Читать книгу The Political Economy of the BRICS Countries - Группа авторов - Страница 121

Demographic census and annual household surveys are the only sources of national level information on the color composition of Brazil’s population. According to estimates, the 1991 census reported that nearly half of the 147 million population was either ‘pardo’ or ‘preto’. This large proportion of Afro-Brazilians (pardos — were not necessarily blacks but could be referred to the Mulattos and pretos) was the result of the approximately 3.6 million Africans that were brought to the Portuguese colony during the three and a half centuries of the slave trade.⁸

The racial terminology of the census is a defined system of skin color and ethnic identity: branco (white), pardo, preto (blacks), amarelo (yellow), and indigena (indigenous). The color terminology used by the Brazilian census leaves no doubt that the categories reflect social definitions of skin color rather than biological definitions of race. There is controversy regarding the validity of the census bureau’s color classification scheme. The indigenous category was not used in the 1980 census. Brazil, as a member of the UN, has repeatedly stated that it wanted to formally achieve the Millennium Development Goal of Universal Primary Education (UPE) by 2015. Fundamental education in Brazil is divided in two stages, Ensino Fundamental I (years 1–5) and Ensino Fundamental II (years 6–9). Enrolment rates are high, and Brazil seems to be speedily catching up with the average for OECD countries (OECD 2008). Many children are enrolled in pre-primary school facilities, including day-care facilities. This increased in 2007 to 70% of the 4–5-year-olds, of which 97.2% were girls (Klaveren et al., 2009).

The net enrolment in primary education in 2000–2007 of children aged 5-to-14 was 94% overall, with 95% for girls, bringing girls to boys parity to 102% (WHO, 200920). For the last few years, a gender division of secondary education enrolment was unavailable. Though recent statistics are lacking, dropout rates of girls from public schools seem considerable. The increasing adolescent fertility rates are high, especially among the poorest sectors. One of the most cited negative consequences is low school attendance. It has been argued that the Brazilian educational system has no special programs for young women who become pregnant; therefore, if a pregnant student chooses not to abort, the most probable outcome is that she will quit, this likelihood being higher among the poorer classes.

In 2000, the total enrolment rates of girls in school varied from over 95% of the population between ages 10 and 14 to nearly 50% of the 18–19-year-olds. By contrast, the enrolment rate of young mothers was 18–22 % in all age groups. Controlled by other factors, a childless girl was eight times more likely to be enrolled at school than a young mother with at least one child (Klaveren et al., 2009). The findings of Cardoso and Verner (2006) confirm that early parenthood has a strong impact driving teenagers out of school; they stress that extreme poverty is also lowering school attendance and that reducing the costs of school, such as transportation, could improve the record of school attendance.

In addition, students must pass the vestibular, a public open entrance examination; competition is fierce for places in public universities, since education in these universities is totally free of charge. Female participation in regular tertiary education continued to exceed male participation by far. In 2007, 68% of all students enrolled in tertiary education were women, bringing the women to men parity in tertiary-level enrolment to 206% (Klaveren et al., 2009, n. 24). In the population aged 20–29, in 2006, 21% were still being educated. Among the population aged 30 and over, relatively many were — either full time or part time — enrolled in public and private institutions. This called for a serious introspection and suitable action on the part of the federal government in Brazil.

Despite the enormous reforms made in the education sector, women continue to remain marginalized and discriminated in Brazil, especially those who are of Afro-descent or indigenous. The next section focuses on female education, discrimination, and the visible success of the social reform programs such as the PBF in approaching multiple issues of gender, education, income, and equity.