Читать книгу The Invisible Woman - Joanne Belknap - Страница 65

Although I warn against using solely UCR data, I use the most recent UCR data available at the time of writing this book for Table 4.1, because NIBRS, NCVS, and other data are far more difficult to access and NIBRS is not yet representative of the United States. Specifically, Table 4.1 presents 2018 UCR arrest data, compares offending from 2009 to 2018 (to examine potential changes in the gender gap for a 10-year period), and reports overall gender differences (all arrests) and gender differences solely for youth (juvenile arrests). The 2018 UCR data strongly support crime as almost exclusively male-gender-related: Boys and men were 73% of arrests, representing almost three times as many arrests as those of girls and women (27%) (see Table 4.1). Focusing solely on youth (under age 18), girls represent slightly more of the arrests (30%) than combining girls and women. Thus, the gender gap in arrests is slightly less (3%) among youths than among all ages combined.

Table 4.1

^aThe 2009 rape figures are based on the legacy definition, and the 2018 rape figures are aggregate totals based on both the legacy and revised UCR definitions. For this reason, a percent change is not provided.

^b”Other assaults” include assaults that are not the “aggravated assaults classified under the violent crime index.”

^cSex offenses other than rape and prostitution.

Source: U.S. Department of Justice. (2019). Crime in the United States 2018: Uniform Crime Reports. Washington, DC: Federal Bureau of Investigation, U.S. Government Printing Office. https://ucr.fbi.gov/crime-in-the-u.s/2018/crime-in-the-u.s.-2018. Data for this table are directly calculated from Tables 33 and 42.

Now turning to the nature and extent of offending, of 2018 U.S. arrests, the index crimes are divided into violent and property crimes (and even further broken down into the specific violent and property index crimes) and the non-index offenses (Table 4.1). First, women and girls account for about 21% of the composite violent index offense arrests and almost 37% of composite index property crime arrests, making both of these composite measures (overall violent and overall property index crimes) male-gender-related. Second, all individual violent index crimes, are male-gender-related with women and girls constituting 12% of murder/nonnegligent manslaughter, 15% of robbery, 24% of aggravated assaults, and 3% of rape arrests. In addition to the U.S. 2018 index crime arrests, Table 4.1 includes 20 non-index offense arrest rates. In sum, only four individual offenses were not solidly male-gender-related: (1) embezzlement was gender-neutral among combined ages (but male-gender-related among youth); (2) larceny-theft approached male-gender-related for combined ages (but was solidly male-gender-related among youths) and was the only violent or nonviolent index crime that was not solidly male-gender-related; (3) prostitution and commercialized vice were solidly female-gender-related for combined ages but, for the first time, approached male-gender-related among youths; and (4) liquor law violations approached male-gender-related among youths but were solidly male-gender-related among combined ages. It is remarkable that prostitution and commercialized vice have always been female-gender-related and indicates the vulnerability of boys to being sex workers/prostitutes, but it is necessary to remember that arrest rates do not necessarily reflect the actual offending rates.