Читать книгу Geofroy Tory - Auguste Bernard - Страница 6

Luckily, time, which deadens all sorrows, even those which seem likely to endure for ever, assuaged Tory's grief. Before his funeral poem saw the light, he had returned to his beloved studies, and they had restored tranquillity to his mind. This is proved by the following passage from his 'Champ fleury,' in which he tells us how, on January 6, 1523 (or 1524, according to our method of computing time), that is to say, eighteen months after he lost his daughter, the idea of that curious book came to his mind. We are glad to recognize once more therein the patriotic Berrichon who had taken for his device the word 'civis.'

'In the morning of the day of the feast of Kings,'[53] he says, '... which was reckoned M. D. XXIII, the fancy came to me to muse in my bed, and to move the wheel of my memory, thinking on a thousand petty conceits, both serious and merry, whereamong I bethought me of a letter of ancient form, which I not long since made for the house of my lord the treasurer of the wars, Maistre Jehan Groslier, counsellor and secretary to the king our sire, lover of goodly letters and of all learned persons, of whom also he is greatly beloved and esteemed, as well on this side as the other of the mountains. And while thinking of that said antique letter there came of a sudden to my memory a pithy sentence of the first book and eighth chapter of Cicero's "Offices," where it is written: "Non nobis solum nati sumus, ortusque nostri partem patria vendicat, partem amici."[54] Which is to say, in substance, that we are not born into this world for ourselves alone, but to do service and pleasure to our friends and our country.'[55]

Such was the origin of 'Champ fleury.' Here follows the composition of that work, as the author himself gives it to us, in the form of a table of contents, at the beginning:[56]—

'This whole work is divided into three books.

'In the first book is contained the exhortation to establish and ordain the French language by fixed rule, and to speak elegantly, in good and soundest French.

'In the second is treated the invention of antique letters, and the proportionate coincidence thereof with the natural body and face of the perfect man. With several happy inventions and reflections upon the said antique letters.

'In the third and last book all the said antique letters, in their alphabetical order, are drawn and proportioned in height and width according to their proper formation and required articulation, both Latin and French, as well in the ancient as in the modern fashion.

'In two sheets at the end are added thirteen different sorts of letters, to-wit: Hebrew, Greek, Latin, French,—and these latter in four sorts, which are: "cadeaulx," "forme," "bastarde," and "torneure." Then follow the Persian, Arabic, African, Turkish, and Tartar letters, which have, all five, one and the same type of alphabet. After these are the Chaldaic, the "goffes," which are otherwise called "impériales et bullatiques," the "phantastiques" letters, the utopian letters, which one may call "voluntaires," and, lastly, the floriated letters.[57] With instructions for making ciphers of letters for golden rings, for tapestries, stained-glass windows, paintings, and other things, as may seem best.'

I will say nothing here of the first book, the excellence of which has recently been pointed out by M. Génin,[58] who is much better versed in the subject than I, and who has at the same stroke exculpated the French from the charge that has been brought against them of having allowed themselves to be anticipated by foreigners in the careful study of their language. I will simply call attention to the fact that Tory wrote shortly before Rabelais, who did not hesitate to borrow from him his criticism of the 'skimmers of Latin,'[59] who were then changing the French language on the pretext of perfecting it. The harangue of the Limousin orator, which is found in the sixth chapter of the second book of 'Pantagruel,' is copied verbatim from Tory's epistle to the reader.[60] Rabelais has simply added to it some obscene reflections which did not enter our author's mind. Tory ends with a pathetic appeal to those who are interested in the mother tongue, whose excellence he is never tired of extolling. 'O ye devoted lovers of goodly letters!' he cries, 'God grant that some noble heart may give itself to the task of establishing and ordering our French tongue according to rule! By that means would many thousands of men set themselves to using often goodly words. If it is not established and ordered, we shall find that the French tongue will be in great part changed and ruined every fifty years.'[61] This patriotic prayer was soon granted. As we know, the sixteenth century did not lack great geniuses, who set the French language in order and brought it to a great degree of perfection. Indeed, some most expressive words, the disuse of which Tory deplored,[63] reappeared. For instance, 'affaissé' and 'tourbillonner,' which in his time had been replaced by periphrases, returned into use; many others deserve the same honour and perhaps will receive it some day.

The second book of 'Champ fleury' is, I apprehend, only a paradox; but that paradox is maintained by arguments so ingenious, that one lacks courage to condemn it. Tory holds that the shapes of all the roman capital letters are derived from the different parts of the human body, which he looks upon as the type of the beautiful; and he makes a most admirable use of wood engraving to explain his idea. Moreover, if Tory was mistaken, we must acknowledge that he did not fall into the error inconsiderately. Indeed, I believe that he had for confederate his friend Perreal, to whom we may attribute the greater number of the designs on wood in the second book, judging from those in the third, which are directly attributed to him by Tory, as we shall see hereafter. However that may be, Tory seems to have studied his subject for a long time, not only on ancient monuments, but on modern ones as well, and in the works of contemporary authors who had turned their attention to the shapes of letters. His judgement of these latter is as follows:—

'Frère Lucas Paciol, of Bourg Saint Sepulchre, of the order of Frères Mineurs, and a theologian, who has written in popular Italian a book called "Divina proportione,"[64] and who has essayed to represent the said antique letters, does not give a true account of them nor explain them; and I am not surprised thereat, for I have heard from certain Italians that he stole his said letters and took them from the late Messere Leonard Vince [Leonardo da Vinci], who has of late died at Amboise, and was a most excellent philosopher and admirable painter, and as it were another Archimedes. This said Frère Lucas has caused his antique letters to be printed as his own. In sooth they may well be his, for he has not drawn them in their due proportions, as I shall show when I speak of said letters. Nor does Sigismunde Fante, a noble of Ferrara, who teaches how to write many kinds of letters, speak truly thereof.[65] Nor does Messere Ludovico Vincentino.[66] I know not whether Albert Dürer writes justly thereof,[67] but none the less he goes astray in the due proportion of the figures of many letters, in his book on "Perspective."[68]... I see no man who makes them or understands them better than Maistre Simon Hayeneufve, otherwise called Maistre Simon du Mans. He makes them so well and in proper proportions, that he satisfies the eye as well and better than any Italian master on this side or the other of the mountains. He is most excellent in the restoration of ancient architecture, as one may see in a thousand excellent designs and portraits that he has made in the noble city of Mans and in many a foreign city. He is worthy to be held in honoured memory, as well for his upright life as for his noble learning. And to this end, let us not fail to consecrate and dedicate his name to immortality, naming him a second Vitruvius, a holy man and good Christian. I write this with good will because of the virtues and great praise "which I have heard said of him" by many great and humble good men and true lovers of all goodly and honest things.'[69]

The eulogistic tone in which Tory speaks here and elsewhere[70] of Simon Haieneuve leads M. Renouvier to think[71] that our artist may have learned the art of drawing letters from the Mans architect; but it is a mistaken supposition; the phrase in quotation marks proves that they had never met. Moreover Tory, a little further on, claims most reasonably the honour of having been his own master in this matter: 'I know no Greek, Latin nor French author who gives the explanation of such letters as I have described, wherefore I may hold it for my own, saying that I have excogitated and found it rather by divine inspiration than by anything written or heard. If there be any one who has seen it written, let him say so, and he will give me pleasure.'[72]

We see that Tory does not beat about the bush concerning his theory, which, although it was different from those of his predecessors, was not on that account better than theirs.[73] However, let his opinion concerning the original design of the roman letters be what it may, it is, in my judgement, simply a sort of preface which we may pass over without inconvenience. The real substance of his work is in the third book. But he does not leave the second without returning once more to the charge in favour of his mother tongue.

'I know,' he says, 'that there are many goodly minds who would willingly write many excellent things if they thought they could write them well in Greek or Latin; and yet they abstain for fear of making solecisms or some other fault that they dread; or they choose not to write in French, thinking the French tongue not good nor elegant enough. With all respect to them, it is one of the most beauteous and graceful of all human tongues, as I have shown in the first book by the authority of noble and ancient authors, poets and orators, as well Latin as Greek.'[74]

To be accurate, I will say that this idea of the 'preëxcellence of the French tongue,' which, a little later, was the subject of another special work on the part of another famous printer, the second Henri Estienne, was neither new nor original with Tory. No less than three hundred years before, it had been set forth in honest French by an author who cannot be taxed with patriotic illusions, for he was an Italian. This is what Brunetto Latini wrote at the beginning of a sort of encyclopædia which he prepared in the thirteenth century, under the name of 'Trésor':—

'Et se aucuns demandoit por quoi cist livres est escriz en romans selonc le langage des François, puisque nos somes Ytaliens, je diroie que ce est por deux raisons: lune, car nos somes en France, et lautre, porce que la parleure est plus delitable et plus commune a toutes gens.'[75]

As I have said, the third book is the important part of Tory's work. Laying theory aside, he there gives us the exact design of the letters of the alphabet and the method of executing them. He does not overlook, moreover, this essential fact—that the designer of letters and the printer ought before all else to be grammarians in the ancient meaning of the word[76]; and at the same time that he gives us the shape of a letter, he instructs us as to its value and pronunciation. It is at this point that Tory's book becomes especially interesting to us: he passes in review the pronunciation in vogue in each of the French provinces, or nations, as they were called then. One after another they appear before us, with their special idioms, which have become mere myths to-day,—Flemings, Burgundians, Lyonnaises, Forésiens, Manseaux, Berrichons, Normans, Bretons, Lorrainers, Gascons, Picards, and even Italians, Germans, English, Scotch, etc. His observations do not stop at the somewhat mixed idioms of the men,[77] but extend to the more individual language of the women. For instance, he informs us that 'the ladies of Lyon often gracefully pronounce A for E, as when they say, "Choma vous choma chat effeta,"[78] and a thousand other like expressions'; whereas, on the contrary, 'the ladies of Paris very often pronounce E instead of A, as when they say: "Mon mery est a la porte de Peris, ou il se faict peier"; instead of saying, "Mon mary est a la porte de Paris, ou il se faict paier."'[79]

It will be noticed that in this particular the 'ladies of Paris' succeeded in perpetuating their pronunciation in part, for we do not now say 'paier.' They had equal success in many other cases. For example, it seems to be due to them that the final S of the plural is not pronounced except under exceptional circumstances[80]: as, for instance, when it is followed by a word beginning with a vowel; for, speaking of the cases in which that letter is elided in Latin, Tory expresses himself thus: 'The ladies of Paris for the most part observe this poetic figure of speech, dropping the final S in many words, as when, instead of saying: "Nous avons disne en ung iardin, & y avons menge des prunes blanches et noires, des amendes doulces & ameres, des figues molles, des pomes, des poires & des gruselles," they say and pronounce: "Nous avon disne en ung iardin, & y avon menge des prune blanche & noire, des amende doulce & amere, des figue molle, des pome, des poyre & des gruselle."' The thing that seems especially offensive to Tory is that they make the men join them in this faulty pronunciation. 'This fault,' he says, 'would be pardonable in them, were it not that it passes from woman to man, and that there is entire absence of perfect pronunciation in speaking.'[81]

Moreover, if we are to credit Tory, the provincials have also, in certain cases, succeeded in establishing their pronunciation, as we may conclude from the following passage, relative to the letter T: 'The Italians pronounce it so full and resonant that it seems that they add an E thereto, as when, for and instead of saying: "Caput vertigine laborat," they pronounce: "Capute vertigine laborate." I have seen and heard it pronounced so in Rome at the schools called La Sapienza, and in many another noble place in Italy. Which pronunciation is no wise held or used by the Lionnois, who drop the said T, and do not pronounce it any wise at the end of the third person plural of verbs active and neuter, saying "Amaverun" and "Araverun," for "Amaverunt" and "Araverunt." In like manner some Picards drop this T at the end of some words in French, as when they would say: "Comant cela, comant? monsieur, c'est une jument," they pronounce: "Coman chela, coman? monsieur, chest une jumen."'[82] We see that the Picard pronunciation has prevailed in this instance, for we no longer pronounce the final T at the end of the words 'comment,' 'jument,' and the like.

Tory did not content himself with setting forth the state of things existent in his day: he suggested improvements, almost all of which have been sanctioned by usage. For instance, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the pronunciation was very difficult to grasp for lack of accents; he proposed to supply them. 'In our French language,' he says, 'we have no symbol of accent in writing, and it is on account of this lack that our language is not yet established nor submitted to fixed rules, like the Hebrew, Greek and Latin. I would like that it should be, as might well be done.... In French,' he says farther on, 'as I have said, we do not write the accent over O vocative, but pronounce it full, as when we say:

'O pain du ciel angelique,

Tu es nostre salut antique.

'In this lack of accent we have an imperfection, which we ought to remedy by purifying and subjecting to fixed rule and art our language, which is the most graceful language known.'[83] Elsewhere he suggests replacing elided letters by an apostrophe, which had not then been done in French. 'I say and allege these things in this place to the end that if it should happen that one had to write in antique letters verses where the S must disappear, one may write them honestly and purposely without using the said letter, ... and place a hooked point over the place where it should be.'[84] In another place he emphasizes the necessity of the cedilla, which we find in French manuscripts from the thirteenth century, but which typography had not as yet adopted. 'C before O,' he says, 'in French pronunciation and language, is sometimes hard, as in saying "coquin," "coq," "coquillard"; sometimes it is soft, as in saying "garcon," "macon," "françois," and other like words.'[85]

Tory could hardly overlook the matter of punctuation, that most essential, and even in our day so sadly neglected, branch of orthography; but as he had only 'antique' letters to deal with, he presented only three sorts of punctuation marks, without going into details as to their use, which, in truth, if we may judge by his own book, was not as yet fully settled. The comma, for instance, which has so much to do with the clearness of the sentence, is frequently there inserted in a far from rational way.

I have said above that Tory had adopted about 1523, for the mark of his bookshop, the Pot Cassé represented in the engraving placed at the end of his poem on his daughter's death. To make it more appropriate for that purpose, he subjected it to various modifications. At first we find it alone, as in the accompanying cut, on the cover,[86] or on the back,[87] of a number of octavo books bound at his establishment. Other bindings, in quarto, exhibit the broken jar with the drill (toret).[88]

Afterward, Tory placed the jar on a closed book, and still later he modified the design by the introduction of other additions.[89]

Finally, we have Geofroy Tory's device, or mark, definitively constituted in his 'Champ fleury,' thus:[90]—

'Behold,' he says, 'my declared device and mark, drawn as I have cogitated and conceived it, imparting moral meaning thereto, to give friendly admonition to the printers and booksellers beyond the mountains[91] to practise and employ themselves in goodly inventions and delectable execution, to show that their wits have not been always useless, but eager to serve the public weal by labouring to that end and living uprightly.'

Then follows his explanation of this mark,[92]—an explanation which does not invalidate that suggested above.[93] In truth, all that Tory says here in general terms may be applied to his daughter Agnes.

'In the first place, there is herein an ancient jar, which is broken, through which is passed a toret. This said broken jar signifies our body, which is an earthen jar. The toret signifies Fate, which pierces and passes through weak and strong. Beneath this broken jar there is a book secured by three chains and padlocks, which signifies that after our body is broken by death, its life is closed by the three fatal goddesses.[94] This book is so firmly closed that there is no man who may come to see anything therein, except he know the secret of the padlocks, and above all of the round padlock, which is locked and signed by letters. Even so, after the book of our life is closed, there is no man who may in any wise open it, except it be he who knows the secrets, and he is God, who alone knows, before and after our death, what has been, what is, and what will be our fate. The foliage and flowers in the said jar signify the virtues which our body may have in itself during its life. The sun-rays which are above and beside the toret and the jar signify the inspiration that God gives us by impelling us to virtue and worthy acts. Near the said broken jar it is written: "Non plvs," which are two monosyllabic words, as well in French as in Latin, signifying that which Pittacus said long since in Greek: ΜΗΔΕΝΑΓΑΝ,[95] "nihil nimis." Let us not say, let us not do aught beyond measure or beyond reason, except it be in the last necessity: "aduersus quā nec Dij quidē pugnant."[96] But let us say and let us do "Sic. vt. vel. vt." That is to say, as we ought, or as little wrongly as we may. If we seek to do well, God will aid us, and therefore have I written above: "Menti bonæ Deus occurrit," that is to say, God goes out to meet the desire to do good, and gives it aid.'

I believe that we should see in the toret an 'enseigne parlante,' alluding at once to Tory's name and to his various professions. The way in which the name of the instrument was pronounced, its shape, resembling that of a T, and, lastly, its use by the engravers, were doubtless the considerations that led Tory to adopt it. But let us not subtilize too far.

Tory was not content with giving us his symbol in 'Champ fleury': he engraved on the first page of that book, that is to say, in the place of honour, what would be called to-day the blazonry of his artistic acquirements,—in other words, a collection of all the tools that he used. Unfortunately, he did not feel called upon, as in the case of his mark, to supply an explanation, deeming the matter clear enough; whereas, in our day it has become rather difficult, because of the changes that have taken place in the customs of artists, to state the exact use of some of the tools. The order in which they are arranged, however, may assist us, to a certain extent, in identifying them. An exact reproduction of this engraving, the initial letter of the first page of the text of 'Champ fleury,' is given at the beginning of this section.[97]

The first series of tools, suspended in the first arabesque, embraces a pair of compasses, a rule, and a square: these are the fundamental instruments of art and of geometry. In the second arabesque, if I am not mistaken, we find an 'échoppe' and a burin, engravers' tools; in the third, a writing-case (or 'galimart'), a pencil, and a knife, above a book; these are the tools of the writer and the draughtsman. In the fourth, we find an object which I take to be a small box of colours, hanging from a case of brushes; these appertain to the painter. Tory was, in fact, draughtsman, painter and engraver.

I have already said that Tory was probably instructed in the art of drawing by the famous Jean Perreal. He was on terms of the closest friendship with that artist, who drew several of the vignettes in 'Champ fleury,' if we may judge by the one positively attributed to him, which is printed on the verso of folio 46. Geofroy informs us that this plate, insignificant in itself (it represents two circles in which are the letters I and K, modelled on the human body), was engraved from the design of a friend of his, 'from that which a noble lord and good friend of mine, Jehan Perreal, who is otherwise called Jehan de Paris, valet de chambre and excellent painter to King Charles VIII, Louis XII, and François, first of the name, made known and gave to me, most excellently drawn by his hand.' Now this engraving is in all respects similar to those to be found in the second book of 'Champ fleury.' Both in form and subject, it is altogether different from those in the third book, in which Tory printed it. Probably Perreal died while the work was on the press, and Tory, who had not thought of naming him while he was alive, in connection with his first drawings, did so after his death, by publishing the last souvenir of this sort which he possessed from the hand of his friend, although it did not fit perfectly with the subject; he laid, as it were, a flower on the dead man's grave.[98]

We give this drawing also, as the only work which can be with certainty attributed to Jean Perreal, and as a specimen of the engravings which serve as a foundation for the reformation of the roman letters proposed by Tory in the second book of his 'Champ fleury.'

From what I have said it will be seen that Tory's book required several years of labour. Nor is one surprised thereat when one considers the great number of engravings which it contains. But even without the engravings, it will readily be understood that a work which necessitated so much observation required a vast expenditure of time. Begun, as we have seen, in 1523 (1524, new style), it was not finally completed until 1529, that is to say, after six years of toil. However, Tory did not propose that those years should be lost for art. Desirous to preach by example rather than by precept, he determined to publish, in the interim, other books wherein he might give utterance to his artistic taste. And he did in fact print books of Hours, admirably executed, which, although in different form, may fitly be compared to the Hours of Simon Vostre, who had acquired so great a reputation in that typographical specialty. Tory received from François I a 'privilége' (license) for this work, to run six years, dated at Avignon, September 23, 1524.[99] This license to print[100] informs us that Tory had 'made and caused to be made[101] certain illustrations [histoires] and vignettes "a lantique" and likewise some "a la moderne," in order to have the same printed, and to serve a plusieurs usages dheures,' and that to that end he had 'expended an exceeding long time and incurred divers great expenses and outlays.'

The first book of this sort which he published, so far as I have learned, is an edition in quarto of the Hours of the Virgin, according to the Roman use, in Latin. It is a superb volume, printed by Simon de Colines, with borders and illustrations 'à l'antique,' perfect in taste and execution.

The book was undoubtedly printed by Colines as a joint venture with Tory, for there are copies in existence in the name of each. Those in the name of Colines bear on the title-page the date 1524, and, at the end, that of the 17th of the Calends of February (January 16), 1525; those in the name of Tory (there are two varieties of these) bear but one date, 1525, and that at the end. I shall speak of this book later, in detail.[102]

Two years later Tory published a new edition of the same Hours, in a small octavo volume, also printed by Simon de Colines, in roman type, with borders and illustrations of the same kind but much smaller.[103] The printing was finished October 21, 1527. It is preceded by a new license from François I, extending Tory's rights for ten years, not for this book alone, but for the earlier one as well, 'for certain illustrations and vignettes "a lantique" by him heretofore printed,' and in consideration of the great outlay which his engravings had caused him to make. This license is dated at Chenonceaux, September 5, 1526, and includes 'Champ fleury,' the printing of which had begun, but which had not yet received its poetic title, for it was still referred to as 'Lart et science de la deue et vraye proportion des lettres.' In the same year Tory published an edition in quarto of these same Hours, according to the use of Paris, printed by Simon Dubois (Silvius). This book, in which we find again the license of 1526, is printed in gothic type, with borders and illustrations of a special style, called 'à la moderne.' The borders are arabesques formed of plants, insects, birds, animals, etc. At the foot we see the F, crowned, of François I, and the salamander; the L, crowned, of Louise of Savoy, the king's mother; and the impaled shield of France and Savoy, etc. Of this book also I shall speak in detail hereafter.[104] Finally, a little later, at a time which I am unable to fix precisely, but prior to 1531, Tory caused to be printed another book of Hours of the same description, that is to say, with borders of plants, insects, birds, etc., but in a smaller format—small octavo. I shall describe it in its place.[105]

These publications did not prevent our artist from giving his attention to literature. While he was overlooking the impression of his Hours and his 'Champ fleury,' he was preparing various works to which we shall have occasion to refer hereafter. Generally speaking, they are translations intended to enrich the French tongue; for Tory did not lose sight of his patriotic purpose. All of these works were printed subsequently, save one, perhaps—a translation of the hieroglyphs of Orus Apollo, which he gave to a 'noble lord and good friend of his.'[106] It is not known whether this translation was ever printed. There are many editions of Orus in existence, but no one of them bears the name of Tory.

'Champ fleury' appeared at last in 1529. We have seen that this book was conceived on 'the day of the feast of Kings, which was reckoned M. D. XXIII,' that is to say, January 6, 1524, new style. The printing was not completed until 'the XXVIII day of the month of April one thousand five hundred XXIX,'[107] as we learn from the subscription at the end; that is to say, it cost nearly six years of toil. The following is an exact copy of the title-page as it appears in the first edition:—

CHAMP FLEVRY. Au quel est contenu Lart & Science de la deue & vraye Proportiõ des Lettres Attiques, quõ dit autremēt Lettres Antiques, & vulgairement Lettres Romaines, proportionnees selon le Corps & Visage humain.—Ce Liure est Priuilegie pour Dix Ans Par Le Roy nostre Sire, & est a vendre a Paris sus Petit Pont a Lenseigne du Pot Casse par Maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges/Libraire, & Autheur du dict Liure. Et par Giles Gourmont aussi Libraire demourant en la Rue sainct Iaques a Lenseigne des Trois Coronnes.

It is gratifying to see here the name of the first printer in Greek type in Paris. It was Gourmont himself who printed this learned book, wherein we find some very interesting details concerning the Hebrew, Greek and Latin letters, of which he exhibits models which have not changed since that time.[108] The workshop of Gilles de Gourmont was on rue Saint-Jean-de-Latran; but we see that in 1529 he had a bookshop on rue Saint-Jacques, at the sign of the Trois Couronnes,—an allusion doubtless to the three roses which adorned the chief, or top, of his shield. This shop adjoined the church of Saint-Benoît on the north.[109] As for Tory, he seems to have lived at this time on the Petit-Pont, 'next to Hostel-Dieu.' It was there that he wrote his book, for he dates his epistle to the reader thus: 'En Paris ce. XXVIII. Jour Dapvril sus Petit Pont, a Lenseigne du Pot Casse.' He had, however, another abode on rue Saint-Jacques, opposite the 'Écu de Bâle,' the sign of Chrétien Wechel.

At the beginning of 'Champ fleury' is printed the license of September 5, 1526, already published in the two editions of the Hours of 1527, which granted to Tory a ten years' right, not only for the Hours, but also for 'Champ fleury,' which was then being printed, but, as I have already said, had not then received that graceful title. This license makes it clear that as early as 1526 Tory was thinking of joining the brotherhood of printers. He became a printer in fact soon after the publication of his book, and proceeded to print several works of his own composition. I give here a list of these various publications, in the order of their dates.

I. La Table de lancien philosophe Cebes ... Avec trente Dialogues moraulx de Lucian ... translate de latin en vulgaire françois par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges...[110]

The license is of September 18, 1529, for ten years. The printing was finished October 5, 1529. It is a small octavo volume, in two parts, with roughly executed borders on each page. There are twelve preliminary leaves, containing a long list of errata, and two series of signatures, the first running from A to T, the second from a to v. The book was for sale at the translator's shop, 'rue Sainct Iaques, devant lescu de Basle,[111] a lenseigne du Pot Casse,' and at Jean Petit's on 'rue Sainct Iaques, a lenseigne de la Fleur de lys.' There is nothing to indicate where the book was printed; but as it is set in the type used for the 'Epitaphs' of Louise of Savoy, I am inclined to think that it came from Tory's workshop. In that case it was the first book that he printed.[112] The long list of errata would seem, in truth, to suggest a novice, and would explain why no printer's name is given.

In the letter 'to the readers' at the beginning of this book, Tory returns to the charge against the villains [rufients] who were changing the French language on the pretext of perfecting it. There are some tirades quite worthy of a place in 'Champ fleury.' He ends his preamble with a curious passage which gives us an idea of his tastes. 'I believe that if the ancient and noble painter Zeuxis of Heraclea, if Raphael of Urbino, Michel Angelo, Leonardo da Vinci or Albrecht Dürer[113] should try to paint philosophers and their various aspects, they could not paint them so well nor so to the life as our Lucian paints them herein.' Lastly, he informs the reader that he will soon make him 'another new gift';[114] and he kept his promise by publishing the following work.

II. Summaire de chroniques contenans les vies, gestes et cas fortuitz de tous les empereurs Deurope, depuis Iules Cesar iusques a Maximilien dernier decede ... par ... Iehan Baptiste Egnace, Venicien. Et translate de ladicte langue latine en langaige francoys par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges.

An octavo volume, containing 16 leaves of preface, 99 of text, and an index containing 13 leaves—128 in all. At the end, we read: 'The printing of this book was finished at Paris the XIII day of April, M. D. XXIX, for maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, who sells it at said Paris, at the sign of the Pot Casse.' In Tory's preface, addressed 'to all studious and true lovers of honest letters,' he says: 'I promised you of late in the preface to the "Table of Cebes" that in a short space I would make for you another new book.' It was in fulfilment of that promise that he published the 'Summaire de Chroniques' of Egnasio.

The date of printing given above corresponds to April 13, 1530, new style; for Easter fell in that year on April 15. Some bibliographers mention an edition of this book of 1520; but it is an error, for the license is dated 1529. La Caille[115] says that the edition of 1529 was printed by Tory; this is possible, but not certain. It may even be that it was printed by Gourmont, for it is set in the same type used in 'Champ fleury.'[116] There are three later editions of this book, printed by Charles l'Angelier in 1541, 1543, 1544 (octavo); we shall speak of them hereafter. As for the edition of 1529, I found it only in the library of M. Ambroise Firmin Didot, who kindly allowed me to describe it. This copy is still in the original binding, with the Pot Cassé.

But all these works did not cause Tory to lose sight of his great patriotic idea. He did not confine himself to simple wishes for the welfare of the French language. In default of the other 'noble hearts' whom he invited 'to establish and order our language by rule,'[117] he himself undertook that work. Rich in materials as he was, and with the ardor with which he entered into everything, he soon completed his task. The license to print the 'Summaire de Chroniques' includes a book by Tory entitled: 'Les Reigles generales de lorthographe du langaige françois,' which he proposed soon to put on the press. Was this book ever printed? was it ever finished? These are questions which I am unable to answer, for I have discovered no trace of it elsewhere; but so many other books have disappeared that I should not be surprised to learn that this one had undergone the same fate.

III. Hours (in Latin) according to the Roman use; sixteenmo, with illustrations and borders; printed in roman type; finished February 8, 1529, which date corresponds to February 8, 1530, new style, and proves that Tory had become a printer in 1529. Here is the exact title of this book, which I shall describe in detail later:[118] 'Horæ in laudem beatissimæ Virginis Mariæ secundum usum romanum.' On the last leaf are these words: 'Parrhisiis, apud Gotofredum Torinum Biturigum. VIII. die febr. anno sal. M. D. XXIX. Ad insigne Vasis effracti.'

IV. Ædiloquium ceu (sic) disticha partibus ædium urbanarum et rusticarum suis quæque locis adscribenda. Item, epitaphia septem de amorum aliquot passionibus, etc. Authore Gotofredo Torino Biturigico.

Paris, Simon de Colines, 1530;[119] italic type; 3 octavo sheets, with license for two years. This book has, in the second part, seven charming engravings on wood. I cannot understand why Tory did not print it, as he was then a printer. May it have been because it was customary at that time to print poetical works in italic type, and he had none in his printing office? Copies of the book are preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, at the Arsenal [two] and at Sainte-Geneviève. The copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale is still in the original binding, with the Pot Cassé.[120]

Alluding to the first part of his book, Tory expresses himself thus in his 'avis au lecteur': 'There are certain eminent painters in this prolific age, most gentle reader, who, by their drawings, paintings, and varied colouring, depict the tribal gods and human beings, as also other things of different sorts, with such exactness that a voice and a soul seem the only things wanting to them; but here, most gentle reader, I offer you, nearly in the manner of these painters, a house, which not only is elegant and finished in its outlines and parts, but even speaks prettily and describes itself part by part in a eulogy.'[121] It will be seen that Tory's thoughts were still engrossed by art.

V. Science pour senrichir honnestement et facilement, intitulée Leconomic Xenophon, nagueres translatee de grec et latin en langaige francoys, par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges.—On les vend a Paris, en la rue Sainct Iaques, devant lescu de Basle, et devant lesglise de la Magdalaine, a lenseigne du Pot Casse.

Octavo, of 9 sheets; printing finished July 5, 1531.[122] On the back of the title-page are these words: 'At the said sign of the Pot Casse are also for sale Thucydides and Diodorus, with some other excellent books translated from Greek and Latin into French. Likewise there are fine Hours and Offices of Our Lady, large, medium and small, with illustrations and vignettes "a l'antique."'

Were the Thucydides and Diodorus printed by Tory, as well as the large, medium and small Hours? Possibly, but I have found no indication of it. As for attributing the translations to him, that is out of the question, for he says nothing of it in the dedication, addressed to Antoine du Prat, Cardinal de Sens, etc., wherein he mentions the preceding works of the same sort:—

'After the book of the Explanation of the antique letters, called "Champ Fleury," which I put together in the French language, and the "Table de Cebes," with thirty moral dialogues; likewise the "Summaire de Chroniques," which I translated into our said language, to confer a benefit on the studious, ... it seemed to me to be a worthy way of passing my time to employ myself in translating the "Economic Xenophon" also.'

Tory does not mention here the 'Ædiloquium,' probably because that book was in Latin, or, rather, because it was not printed at the time of the composition of this dedication, which was in all probability written in the first three months of 1531, then reckoned in the year 1530,[123] a circumstance which, in my opinion, explains the date of the 'Ædiloquium.' In fact, that book cannot have been printed before 1531, for the license of the 'Economic Xenophon,' which includes the 'Ædiloquium' (to which, by the way, it gives a sub-title, 'et Erotica,' which was rejected when it was printed, as likely to give a false idea of the book), is dated June 18, 1531, and extends Tory's rights to four years instead of the two mentioned on the title-page of the 'Ædiloquium.' From all of which I conclude that the last-named book was printed before the license was obtained, but only a short time before, and while the application was pending.

The license first mentioned[124] also concedes to Tory an extension of four years 'for certain other books, illustrations and vignettes, to cause to be printed the Hours and Offices of Our Lady, mentioned in two licenses heretofore granted to him,' dated September 23, 1524, and September 5, 1526. Tory requested this extension of time because he was preparing to reprint the Hours, as we see by the date of the following book.

VI. Hours according to the Roman use, quarto; published October 20, 1531, in Latin. This was a new edition of the Hours printed in 1524-1525 by Simon de Colines. We find the same borders and illustrations as before; but several engravings which had already appeared in some of the earlier books just described are added. I shall describe this book later. It seems to be printed from the 'Champ fleury' type, and bears the following title: Horæ in laudem beatiss. Virginis Mariæ. Ad usum romanum. Parrhisiis apud Gotofredum Torinum Biturigicum, regium impressorem.[125]

VII. Politiques de Plutarque, cest a dire: Civiles Institutions et enseignemens pour bien regir la chose pu[blique] ... translatees ... par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges. Dediees ... a tresilustre ... François de Vallois, Daulphin de France.

Octavo, with 8 preliminary leaves, and 67 numbered leaves of text.

On the verso of leaf 67 we read: 'The printing of this book was finished Saturday the XV. day of June, M. D. XXXII. by maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, bookseller and king's printer, dwelling in Paris, opposite the church of La Magdaleine, at the sign of the Pot Casse.'

Another edition was published at Lyon in 1534. We shall refer to it, as well as to the earlier edition, hereafter.[126]

VIII. La Mouche de Lucian et la Maniere de parler et se taire [de Volaterran].—Le tout [translaté] par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, imprimeur du Roy et libraire juré en luniversité de Paris. On les vend a Paris, devant leglise de la Magdaleine, a lenseigne du Pot Casse.

Octavo, 8 leaves; without date of printing or license, but printed by Geofroy Tory himself, after February 22, 1533; for he assumes the title of 'libraire juré'[127] of the University, which did not belong to him until that day. Moreover he makes use in this book of the acute accent, the apostrophe and the cedilla, which he never used, as we shall soon see, until after the edition of Clement Marot, dated June 7, 1533. It was therefore subsequent to that date, but prior to October of the same year, that 'La Mouche' was published.[128]

In several of the works we have described, Tory assumes the title of printer; in the last three he describes himself as king's printer, and in one of them as a 'libraire juré' of the University. These last two dignities he owed to the initiative of François I. That king, who had never before conferred that honour upon any one, deemed it his duty to make the author of 'Champ fleury' king's printer. In truth it was natural enough to confer that title upon him who had displayed so perfect an understanding of the art of typography, combined with such a store of literary knowledge, and whose book caused a veritable revolution in printing, no less from the technical and practical than from the grammatical and philological standpoint; for there is one fact which I have not as yet mentioned and which I am glad to set down here: immediately after the publication of 'Champ fleury' French typography began to include in its fonts of type accents, apostrophes and cedillas,[129] the absence of which Tory deplored, and which he himself used soon after, and before any other printer, as we shall see.

But the most noteworthy result produced by the publication of 'Champ fleury' was the reformation of the old types. That book not only contributed to the abandonment of gothic letters, but brought about the remodelling of the old roman letters. Robert Estienne, among others, re-cast at this time all those that had come down to him from his father, the first Henri (or, to speak more accurately, from his father-in-law Simon de Colines), and replaced them by types of a new shape, which were cut, I think, by Tory (for his pupil, Garamond, seems not to have been capable of doing it at this time), and which continued to be used, almost without change, down to the time of the Revolution. It is in this sense only that it can properly be said that Tory perfected the types of Josse Bade; for I think that he did not cut any type for that celebrated printer, who was established in Paris long before Tory turned his attention to engraving, and who died in 1535, a few years after the publication of 'Champ fleury,' without changing in any way his method of printing. It was Tory too, doubtless, who cut Robert Estienne's italic type; for it bears a strong resemblance to Simon de Colines's, which I have already attributed to him.[130]

The sensation caused by Tory's book, in foreign countries as well as in France, is evidenced also by the writings of his contemporaries. In Paris, Antoine du Saix, author of the 'Esperon de discipline,' expresses himself thus in an epistle in verse dedicated to his friends,[131] among whom we find mentioned René Massé, also a friend of Tory, and several other littérateurs of the time:—