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Notes

1 1 Even if someone is a practicing Christian, the “pagan” gods seem merely quaint. There have been classicists who have expressed sympathy with the ancient gods: Jane Harrison, for example, Robert Graves (in a way), Walter F. Otto.
2 2 An example: the annual climbdown from a cliff face to harvest gannet eggs by the Faraoh Islanders may be explained by them (emic) by the desire to harvest nourishing eggs; the outsider (etic) will prefer to explain the ritual as some kind of rite de passage, as similar eggs may be obtained from hens. Cf. Morris 1993: 15–45.
3 3 Latacz 2004.
4 4 See Burkert 1987.
5 5 Minchin 2011: 17–35.
6 6 See further Hägg 1996.
7 7 One may consult Versnel’s essay “Did the Greeks Believe in Their Gods?” (2011: 539–559). He argues against the “ritualists” that there was such a thing as “believe in the gods” in ancient Greece: p. 552: “On the other hand, the fact that Greek religion was basically a matter of ritual action in no way implies the consequence that Greeks did not believe in (the existence) of their gods;” same page: “Stating that Greek religion is ritualist and at the same time that ‘the Athenians did not believe in their gods’ is either nonsense or a kind of sophistry run wild.”
8 8 Cf. Depew 2000: 59–79; 254–263.
9 9 Furley and Bremer 2001.
10 10 As Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1921 said: “Die gottesdienstliche Poesie der alten Zeit ist verloren.”
11 11 As (young) people today share on social media lyric poets then shared in their group of flesh-and-blood friends.
12 12 For more cf. Garland 1994.
13 13 Dignas and Trampedach 2008.
14 14 For example in the Birds 959–992 (chresmologue); Peace 1046–1126 (Hierokles); Knights 961–1111 (Kleon and Sausage-Seller vie with pseudo-oracles).
15 15 See Flower 2008.
16 16 An interesting testimony to this at the turn of the fifth century is the Derveni Papyrus, which is all about the “correct” interpretation of an Orphic poem.
17 17 Furley and Bremer 2001: no. 4.1.
18 18 Cf. Furley and Bremer 2001: nos. 4.3, 4.3.
19 19 Furley and Bremer 2001: 1.1.
20 20 Furley and Bremer 2001: 2.6.1 and 2.6.2.
21 21 Kowalzig 2007.
22 22 Cf. Simon 1997: 247–259.
23 23 The work is marred by an excess of typing errors.
24 24 Carey 2017: 34–60.
25 25 Swift 2010.
26 26 “Thus the paian is used to indicate a form of religious morality which the play encourages us to question” (p. 88).
27 27 The remark applies to the papyri in the Green Collection. See Obbink 2015b. The first poem I discuss, the “Old Age Poem,” is transmitted separately (see below).
28 28 P.Köln inv. 21351 + 21376. See West 2005; duBois 2011: 5–6.
29 29 Following West’s restorations of the lacunose text: ὔμμες πεδὰ Μοίσαν ἰ]οκ[ό]λπων κάλα δῶρα, παῖδες, / σπουδάσδετε καὶ τὰ]ν φιλάοιδον λιγύραν χελύνναν.
30 30 Homeric Hymn to Hermes, with Vergados’ commentary (2012).
31 31 Cf. Bremmer 1987; Veyne 1988; Gantz 1996.
32 32 Tithonos occupies a kind of unfortunate limbo between mortality and immortality, as he ages and ages without dying. Structuralists might say that he “mediates” between the conditions of mortal and immortal.
33 33 See Obbink 2014: 32–49.
34 34 Suggested by West’s supplement of the last line of the (defective) first stanza ] σε μᾶ[τερ].
35 35 Reading, with West ἐπ, ἄρηον and not ἐπάρωγον Π. Even the parallel in Theocritus 17.132 (cited by Henrichs) does not convince me of the latter. The actual reading of the papyrus is επαρωηγον.
36 36 permitte divis cetera, qui simul / stravēre ventos aequore fervido / deproeliantes, nec cupressi / nec veteres agitantur orni, “leave the rest to the gods who, the moment when they lay to rest winds raging on the heaving seas, nor cypresses nor ancient ashes toss.”
37 37 Herodotus 2.135.3–4; Larichos is only known from Athenaios X = 425a Sappho test. 203a V. A third brother called Erigyion was, apparently, named by the Peripatetic philosopher Chamaileon in his treatise on Sappho (see P.Oxy. 2506 fr. 48, col. iii lines 36–48).
38 38 For the former Hutchinson uses “narrator” to emphasize that it is not necessarily Sappho.
39 39 That detail is also important: the girl hopes for affluence.
40 40 This is not the place to consider possible interpretations of the Larichos stanza at the end.
41 41 If Sappho had wanted to write a biographical memo about her brothers she would have chosen prose, like Hekataios, perhaps. The lyric medium involves interplay between biography and timeless situations constructed by the words and music. Detailed biographical interpretations of the poem are, in my opinion, misguided.
42 42 Other hymns/prayers: fr. 5 Nereids; fr. 327 Eros; fr. 325 Athena.
43 43 The so-called Kypris poem, see Obbink (2014), lines 45–49: πῶς̣ κε δή τις οὐ θαμέω̣ς̣ ἄσαιτο, / Κύπρι δέσ̣π̣ο̣ι̣ν̣, ὄ̣τ̣τ̣ι̣να [δ]ὴ̣ φ̣ι̣λ[είη / και] θέλοι μά[λιστα] π̣ά̣λ̣ι̣ν κάλ̣[εσσαι; “how could anyone not suffer greatly, Lady Kypris, when he/she loved someone and greatly wished to call them back?.”
44 44 De Comp. 23 (vi 114ss. Us.-Rad.) (+P. Oxy. 2288).
45 45 For an exploration of the lyric “I” in Sappho see Calame 2012.
46 46 For the formula “give as you have given” and variants see Bremer 1981.
47 47 And in the new “Kypris Poem,” the narrator asks Kypris in a spirit of desperate resignation “What do you have in mind to torture me thus idly with such uncertainty?” (v. difficult text) [ποῖ]ον ἔχησθα / [νῶν] σ̣άλοισι̣ μ, ἀλεμά̣τ̣ω̣ς̣ δ̣αί̣σ̣δ̣[ην].
48 48 Boychenko 2017. The remark is based on Menander Rhetor’s comment “most [sc. hymns] by Sappho or Anacreon or other melic poets tend to be cletic, as they contain an appeal to many gods to come.”
49 49 See esp. the chapter “Gebet und Götterhymnus” in Tsomis 2001: 38–96.
50 50 The expression ἀφοσιοῦσθαι θεῶι implies “satisfy one’s conscience towards the gods.”
51 51 On the transmission of the Theognidea, see Bowie (Chapter 21 ) in this volume.
52 52 1–10 W in honor of Apollo, 11–14 W to Artemis, 15–18 W the Muses.
53 53 Simonides fr. 11 W (P.Oxy. 2327 fr. 5 + 6 + 27 col. i + 3965 fr. 1 + 2). Cf. Boedeker 1995.
54 54 According to West’s plausible supplements.
55 55 As Pausanias (3.4.7–8) says explicitly when he is discussing Leonidas’ glory in the Persian Wars: “It is only in a few (cases) where the virtue of one man alone has magnified that of many, as Achilles did in the Trojan War.”
56 56 Hall 1989.
57 57 Walker 2015, esp. ch. 5.
58 58 P.Oxy. 4708. Obbink 2006; and see West 2006. At least one more heroic work of this nature seems to have been Archilochus’ “Hymn to Herakles,” which was allegedly sung at Olympia for victors; cf. Eratosthenes (FGrH 241 F 44) who quotes an opening “Greetings lord Heracles, glorious in victory.” Pòrtulas 2012 suggests that the myth may have been about Herakles’ fight with Poseidon, Apollo, and Hades, as mentioned by Pindar Ol. 9.30–35. Note also his discussion of a new cult song introduced by Archilochus in Paros, as documented in the Mnesiepes Inscription. He taught the song (διδάξαντα) and organized its performance by “companions” (ἑταῖροι).
59 59 Cf. West 2006: 15.
60 60 2–3 [εἰ δὲ].[….].[].ι θεοῦ κρατερῆς ὑπ, ἀνάγκης, / [οὐ δεῖ ἀν]αλ̣[κείη]ν̣ κ̣αὶ κακότητα λέγει[ν].
61 61 7–8 [ἐ]ς̣ τόσα̣ δὴ μοῖρα θεῶν ἐ̣φόβε̣ι̣ -- / αἰχμητ̣α̣ί περ̣ ἐόντε[ς].
62 62 The epithet ἐρατήν, lovely, is perhaps not religious per se, but the attribute “of Teuthras” firmly locates it in the heroic sphere.
63 63 Cf. West loc. cit., who cites as parallel Adesp. iamb. 38.5–11, another case of sensible flight. We hear of another poem by Archilochus on the heroic myth of Herakles, this time in connection with the fateful crossing of the River Acheloos: frr. 286–288 W.
64 64 I don’t quite understand Swift’s point (2014) that there is a conflicting message in the paradigm: both the fleeing Greeks and Telephos are said to be brave: the point is, even the brave Greeks fled before a rampant Telephos.
65 65 Cf. Pseudo-Plutarch, On Music 1131b10-c1 ἀλλὰ καθάπερ <τὴν> Στησιχόρου τε καὶ τῶν ἀρχαίων μελοποιῶν, οἳ ποιοῦντες ἔπη τούτοις μέλη περιετίθεσαν· “but like the <diction> of Stesichorus and the archaic melic poets, who composed epic verses in melic [metres].” Later the author of this work says that Stesichorus imitated none other than Olympos, a legendary pupil of Marsyas, employing τῶι Ἁρματείωι νόμωι καὶ τῶι κατὰ δάκτυλον εἴδει (1133f3–6), “the Harmateion nome and dactylic meter.”
66 66 Parsons 1978.
67 67 On the identity of Oedipus’ wife and other questions of interpretation, see Hutchinson 2001: 120–139; Davies and Finglass 2014, ad loc.
68 68 The well-known mythical theme as dramatized by Aeschylus, for example, in Seven against Thebes.
69 69 Pseudo-Longinus De sublimitate 13.3.1, calls him (and Archilochus) Ὁμηρικώτατος, “most Homeric.”
70 70 The main edition and commentary is by Rutherford 2001.
71 71 van der Weiden 1991; Zimmermann 1992.
72 72 New edition by Prodi 2014.
73 73 The main edition of Pindar’s cult poetry is the Teubner by Snell and Maehler (see S-M in list of abbreviations). Cf. Pavlou 2011.
74 74 Nagy 1990a.
75 75 Tony Harrison’s play Trackers of Oxyrhynchus contains a portrait of the pair, as they unearth and decipher papyri.
76 76 Cf. Rutherford loc. cit.; Dougherty 1994; also considered by Carey 2017.
77 77 The cult details tie in with local socio-demographic structures in a way inviting analysis according to Kowalzig’s method.
78 78 3–5 σέθ]εν Ἰάονι τόνδε λαῶι / παι]ᾶνα [δι]ώξω / Δηρηνὸν Ἀπόλλωνα πάρ τ, Ἀφρο[δίταν].
79 79 The poem is in Doric dialect!
80 80 Carey 2017 considers the question of the identity of singer and audience more carefully.
81 81 28–30 νεόπολίς εἰμι· ματρὸς / δὲ ματέρ, ἐμᾶς ἔτεκον ἔμπαν / πολεμίωι πυρὶ πλαγεῖσαν.
82 82 I find the metaphor “I have given birth,” ἔτεκον, odd if applied to the young men of the chorus, more natural if applied to personified Abdera. Unfortunately there is no specific indication of gender in the whole run from 24 to 36.
83 83 Known as παιανίζειν.
84 84 Note lines 102–103 ἐμο̣[ὶ δ, ἐπ]έ̣[ω]ν ἐσ[.] / …ε]ὐκλέα [……]ν χά[ρ]ιν, in which Pindar seems to be talking of the “fame of words” which is due him.
85 85 As Käppel 1992 says.
86 86 Ἄβδ]ηρε, καὶ στ[ρατὸν] ἱ̣ππ̣οχάρμαν / σᾷ] β̣ί̣ᾳ πολέ[μ]ωι τελευ‐ / ταί]ωι προβι[β]άζοις, “Abderus, may you advance your cavalry, too, with your force in a final war.”
87 87 Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1907 (=1995): 55.
88 88 Cf. Liapis 2017.
89 89 One ancient reference to this common saying in Aristophanes Clouds 566Σ: ἔθος τοῖς ποιηταῖς τὴν ἁρχὴν τῶν ποιμάτων ἀπὸ τοῦ Διὸς ποιεῖν: “It was the custom of poets to make their beginning from Zeus.”
90 90 Cf. Depew 2000. Agalma derives from ἀγάλλω, “pay honour to a god”; we may thus gloss the word as “that which pays honour to a god.”
91 91 At their best they contain fine lyric narrative (Theseus, 17) in simpler language.
92 92 Aristophanes fr. 235 PCG; Plutarch Sympotic Questions 711d.

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