Читать книгу The Witnesses to the Historicity of Jesus - Drews Arthur - Страница 13
Footnotes
Оглавление1 ↑ Ursprung der Gottesverehrung, p. 223; cf. also p. 227.
2 ↑ viii, 2 Abt., Heft 2, under “Tacitus.”
3 ↑ Work quoted, p. 7.
4 ↑ Weiss, work quoted, p. 92.
5 ↑ Christus und die Cäsaren, p. 155.
6 ↑ Schiller, work quoted.
7 ↑ Decline and Fall, ch. xvi.
8 ↑ Acts xxvi, 31.
9 ↑ Eccl. Hist. III, 16.
10 ↑ Op. cit. iv, 22, 1-3; iv, 23.
11 ↑ See his essay on “Clement of Rome and the Subsequent Period,” Tübinger Theol. Jahrbücher, 1856, 287-369.
12 ↑ Neutestamentl. Zeitgesch., III, 99, Anm. 5.
13 ↑ “Quaestiones Paulinae,” in Theol. Tijdschrift, 1883, p. 14, etc.
14 ↑ Onderzoek naar de achtheid van Clemens' ersten brief aan de Corinthers, 1908.
15 ↑ Der Galaterbrief nach seiner Echtheit untersucht, 1888, p. 294, etc.
16 ↑ Neutestatamentl. Apokryphen, edited by Hennecke, 1904, ch. v.
17 ↑ See Hochart, Études au Sujet de la Persecution des Chretiens sous Neron, 1885.
18 ↑ See his Chronologie der Röm. Bischöfe, p. 162, and Die Quellen der Röm. Petrussage, 1872.
19 ↑ Die letzten Lebensjahre des Paulus: Bibl. Zeit- u. Streitfragen, 1910.
20 ↑ Loc. cit. p. 8; see also Neutestamentl. Apokryphen, p. 365.
21 ↑ Work quoted, p. 37.
22 ↑ Work quoted, p. 69.
23 ↑ As the reference of the part quoted to the Neronian persecution is the only detail for fixing the date of the letter, if we refuse to admit the passage the date of the letter is altogether uncertain, and it may belong to the fourth century just as well as the first—the “great century of literary forgeries” (Antiqua Mater, p. 304). The reference in I, 1, where there is question of perils and hardships that have suddenly come upon the Roman community, to the Domitian persecution in the year 93 is anything but certain. It is by no means proved that the so-called Domitian persecution was a persecution of the Christians. The text of Dio Cassius (67, 14) which is relied upon points at the most to a persecution of those who, like Flavius Clemens, the emperor's cousin, leaned to “atheism” or the Jewish faith. “If we rely on Roman sources, we find no persecution of the Christians under Domitian; if we rely on Christian sources, the persecution goes far beyond Rome, as, according to Hegesippus, the grandsons of Judas, being relatives of Christ, were brought from Palestine to Rome and condemned, and, according to Eusebius and, possibly, Irenaeus, the apostle John was then banished to Patmos. In this case it cannot be said that Rome alone was affected by the persecution, and so there is no analogy with the description given in the letter” (Steck, work quoted, p. 297). It seems, then, that it was the imagination of the apologists and fathers of the Church, who wanted to make the sufferings of Christianity begin as early as possible, that deduced from the letter this persecution of the Christians as such. (Br. Bauer, work quoted, p. 238; also see Joel, work quoted, II, 45.)
24 ↑ Ecclesiastical History, VI, 33.
25 ↑ Ibid. II, 28.
26 ↑ In this connection it may be observed that all these references in Eusebius must be regarded with the greatest suspicion. This man, whom Jakob Burckhardt has called “the first thoroughly dishonest historian of antiquity,” acts so deliberately in the interest of the power of the Church and the creation and strengthening of tradition that far too much notice is taken of his historical statements. “After the many falsifications, suppressions, and fictions which have been proved in his work, he has no right to be put forward as a decisive authority; and to these faults we must add a consciously perverse manner of expression, deliberate bombast, and many equivocations, so that the reader stumbles upon trapdoors and pitfalls in the most important passages.” (J. Burckhardt, Leben Konstantins, 2nd ed. 1860, pp. 307, 335, 347.)
27 ↑ Ch. v.
28 ↑ Ch. xxi.
29 ↑ See also De Praescriptione, cap. 36, and Adversus Marcion, iv, 5.
30 ↑ Ecclesiastical History, ii, 28.
31 ↑ Revelation vii, 9.
32 ↑ Work quoted, pp. 75-86.
33 ↑ iii, 8.
34 ↑ Work quoted, p. 38.
35 ↑ See H. Schiller, Geschichte der Röm. Kaiserzeit, i, 441.
36 ↑ Cap. 46.
37 ↑ Arnold, work quoted, p. 74.
38 ↑ Work quoted, p. 585.
39 ↑ Adversus Paganos Historiae, vii, 4.
40 ↑ Études au sujet de la persecution des chretiens sous Neron, 1885; De l'Authenticité des Annales et des Histoires de Tacite, 1890; Nouvelles Considerations au sujet des Annales et des Histoires de Tacite, 1897.
41 ↑ Bergrede, p. 87.
42 ↑ Christus und die Cäsaren, p. 150.
43 ↑ Work quoted, vi.
44 ↑ Études au sujet, etc., p. 220.
45 ↑ Work quoted, p. 435.
46 ↑ Work quoted, p. 40. See also Schiller, work quoted, p. 436, note.
47 ↑ Work quoted, p. 435.
48 ↑ See also H. Schiller, Geschichte der röm. Kaiserzeit, I, 446-50.
49 ↑ Work quoted, p. 436.
50 ↑ Work quoted, p. 23.
51 ↑ Hochart, work quoted, p. 214.
52 ↑ Apol. 37. How just this charge against the Christians was in the time of Tertullian may be gathered from Hausrath's excellent essay on “The Church Fathers of the Second Century” in his Kleine Schriften religionsgeschichtlichen Inhalts (1883), especially p. 71. It is enough to recall the words of a pious Father of the Church in his work On Spectacles (cap. 30), where he addresses a pagan fellow-citizen, in a sweet foretaste of vengeance: “Spectacles are your chief delight; wait, then, for the greatest of all spectacles, the final and eternal judgment of the world. How I shall admire, how I shall laugh and be delighted, when I hear so many proud Caesars, whom men had turned into gods, whining in the deepest abyss of darkness; so many magistrates, who persecuted the name of the Lord, melting in a more furious fire than any they had lit for the Christians; so many wise philosophers, who taught their pupils that God cared about nothing, burning in the glowing flames; so many esteemed poets standing and shivering before the judgment-seat, not of Rhadamanthus or Minos, but of Christ! Then will the tragedians roar louder than on the stage, and the player coo more seductively when he is softened by the flames, and the chariot-driver be seen careering red as fire on the flaming wheel. But I will not look at these; rather will I turn my insatiable gaze upon those who made sport of the person of the Lord.…….From seeing and rejoicing over these no praetor, no consul, no quaestor, and no priest can prevent us. These things, by our faith in the spirit and our imagination, we already have ever present to us.” “It must be admitted,” Hausrath observes on this, “that this kind of 'Christian charity' has an unmistakable resemblance to the 'odium humani generis' with which the pagans reproached the new sect” (work quoted, p. 92). If Roman justice proceeded with severity against people of this temper, we can hardly blame it, any more than we should blame a modern State for its severe punishment of anarchists. In any case, the number of the martyrs has, as Hausrath shows, been fearfully exaggerated on the ecclesiastical side. It appears that during the first three Christian centuries there were no more than 1,500 people put to death on account of their faith (?), whereas Duke Alba slaughtered more than 100,000 Protestants in the Netherlands, and the St. Bartholomew massacre was responsible for 2,000 deaths in Paris and more than 20,000 in the whole of France, to say nothing of the savagery of the Inquisition and the crusades against heretics, such as the Albigenses. Moreover, many of these Christians often sought death out of religious fanaticism, irritated the authorities to proceed against them when they had no need to do so, and provoked, by their own behaviour, the cruelties of the persecutors which were afterwards so loudly deplored by Christian critics. See J. M. Robertson's Short History of Christianity (1902), p. 130.
53 ↑ See, to the contrary, Joel, work quoted, p. 15.
54 ↑ See also Graetz, Gesch. der Juden, IV, 104.
55 ↑ See Antiqua Mater, p. 23. Bruno Bauer also says: “The picture given in Tacitus can only be understood in connection with the influences of the age in which he wrote his Annals—the age of Trajan, the second decade of the second century. At that time there were Christian elements in Rome, and he might have heard of Christ and his fate under Pontius Pilate, and supposed that the unhealthy state of things that was suppressed by the death of Christ may have broken out again and reached Rome, the place to which everything unclean went. The same influences of the time and of Tacitus are seen in Suetonius's biography of Nero (cap. 16 and 17), which mentions the punishment of the Christians, as people having a new and shameful superstition, among the police measures of the emperor” (p. 155). Lublinski has recently put very clearly the contradiction involved in the passage of Tacitus (Das werdende Dogma vom Leben Jesu, 1911, p. 59): “The Christians suffered a punishment that was clearly regarded as a penalty of their crimes; the murderous incendiaries were burned. Nevertheless, they are said to have been condemned, not on account of the fire, but for hating the human race. Strange to say, they could not be convicted of complicity in the fire, though they had made a 'confession.' In other words, people acknowledged themselves guilty of arson, yet could not be convicted of it; but they were nonetheless executed for arson in order to punish severely their hatred of the human race. Could anything be more confused and contradictory?”
56 ↑ Études au sujet de la persecution des chretiens sous Neron, 1885; De l'Authenticity des Annales et des Histoires de Tacite, 1890; Nouvelles Considerations au sujet des Annales et des Histoires de Tacite, 1897.
57 ↑ Work quoted, p. 425. In the same way might be explained the testimony of the Praetorian leader, Flavius Subrius, who, in order to cut Nero as deeply as possible, called him, according to Tacitus (Annals, xv, 67), the murderer of his mother and wife, a charioteer, a comedian, and an incendiary. Bruno Bauer rightly observes on this: “Is it not possible that Tacitus, or, rather, his interpolator, merely put these words into the mouth of the brave officer? Dio Cassius, who, like Tacitus and Suetonius, represents the prince as the deliberate author of the fire, has preserved the answer of Flavius Subrius in what is probably an older and more reliable form (lxii, 24): 'I will not serve a charioteer and zitherplayer'” (work quoted, p. 153).
58 ↑ Work quoted, p. 41.
59 ↑ Gesch. der röm. Kaiserzeit, p. 359.
60 ↑ Arnold, work quoted, p. 34; Schiller, work quoted, p. 449.
61 ↑ See Joel, work quoted, p. 98.
62 ↑ On the other hand, Arnold has attempted to ascribe to Tacitus a close acquaintance with the Christians from the fact that Sulpicius Severus used him as his authority in his description of the destruction of Jerusalem, and that his statement that Titus deliberately furthered the destruction of the temple in order to destroy at once the Christian and the Jewish religion was taken from the last conclusion of the fifth book of Tacitus's Histories (work quoted, p. 46). No less an authority than Jakob Bernays (Über die Chronik des Sulpicius Severus, 1861, p. 57) has seen in this reference of Sulpicius a literal agreement with the statement of Tacitus in the Annals (xv, 44), that Judaea was the birthplace of the Christian religion, and concluded from this that Sulpicius had Tacitus before his eyes. Bruno Bauer has, however, observed that the ecclesiastical teachers of the fourth century were so firmly convinced of the hostility of all the emperors after Claudius to the Christians that the pupil of the Saint of Tours could easily penetrate the secret design of Titus without any inspiration from the Histories of Tacitus (Christus und die Caesaren, p. 216). Hence the inference that Sulpicius possibly took the statement from Tacitus is anything but convincing, and thus the idea that Tacitus had any close acquaintance with the Christians falls to the ground.
63 ↑ This general acceptation of the name Christian can, according to Harnack, only be traced to the end of the reign of Hadrian and that of Pius (Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christenthums in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten, 1902, p. 296).
64 ↑ See also 1 Peter iv, 16, and Acts xxvi, 28.
65 ↑ See also Joel, work quoted, p. 106.
66 ↑ Cf. Hochart, Nouvelles Considerations, 160 ff.
67 ↑ In his De l'Authenticity des Histoires et des Annales de Tacite Hochart points out that, whereas the Life of St. Martin and the Dialogues of Sulpicius were found in many libraries, there was only one manuscript of his Chronicle, probably of the eleventh century, which is now in the Vatican. Hence the work was almost unknown throughout the Middle Ages, and no one was aware of the reference in it to a Roman persecution of the Christians. It is noteworthy that Poggio Bracciolini seems by some lucky chance to have discovered and read this manuscript (work quoted, p. 225). Cf. Nouvelles Considerations, pp. 142-72.
68 ↑ Compare Eusebius, Eccl. Hist., ii, 28.
69 ↑ Hochart, De l'Authenticite, etc., p. 50.
70 ↑ Work quoted, p. 173.
71 ↑ Compare Steudel, Wir Gelehrten vom Fach, etc. (p. 6), and Lublinski, work quoted, p. 47. In the controversy about the Christ-myth an attempt has been made even lately to revive the much-ridiculed argument that there never was such a person as Napoleon, by which Perez fancied he could refute Dupuis, and the argument of Von der Hagen against Strauss, “that there was never any such person as Luther,” in the year 1837, in order to show how one may deny the existence of any great man on “Drews' method.” That such arguments rely upon the thoughtlessness of the majority of people to have any effect throws equal light upon the general intelligence, and on the frame of mind of men who can make use of such arguments.
72 ↑ Mission und Ausbreitung, p. 296.
73 ↑ Compare Louis Ganeval, Jesus devant l'histoire n'a jamais vecu, 1875.
74 ↑ Die orientalischen Religionen im römischen Heidentum, by Gehrich (1910), p. 98.
75 ↑ Annals, ii, 85.
76 ↑ xviii, 3, 5.
77 ↑ Annals, xii, 52.
78 ↑ Antiqua Mater, pp. 279-292.
79 ↑ See Joel, work quoted, p. 144; also Whittaker, The Origins of Christianity (2nd ed., 1909), p. 21.
80 ↑ Work quoted, p. 129.
81 ↑ Characteristic of the conduct of our opponents is the way in which Otto Schmiedel treats the Roman witnesses. “Tacitus,” says this representative of historical theology, “mentions in his Annals about the year 116 the execution of Jesus [?] under Pontius Pilate, and the spread of his [?] superstitious sect in Judaea and even Rome. A passage in Suetonius written about the year 120 ('Nero,' ch. xvi) is to the same effect [!?]; and the younger Pliny, Governor of Bithynia, in 112 or 113, describes in a letter (Ep. x, 96) to the Emperor Trajan the wide spread of the Christians in his province and the hymns they sing to their Christ as a god [!]. The violent opponent of Christianity, the philosopher Celsus, is already [sic] acquainted with the whole literature of the New Testament before the year 180, and this literature is unintelligible without the person of Christ, with which it is entirely concerned.” (Die Hauptprobleme der Leben-Jesu-Forschung, 2 Aufl., 1906, p. 13). Notice the highly-coloured phrases (the execution of Jesus, the person of Christ!) and the word “already,” by means of which he tries to convey the impression that the witnesses quoted were remarkably early, and therefore deserve unlimited confidence.
