Читать книгу Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825 (Vol. 1&2) - Auguste Levasseur - Страница 9

Table of Contents

Camp of Savin Hill. Visit to John Adams: review of the regulations of the Massachusetts militia.

On the 28th of August general Lafayette was invited by the governor to visit the camp at Savin Hill, a few miles from Boston; he accepted the invitation, and we arrived there at noon. Savin Hill is a very picturesque situation on the borders of the sea, where during the fine season the volunteer militia companies of Boston go successively to pass some days in camp, for the purpose of military exercise. On our arrival we found them under arms. The young officer in command came to receive the general, and after a brief address he returned to the head of his troops, which manœuvred with much precision. After various movements of infantry, the artillery commenced firing at a mark. Most of the shots were fired with great skill, at a target floated at a sufficient distance on the water. The artillerists invited the general to aim one of their pieces, which he did, and his shot knocked the target in pieces. This successful shot, which no one expected from a man of his age, procured him the applauses of all the young soldiers, and of the ladies who usually visit the camp to see their brothers and husbands, but on this occasion had flocked in greater numbers to see Lafayette.

The guns of the artillerists attracted our attention from the moment of our arrival; after the exercises were finished I approached to examine them more attentively, and was considerably surprised to recognize our French models, which were perfectly imitated. From the officers who observed the interest with which we examined these pieces, we learned that this improvement was owing to general Henry Lallemand, who was forced by the proscriptions of 1815 to seek a refuge in the United States, where he died in 1823, universally esteemed and regretted. The militia of Massachusetts are indebted to him for great improvements in their artillery; and he has left a treatise on the subject, in three volumes, in which, it is true, he has only reproduced in part the regulations already known and practised in France, but which he has admirably adapted to the use of those for whom he wrote. He married in Philadelphia the niece of a French gentleman, who during 50 years residence in that city, had by his success in commerce, amassed one of the largest fortunes in the United States. The situation of general Lallemand, however, was not improved by this marriage, as he died poor. His amiable and interesting widow, with her only daughter, continues to reside at Philadelphia, under the protection of her uncle.

After visiting the camp at Savin Hill, the governor took us to dine at his country seat; whence we returned to attend a brilliant ball, which Mr. Lloyd, senator of the United States, gave to general Lafayette.

John Adams, whose name is so gloriously connected with all the great epochs of the American revolution, and who had the honour of succeeding Washington in the first magistracy of the republic, was then detained at his retreat by the weight of eighty-nine years. Lafayette who had been acquainted previously, and even maintained a strict friendship with him, was unwilling to depart without paying him a visit: a feeling of delicacy, easy to be understood, made him wish that this visit should be unattended by any of that triumphal pomp, by which his slightest movements had been accompanied. In consequence, he set out in a carriage, merely accompanied by two gentlemen of the city, and followed by his son and myself. We arrived about two o’clock at Quincy. Our carriages stopped at the door of a very simple small house, built of wood and brick, and but one story high. I was somewhat astonished to learn that this was the residence of an Ex-President of the United States. We found the venerable John Adams in the midst of his family. He received and welcomed us with touching kindness: the sight of his ancient friend imparted a pleasure and satisfaction, which appeared to renew his youth. During the whole of dinner time, he kept up the conversation with an ease and readiness of memory, which made us forget his 89 years.

The long life of John Adams has been exclusively devoted to the service of his country and liberty, which from his youth he passionately loved.

He was born at Quincy, the 19th October, 1735, and studied at Cambridge, which he left in 1755, to take charge of a grammar school at Worcester, where, at the same time, he applied himself to the study of the law, under James Putnam. In 1758, he was admitted to the bar. In 1770 he was chosen as a representative of the town of Boston, in the Assembly of Massachusetts. When the quarrels between the English soldiers and the citizens of Massachusetts became sanguinary, he showed his full strength of character, by defending captain Preston and his soldiers, for firing on the people; in this defence he was assisted by Josiah Quincy, jr. and S. Blowers. He was unwilling that the love of liberty should transcend the love of justice, and his eloquence secured the safety of those unfortunates, who were in fact nothing but the blind and ignorant instruments of English tyranny.

In 1774, he was elected a member of the Council of Massachusetts, but the political opinions which he had already expressed openly and energetically on numerous occasions, caused him to be rejected by governor Gage. A few months afterwards, he was sent to the Continental Congress, where he proved one of the most ardent and skilful defenders of liberty.

In 1776, he was appointed, together with Jefferson, each to draw up a Declaration of Independence. Jefferson’s address was preferred by Congress, as is known, but Adams’s, on account of his eloquence and patriotism, was not the less regarded as the soul and fire of that immortal assembly. Shortly after he was sent with Dr. Franklin and Edward Rutlege, to treat with Lord Howe for the pacification of the colonies.

In 1777, he was appointed commissioner to the court of France, in place of Silas Deane. In April 1779, Congress having censured all the other European commissioners, made an honourable exception of John Adams. On his return from Europe, the same year, he was elected a member of the Convention assembled to revise the Constitution of Massachusetts. In the month of August of the same year, he was sent to Europe with power to treat for a general peace.

In December, 1780, Congress voted him public thanks for the services he had rendered in Europe. In 1781, he concluded with the provinces of Holland a treaty very advantageous to his country.

In 1785, he was sent as minister plenipotentiary to England. It was during this honourable mission, that he published, in 1787, at London, his learned summary of all the ancient and modern constitutions, under the title of Defence of the American Constitutions. This profoundly erudite work, in which the author in several passages appeared to indicate his predilections for English constitutions, drew forth vigorous attacks from a large number of patriotic writers, and particularly from Philip Livingston, then governor of New Jersey, who opposed him in an excellent work, which he published under the title of Examination of the English Constitution.

Recalled from England at his own request, he was received with the thanks of his fellow-citizens and of Congress. In 1789, after the adoption of the new constitution, John Adams was elected Vice-President of the United States, and remained in this honourable situation during the eight years of the presidency of Washington, whose confidence in his talents and patriotism was unbounded.

In 1797, he was himself elected to the Chief Magistracy of the republic, to succeed Washington, who refused a third election. Circumstances were then very difficult. The French revolution, which at first received the general approbation of the United States, had at that time become, through the intrigues of royalists and foreigners, an object of horror, even to its warmest partizans. The French question agitated all minds, and had become the subject of vivid discussion, and sometimes of violent attacks, between the two parties called Federal and Democrat. The ill-managed attempts of our diplomatic agents in the United States, to profit by these divisions, alarmed President Adams, and induced him to propose to Congress, as a measure of security, the suppression of the act of habeas corpus. This proposition was too directly opposed to the sentiments of liberty, entertained by the American people, not to be rejected with force, and I may say even with indignation. The House of Representatives would not even discuss the bill, and the popularity of John Adams received at that time such a shock, that at the expiration of the fourth year of his administration, he was not re-elected.

In 1801, he retired to his dwelling at Quincy; his fellow-citizens soon forgot the cause of his retreat, and only remembered the great and numerous services he rendered to his country during his long career. The governorship of Massachusetts was offered him, and some time afterwards he was invited to preside over the committee appointed to revise the constitution of the state. But he began to feel the necessity of repose; he thanked them, and concluded by praying the theologians, philosophers, and politicians, to let him die in peace. Notwithstanding this refusal, he had not become insensible to the great interests of the country, and when she was menaced in 1811 by the odious vexations of England, his patriotic voice was heard from the bosom of his retreat, declaring that the national honour could only be maintained by war. His eloquence was re-animated in a letter which he wrote to rally to this sentiment, those whom party spirit had most widely separated. In short, he so generously sacrificed his private opinions to the dangers of the moment, that his most ardent adversaries could not withhold the expression of their admiration and gratitude.

At the moment of our visit, although he could not go out of his chamber, could scarcely raise himself from his chair, and his hands were unable to convey the food to his mouth without the pious assistance of his children or grand-children, his heart and head felt not less ardour for every thing good. The affairs of his country afforded him the most pleasant occupation. He frequently repeated the greatness of the joy which he derived from the gratitude of his fellow-citizens towards Lafayette. We left him, filled with admiration at the courage with which he supported the pains and infirmities which the lapse of nearly a century had necessarily accumulated upon him.

A grand review had been ordered and prepared for the 30th, in the morning the troops from the environs of Boston arrived under command of general Appleton, those of the city had pitched their tents upon the common, in front of the capitol on the preceding evening, and on rising we were struck with the appearance of this extemporaneous camp. At noon, about 8,000 men were drawn up in line of battle, on this vast parade: a great concourse of ladies adorned all the windows which overlooked the ground, or filled the surrounding walks. A few moments after general Lafayette presented himself, accompanied by the governor and his staff, before the line, where he was received by the acclamations of the troops, to which martial music and the shouts of the spectators responded. After passing in front of the ranks of these young soldier-citizens, whose equipments and appearance might charm even eyes accustomed to the regularity of hired European troops, the general was conducted to the most elevated point of the parade, to behold the military movements which were to follow. We did not discover in the handling of their arms, that minute precision to which European officers attach so ridiculous an importance, and which is only acquired by reducing a soldier to the sad condition of a puppet, for, at least, four hours a day; but we were forced to admire the promptitude of the charges, and the union and vivacity of the firing. Beyond doubt, the movements of the line were somewhat defective as to calmness and precision; but it was impossible, I believe, to execute with greater rapidity and intelligence all the movements of light troops. This sort of service appears to be very consonant to the American character; it is also well suited to troops more particularly called to the defence of situations where all the resources are known to them, and which are particularly favourable to a war of detail. This sort of sham battle, which was performed before our eyes, lasted nearly three hours, and interested us exceedingly; when it was ended we went under an immense tent, where the principal citizens to the number of 1200, were collected at table to receive the adieus of Lafayette, who was to quit the city on the next morning. In the centre of the table, and in front of the places we were to occupy, stood a large silver basin, filled with fragments of arms or projectiles, military buttons, &c. collected on Bunker’s Hill a long time after the battle of the 17th June. The governor had the goodness to offer us some of these fragments; for my part, I gratefully accepted a button, upon which, notwithstanding the rust that covered it, could readily be distinguished the number, 42; it is known that this number is one of those which suffered most severely in attacking the American entrenchments. The care with which the Americans preserve and revere all the monuments of the revolution is very remarkable; every thing which recalls this glorious epoch, is to them a precious relic, which they regard almost with religious reverence. This sort of devotion is praiseworthy, since it contributes to feed the sacred fire of love of liberty, by which they are animated. It is worth quite as much, I believe, as that profound veneration which we have in Europe for the ribbands conferred by power.

During the review I remarked with surprise the variety of uniforms; in the numerous companies that defiled before us, scarcely could I find two companies somewhat similar in this respect. Some were clothed with a luxury that was very little adapted to war; while those from the country, were on the contrary so simply clad, that they had nothing military about them but the cartridge box and musket. This difference was explained to me by the formation of volunteer companies. These are composed of young men, who, from being friends or neighbours, organize under the authority of the governor, a peculiar company; the colour and fashion of their uniform is decided by common consent; they elect their own officers, and choose the name of their corps. Thus organized and constituted, they remain always subject to the general regulations by which all the militia are governed, but they meet much more frequently for the purpose of military exercise; as most of these young men are sufficiently well off, they can afford to expend something upon a brilliant dress, and hence the variety of their uniforms. If from this slight rivalry in elegance, between the volunteer companies, great emulation in service ensues, as the officers suppose who had the kindness to give me some information on these points, it is unquestionably an advantage; but is it not to be feared that this advantage may be attended by serious inconveniences? May not the embroidery and plumes which at present serve to distinguish one company from another, hereafter be used to distinguish the son of a rich merchant from a mere mechanic? and will not this distinction between the rich and poor militiaman open the door to the aristocracy of wealth, which is not less an enemy to equality than the aristocracy of parchments? I am aware that American manners and institutions diminish this danger; but ought a danger to be disregarded because it is still distant?

The existence, organization, duties, and basis of the discipline of the militia throughout the Union, are determined by general laws emanating from congress. However, as differences of situation or manners which distinguish the aspect of the various states composing the great federation require modifications in the application of these laws, each state regulates for itself the formation of militia corps, their especial discipline, the appointment of officers, &c. &c. taking care, however, not to depart from the general principles established by congress.

As all the particular regulations of the States differ somewhat from each other, and it would, moreover, be too tedious to describe them all in detail, it may suffice to satisfy the reader’s curiosity that we present in this place a sketch of the regulations of the Massachusetts militia.

The law of the Congress of the United States, calls into the ranks, all citizens capable of bearing arms from the age of eighteen to forty-five, inclusively; the law of Massachusetts makes an exception in favour of the individuals hereafter designated: the lieutenant governor of the state; members of the executive council; judges of the supreme court, the inferior courts and their clerks; members of the legislature; justices of the peace; all officers employed in the registry of deeds, &c.; the attorney general, the solicitor general; secretary and treasurer of state and their clerks; sheriffs; teachers of public schools; the ministers of all religious sects, without distinction; all civil officers appointed by the United States, and finally the Quakers, when they present a certificate signed by one or two of their elders, stating that the bearer is actually one of their society, and is conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms. Nevertheless, all the individuals above excepted from militia duty, are obliged from the age of 18 to 45, to keep in the house, and to present at each annual review, the arms and equipments of war prescribed by the laws of the United States: they must, moreover, pay two dollars a year, which are placed in the treasury of the town or district, to be employed in arming and equipping poor citizens unable to furnish their own accoutrements.