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1 ¹ All pertinent texts (with introduction, discussion, and—if possible—translation) in Ventris and Chadwick 1956 and Palmer 1963 (see the registers). Abbreviations indicate provenance (here PY: Pylos; KN: Knossos), series (e.g An: personnel, men), and number in inventory. Generally, see Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 183–194. A general overview: the papers ed. by Laffineur 1999, Sections 8 (Les sources écrites et l’ administration), 9 (Les armes et l’armement), and 10 (La guerre).

2 ² Nikoloudis 2008. For the Spartan arch-hagétai see the section on “Sparta’s Wars: Immigration and Conquest of Laconia (c. 950/930)”.

3 ³ Historical setting: Palaima 1995, cf. Halstead 2007.

4 ⁴ PY An 657, 519, 654, 656, 661.

5 ⁵ Lang 1990.

6 ⁶ Cf. Thuc. 4.11ff.

7 ⁷ From the Indo-Europ. root (s)equ- (cf. lat. sequi): to follow (scil. the king). A detailed study has been submitted by Deger-Jalkotzy 1978, cf. Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 121; Killen 2007. At Knossos these officials are also involved in raising tributes (KN As 821).

8 ⁸ Evident from a document that lists missing rowers (PY An 724, 11f.). We may conclude that some e-qe-ta whose responsibility it was to organize personnel had been negligent and were reprimanded by hinting at the privileges they had received, cf. Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 188, s.v. e-ko-si-qe, and generally 232ff.

9 ⁹ Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 291ff.; cf. the Homeric epithet Chalcochiton: “garment covered with bronze” (e.g. Il. 1.371, 2.47). For a photo of a suit of armor see Dickinson 1994, 204, pl. 5.21.

10 ¹⁰ Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 375.

11 ¹¹ PY Sh 733–740, see Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 376 with nos. 292–295. At Knossos, corslets are combined with pairs of horses and chariots (KN Sc 222 and 226 = Ventris and Chadwick nos. 297–298; no helmets are mentioned there separately): “Such body armour may have been restricted almost entirely to charioteers, for whom the absence of a shield made it a necessity; which would help to explain its absence from chieftains’ graves.” (ib. 376). Charioteers needed their left hand to hold on to the chariot. Moreover, if there would have been a shield of a prestigious type, elements of it would have survived: at least the boss and the rim will have been made of bronze.

12 ¹² KN Ra 1450: the number is incomplete (50 [+x, i.e. between 51 and 59]).

13 ¹³ On the Egyptian chariot contingents see generally Drews 1993, 104–134 and 209–225. In two great thirteenth-century battles large pharaonic chariot units were involved: in 1274, the defeat of Ramesses II against the Hittites at Kadesh (on the Orontes): ib. 130–134; in c. 1200, the victory of Ramesses III over the “Sea Peoples” (in this case Philistines) in the Delta, illustrated at Medinet Habu, ib. 157ff. (frescoes: ib. pl. 6 and 7 on pp. 159–160). The fictional report in the Old Testament (Ex. 14.7: 600 + x Egyptian chariots pursue the Israelites) can be taken as a further general hint at the Egyptian strength of chariots at that time. On the Hittites generally Kuhrt 1995, 225–282, on Mitanni ib. 289–300.

14 ¹⁴ Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 361–375, with a (modern) sketch (362). At Pylos, chariots are indicated indirectly by separately stored wheels: Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 373ff. The practise to take them off the chariots when on stands is testified in Il. 5.722.

15 ¹⁵ E.g. KN Sd 403; in turn, also one-horse chariots are listed, e.g. KN Sd 409 + 481, see Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 365ff., with these and further texts.

16 ¹⁶ Maybe the passage is inspired by an epic older than the Iliad (a Nestoris); possibly also a famous episode from Nestor’s youth was taken from it (Il. 11.668ff.). What is preserved of such epics is collected in the Loeb edn. of Greek Epic Fragments (by M.L. West 2003).

17 ¹⁷ Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 365 calculate a total of 400 + x chariots at Knossos: “it was evidently immeasurably smaller than the bodies of chariotry deployed by the Egyptians and Hittites on the more open battlefields of Syria”.

18 ¹⁸ Hope Simpson 1981, 15ff. (with several plates: 2b, 6a–b, 8a–9c), esp. 17: “there can be little doubt that the main purpose of the roads was military … as a means of rapid deployment of mobile forces, presumably including chariots.” Cf. id. 2002. For a sketch of the suggested Mycenaean road system see Dickinson 1994, 163, fig. 5.34.

19 ¹⁹ But some principal routes were kept intact, such as that from the Bay of Pylos via the valleys of Alpheus and Eurotas to Lacedaemon/Pellana, cf. Od. 3.481ff. (the Pherae near this route is not identical with Pherae (Pharae)/Kalamata, but with Aliphera, south of Heraea: Barr. Atlas, map 58, B2).

20 ²⁰ Jn series: Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 352ff.; Smith 1992/1993.

21 ²¹ jo do-so-si ko-re-te-re … po-ro-ko-re-te-re-qe … ka-ko na-wi-jo pa-ta-jo-i-qe e-ke-si-qe ai-ka-sa-ma, in alphabetic Greek: ώς δώ{σω}σι χωρηταì … προχωρηταí τε … χαλκòν νάϝιον παλτοíς τε έ´γχεσι τ’ αìχμάς. Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 357 translate na-wi-jo “for ships” (naus: ship, never spelt with vau/digamma), but this makes no sense here; actually to be connected with na(w)os: temple.

22 ²² Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 361 refer to a tablet from Knossos (KN R 482) “on which the ARROW ideogram is followed by the high numbers 6010 and 2630 (which would require about 13 kg of bronze)”.

23 ²³ Up to the Homeric basilées it was a long way, but it starts just here, cf. Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 121f., 253.

24 ²⁴ E.g. PY Jn 658. For a table see Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 355–356.

25 ²⁵ Killen 2006.

26 ²⁶ Desborough 1975.

27 ²⁷ Generally Kirk 1975, 820–828 and van Wees 1997.

28 ²⁸ Research on oral poetry was initiated as a discipline in the 1930s by Milman Parry (died 1935), during field studies in Bosnia. His papers applying his results on the Homeric epics were collected in Parry 1987; cf. Visser 2006.

29 ²⁹ Powell 1991.

30 ³⁰ Generally, Donlan 1999.

31 ³¹ Drews 1993, 161: “The Homeric description of chariots as battle taxis may be a reminiscence of this twelfth-century development. Possibly in (LH) IIIC Greece the horses and vehicles that survived from the pre-Catastrophe chariot forces became nothing more than prestige vehicles for the professional warriors…”.

32 ³² E.g. Il. 4.365, 419 with 5.109ff. (Diomedes, Sthenelus); 5.221ff. (Aeneas, Pandarus).

33 ³³ The divine and therefore most prestigious horses of Aeneas are a most instructive example. Before attacking the Trojan chariot, Diomedes instructs his own driver to get hold of them in case he should kill or put to flight Aeneas and Pandarus being with him: Il. 5.259ff.

34 ³⁴ Il. 24.325ff., cf. 440ff. (Priam, Hermes); Od. 3.475ff. (Telemachus, Pisistratus).

35 ³⁵ Also the two originators participated in “reconfiguring the past”; see e.g. Dillery 1996 (for Herodotus).

36 ³⁶ Plut. mor. 760f.–761a: Cleomachus of Pharsalus.

37 ³⁷ Even more wars were fought by coalitions, e.g. the First Sacred War (c. 595–585, of dubious historicity): Allegedly it was undertaken by the Pylaean-Delphic amphictyony on behalf of the interests of Delphic Apollo, to punish the city of Crisa for having violated the sanctuary’s holy claims. But the true intention must have been to eliminate a place situated in the plain below Delphi near the coast since it controlled the ascent from the sea up to Delphi and thence through Phocis into Thessaly. See Forrest 1956; Jeffery 1976, 73–82; Scott 2014, 71ff., 144–145.

38 ³⁸ Stein-Hölkeskamp 1999, 38. Generally Tausend 1987; Parker 1997; Walker 2004, 156–182.

39 ³⁹ Tedeschi 1975.

40 ⁴⁰ Donlan 1970.

41 ⁴¹ Most typical in chivalry (albeit a duel is avoided) is the encounter between Diomedes and Glaukos (Il. 6.119–236).

42 ⁴² For a possible explanation see Walker 2004, 159. A contrary view: Wheeler 1987.

43 ⁴³ Jeffery 1976, 66; Parker 1997, 82ff.

44 ⁴⁴ Bradeen 1947, cf. Ragone 2006.

45 ⁴⁵ The early option is supported by Thucydides reporting that “the (Lelantine) War occurred in a very early time” (1.15.3: palai pote genomenos polemos). This dating also marks the end of the Dark Age settlement near modern Lefkandi, situated on the Lelantian coast halfway between Chalcis and Eretria, see Boardman and Price 1980, 74: “The Lefkandi desertion should have taken place about 710, but possibly later…”.

46 ⁴⁶ Walker 2004, 156ff.

47 ⁴⁷ Herodotus (5.99.1) reports that the Milesians supported Eretria whereas the Samians took the side of Chalcis, maybe motivated by regional conflicts in Asia Minor. The wide support can be explained by the fact that both opponents were prominent in the colonization. So early, purely economic motives can be excluded.

48 ⁴⁸ Following Thucydides, “260 years before the end of this (i.e. the Peloponnesian) war” (421, 404?); cf. Salmon 1984, 218–219 and 222–223.

49 ⁴⁹ Asheri et al. 2007, 186ff., with pertinent scholarly literature; Sachs 2014, 132ff.

50 ⁵⁰ An Etruscan bronze helmet from the spoils, dedicated at Olympia, bears the inscription: “Hieron, son of Deinomenes | and the Syracusians | for Zeus, from the Tyrhen(ioi = Etruscans) at Cyme” (ML 29, with comm.).

51 ⁵¹ Cartledge 1979, 65–81, who overestimates the gap between late Mycenaean and Dark Age (Proto-Geometric) ceramics at the Amyklaion; there was no interval of settlement for some centuries, as Coulson 1985, 63–66 points out after fresh analysis of the (very fragmented) pottery. The earliest sherds unearthed in Sparta, from the sanctuary of (Artemis) Ortheia (found in a stratified excavation on virgin ground), from an Heroon near the Eurotas and, not stratified, from the akropolis near the temple of Athena Chalcioikos, go back to the middle of the tenth century (or soon after). The vessel types are clearly influenced by those from Amyclae which, in turn, depend on the late Mycenaean ceramics; cf. Coulson 1985, 30–31 (with n. 30–31).

52 ⁵² Collected by Hammond 1975, 690–696.

53 ⁵³ POxy 38.2824 = fr. 2 in Gerber’s Loeb edn. of “Greek Elegiac Poetry,” ll. 12–15, with Turner’s supplements (in POxy) adopted by Gerber.

54 ⁵⁴ From lat. ducere: to lead. The Greek term is derived from arche: “command, i.e. body of troops” (LSJ II5, cf. the Pylian o-ka), and (Doric) hagéomai (noun: hagetas): “to go before, lead the way” (LSJ 1a), here meaning the commander of a migration group organized as a military body. The position became permanent after settling down. The two leaders were regarded as descendants of Heracles; see Hdt. 7.204 and 8.131.

55 ⁵⁵ Lazenby 1985, 69 with n. 21 is more reserved, but fundamentally agrees. Possibly the Great Rhetra (transmitted by Plut. Lyc. 6.2, see Tyrtaeus fr. 4 Gerber) belongs to this context.

56 ⁵⁶ Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 27 (words in -inthos). On his cult feast (Hyakinthia) see Pettersson 1992, 9–41.

57 ⁵⁷ Meier 1998, 91–99.

58 ⁵⁸ Loeb edition of Greek Elegiac Poetry.

59 ⁵⁹ Meier 1998, 100–120.

60 ⁶⁰ Dillery 1996; cf. (generally) Krentz 2007a. Sparta was victorious once more in 494, at Sepeia, when Argos lost practically a whole generation, allegedly by acts of deceit of the Spartan King Cleomenes (Hdt. 6.77ff.); but Herodotus evidently draws from traditions hostile to the king.

61 ⁶¹ Cawkwell 1993; Lendon 1994; Cartledge 2002, 118ff.

62 ⁶² Cartledge 2002, 121–122.

63 ⁶³ On the theory of oral tradition, see Vansina 1961 and 1985 (based on research on African tribal societies), Finnegan 1977, and some papers in Olson and Torrance 1991.

64 ⁶⁴ Cf. Thuc. 1.19.1: “The Lacedaemonians did not collect tribute from their allies but saw to it that their states were oligarchies…”.

65 ⁶⁵ Jeffery 1962; Figueira 1977.