” so they returned to Omsk where they arrived on the 26th. The first information Colonel Emerson received at Omsk was July 13, which was from the Czech Commander Gaida at Irkutsk, that he was in the act of occupying that city.

On July 15 Colonel Emerson received a message from Consul General Harris at Irkutsk as follows:

“Have had no communication with outside world since May 26, with Vladivostok, and July 2, with Peking. Late news received show that Allied Marines and Czechs threw Bolshevism out of Vladivostok. Latest Message from Peking Legation was confirmation of Message received by French Mission to which you refer and which has been handed to Colonel Gaida here.” This is the first information Colonel Emerson had received satisfying him that the United States was a party to the contemplated intervention the last of June. He immediately ceased his efforts to get to Vologda to report to the United States Ambassador, Mr. Francis, and decided to go to Irkutsk as soon as possible to offer his services in helping to keep the railway in operation, and he left Omsk on July 16.

On the 19th, he states at Polovina: “We had noted perfect order along the line, a few Czechs being left at each town to look after policing of these places.” This information confirms what had been apparent since the Czechs, by concerted action on May 28, took the towns on the Trans-Siberian Railroad, that the Soviets were either unable or unwilling to resist the encroachments of the Czechs.

It is a remarkable coincidence that Colonel Emerson received notice from United States Consul General Harris, July 15, that the United States was to take part in the intervention in Siberia, and my instructions dated July 17, show an absolute determination on the part of President Wilson that the United States would not take part in military intervention in Russia. This is conclusively shown by the sentence in my instructions which states: “It (the United States) cannot, therefore take part in such intervention or sanction it in principle.” My instructions, previously quoted, show that the United States was so determined not to take part in military operations in Russia that the Allies were warned, that if they persisted in their designs to intervene and go beyond the purposes announced by the United States, as the object for sending a few troops to Siberia and Archangel, the United States might feel obliged to withdraw entirely from any cooperation in Russia.

It would have been difficult to have used language that would have made plainer the intent of the United States in so far as the use of the United States troops in Siberia is concerned. The quotations, so copiously made from Colonel Emerson’s stenographic report, show that the Czechs were never in danger from the aggressive acts of the Soviets. Certainly they were not in any danger as long as the Czechs stuck to their announced purpose of going through to Vladivostok on the Trans-Siberian Railway. The Czechs were the aggressors, and the report of Colonel Emerson shows that the Soviets wanted to get the Czechs out of Siberia, and were willing to meet them more than half way in effecting their announced desires. The Czechs not only took possession of towns where their echelons happened to be on May 28, but at least one town, Marinsk, they took possession of a depot of military supplies belonging to the Soviets and completely armed their men with rifles, ammunition, machine guns, and such other stores as were available and desired.

As the conclusion, relative to the safety of the Czechs, drawn from Colonel Emerson’s reports, differ so radically from the generally accepted idea that they were in grave danger, it seems advisable that some information as to Colonel Emerson’s past life, and natural characteristics be given the reader, so as to help him in properly evaluating his report. Colonel Emerson practically grew up with the Great Northern Railroad. He began working for this railroad when a boy, and left it as General Manager, when he went to Siberia. I had never known him until we met in Vladivostok but Mr. John F. Stevens told me that he considered him the best mechanical railroad man in the United States. He is a man whose language, whose appearance, and whose general attitude towards the duty in hand inspires one with confidence in his integrity of purpose, and the longer one knows him and his work, the greater this confidence becomes.

Colonel Emerson was as disinterested in the political squabbles of the Russian factions as any man I saw in Siberia. He was in Russia for the sole purpose of helping the Russians operate the railroad and took no interest in any other activity.

All those who were in Siberia while United States troops were there, and know the extreme prejudices that existed, will realize why I have attempted to give some of the prominent characteristics of Colonel Emerson.

The action of Consul General Harris, in notifying Colonel Emerson that he had received confirmation of the report that the Allies and the United States were going to intervene in Siberia, and his subsequent actions in accordance with this information, created an inexplicable situation. It should be kept in mind that this statement was made two days before the policy of the United States Government, dated July 17, 1918, was prepared by the State Department, and given to me more than two weeks later for my guidance.

At the very moment the policy of the United States, with reference to Russia, was being prepared in the State Department, solemnly assuring the Russian people and notifying all Allied Nations, that the United States would not intervene in the internal conflicts of the Russian people, the Consul General of the United States in Siberia, Mr. E. H. Harris, a representative of the State Department, was telling the people of Siberia that the United States was a party to the contemplated intervention in the internal conflicts of the Russian people.

This statement can not be refuted because any action against the then dominant Russian power in Siberia must be construed as taking sides in Russian internal conflicts.

How could such a situation arise? One can only surmise as no explanation was ever made by the State Department and no change was ever made in the policy of the Government in so far as this policy applied to the use of United States troops in Siberia, and judging from the practice of Consul General Harris, his instructions received through Peking were never modified.

The United States, therefore, had its representatives of the State Department and War Department working at cross-purposes from the beginning of military action in Siberia.