Читать книгу The Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution - L. Carroll Judson - Страница 17

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Learning makes the man, is an adage too old to be used as a quotation but which time or angels can never stamp with truth. Unless the man is made by the Creator of all good, learning cannot do it. The mental powers of man are as diversified as the soils of earth and as well deserve classification. Upon the minds of some we may pour a continued stream from the fountain of knowledge but like the desert of Sahara they are barren of fruit or flower. Upon other minds laborious efforts produce an improvement but never enrich them. Their upper crust is too light—their substratum too porous to retain the fructifying substances lavished upon them. Others yield a liberal harvest by good culture and become valuable by use. Like the alluvial prairies, others are adorned with fruits and flowers. They only require the introduction of seed to afford all the rich varieties of products that may be desired. Expose them to the genial rays of the sun of science—the germs of genius will immediately spring up—the embryo forms will bud and blossom like the rose.

The mental powers of George Clymer were composed of a deep and prolific mould capable of producing the richest fruits. Fortunately for our country it was not appropriated entirely to ornamental flowers and blooming shrubbery but to the substantial fruits that invigorate and support life. He was born in Philadelphia, Pa. in 1739. His father removed to that city from Bristol, England and died when George was but seven years old. William Coleman, his maternal uncle, took him into his family, treated him as a son and made him heir to most of his property. Being a literary man he gave his nephew every facility for the acquirement of a good education. He had an extensive library and rejoiced to see it explored by young George who manifested an early taste for reading and investigated critically every subject that came before him. He traced it through all its meanderings to its primeval source. This trait in his character rendered him vastly useful in the momentous concerns of his subsequent life. He dug deep and laid firmly the foundations of his education—the superstructure was on a firm basis.

From the seminary George went into the counting-house of his uncle and became thoroughly acquainted with the mercantile business in which he finally embarked. This calling was too precarious to suit his equipoised mind. He was opposed to sudden gains or losses—the one elated the mind too much—the other depressed it too low—destroying the divine equilibrium calculated to impart the greatest happiness to man and assimilate him to his Creator. He believed a virtuous equality in life more conducive to the prosperity of a nation than to have the majority of wealth wielded by a favored few. The former tended to republicanism—the latter to aristocracy. He was in favor of equal rights, a patriot of the Roman school, a philanthropist of the first water—opposed to all monopolies. His genius was of that original order, that, like some comets, visit our world only at long intervals. It traversed the circuit of human nature, metaphysics, philosophy, physiology, ethics and general science without an apparent effort—drawing from each conclusions peculiarly its own. He was a virtuoso, an amateur, a deep logician and an acute mathematician. A love of liberty was innate with him. His mind was richly stored with the history of other times and nations—he was well versed in the principles of law and government—he understood the chartered rights of his country and felt, most keenly, the increasing infringements upon them by the very power that was bound by the laws of nature, man and God to respect them. He was among the first to resist the oppressors of his country and proclaim to his fellow-citizens the principles of freedom. At the tea meeting held by the people of Philadelphia on the 16th of Oct. 1773, his powerful reasoning, deep sincerity, ardent zeal and enthusiastic patriotism—commanded the admiration of all who heard him. Free from pedantry and naturally retiring—his powers of mind were known only to his immediate friends. From that time his talents were claimed as public property. He was compelled to surrender possession without the formality of a mandamus, quo warranto certiorari or appeal.

When the final crisis arrived—when the shrill war-cry came rushing through the air from the heights of Lexington, Mr. Clymer took command of a company under Gen. Cadwalader and repaired to the tented field. He was a member of the Council of Safety and had served on most of the committees to prepare petitions, remonstrances and other measures of redress. On the 29th of July 1775 Congress called him from the camp to aid Michael Hillegas in managing the public treasury. He subscribed liberally to the loan raised for the public service and placed all the specie he could raise into the public chest and took in return ephemeral paper. His examples and influence caused many to rush to the rescue regardless of consequences. In July 1776 he was elected to Congress after the 4th and on taking his seat placed his name upon the Declaration of Independence. A part of the preceding delegation from Pennsylvania, finding the Declaration of Rights would be adopted, were seized with crown fits and nothing but absquatulating powders promised any relief to the spasmodic attack. As security for the payment of this medicine they put in leg bail and vanished. The people promptly filled their places with men who dared to be free.

In September of that year Messrs. Clymer and Stockton were sent by Congress to visit the northern army and confer with Gen. Washington upon future arrangements. In December of the same year Congress retired to Baltimore in consequence of the approach of the enemy, then devastating New Jersey. Mr. Clymer was one of the committee left to superintend the public interests and brave the perils that were rushing on like a tornado. He was re-elected to Congress and in April 1777 was again upon a visiting committee to the army to confer with Washington upon all subjects that required prompt attention which were neither few, small or far between. In the autumn of that year a fresh momentum was given to the patriotism of Mr. Clymer. He had removed his family and goods to Chester county. Immediately after the battle of Brandywine the tories led the British to his house who destroyed a large amount of his property. His family fled just in time to be saved the worse than savage tortures inflicted upon every prominent patriot's wife and mother they could seize. This sacrifice upon the altar of liberty strengthened him in the cause of freedom imparting fresh vigor to his exertions. Such conduct on the part of the British operated as a talisman in consolidating the colonies in one solid phalanx of unyielding opposition. Its eloquence soared above all words—it was action—action—action—demoniac action.

In December 1779 Mr. Clymer was one of a committee sent to Fort Pitt to induce the Indians to desist from hostilities. The mission consumed four months and was principally executed by him alone, narrowly escaping the tomahawk during his absence. It was found necessary to carry the war into the Indian settlements. During the year after his return he devoted his time in raising supplies for the army then in a very destitute condition. In 1780 he was again returned to Congress and served until November when he was associated with John Nixon in the organization of the Bank of North America which contributed largely in raising the prostrate credit of the government and yet stands upon a firm basis with fair prospects of surviving whilst our Republic continues. In May 1782 he was associated with Mr. Rutledge on a mission through the Southern States to induce them to meet more promptly the requisitions for supplies. During the entire period of the Revolution he devoted his whole time to the service of his country and discharged every duty faithfully. He stood high as an able and efficient co-worker in the vineyard of Liberty and when the harvest was past and the war ended, he retired from the field crowned with living honors enduring as the historic page.

When peace was proclaimed he removed to Princeton, N. J. for the purpose of resting from his toils and educating his children. The ensuing year he was persuaded to return to Philadelphia. He was immediately elected to the legislature and contributed largely in cutting from the old Constitution and laws of his native state the obnoxious branches of tyranny that still clustered around them. He stripped the penal code of its inquisitorial features and originated and successfully advocated the abolishment of death in all cases except for murder in the first degree. He was the father of the salutary penitentiary system now in full force at Cherry Hill near the city of Philadelphia—solitary confinement and labor. It may not be known to every reader that prisoners were formerly compelled to labor in chains, often in public places. The superiority of solitary confinement over all other modes of punishment has been fully demonstrated and is in a slow course of adoption throughout the confines of civilized humanity.

The mind of Mr. Clymer was prolific and happy in plans of usefulness and utility. To benefit his country and better the condition of mankind was his constant aim. To effect this he saw the necessity of reducing every department of government to system and order. American Independence was achieved—to preserve it by reconciling conflicting interests, green-eyed jealousies, incongruous clamors and imaginary evils, was a herculean task only in embryo. He hailed with joy the convention to form the Federal Constitution and had the pleasure of being a member. The result of the labors of that body was charged with a deeper interest than the war-struggle for victory over the invading armies of England. It involved the fate of our infant Republic—then trembling on the verge of ruin. One more plunge and it would have been lost in the gulf of primeval chaos. The conflict was between members of the same family who had fought the enemy in one solid unbroken phalanx—now this band of brothers were separated by local interests and sectional jealousies. To bring the issue to a safe termination it required the deepest sagacity, the acutest wisdom, the most matured judgment, the profoundest legal learning, the most disinterested patriotism, the most exalted charity and the purest spirit of conciliation. Happily for our country and the cause of liberty these noble principles predominated—the glorious work was accomplished in which Mr. Clymer participated largely.

This noble patriot was elected to the first Congress that convened under the Federal Constitution. He was a stern republican in every thing. He was very properly opposed to tacking any titles to the name of any public man except that of the office which he held. Excellency, Honorable, &c., he considered to be what they really are—shadows of a shadow, too vain and imbecile for a freeman. He was wisely opposed to the right of instruction from his constituents because they must decide without hearing evidence or argument and were themselves uniformly directed by a few designing men actuated by motives based on prejudice or ignorance. He could not be made the passive tool of demagogue power or the automaton of party spirit. We greatly need many more of the same sort at the present time. In the organization of the general government he took a very active part. Every subject presented to Congress he analyzed with the acumen of a sage, philosopher and statesman. He was continued a member until 1790, when he made an effort to close his public career. But this he was not permitted to do. Under the Act of Congress passed in 1791, imposing a duty on distilled spirits Mr. Clymer was appointed to enforce its collection in his own state. In Pennsylvania this law produced the whiskey rebellion which required military force to restore order. No display of force could prevent Mr. Clymer from the performance of his duty. He appointed collectors in the different counties, advising the people to submit to the law whilst in force and pursue the constitutional remedy for its repeal if they believed it wrong. During the height of the excitement he mingled freely with the mobocracy when but few men would have been spared if clothed with the same office. When order was restored he resigned his situation. The last public service he consented to render was in conjunction with Colonels Pickens and Hasskins in negotiating a treaty with the Creek Indians which was consummated on the 29th of June 1796. He then retired to enjoy the fruits of his labors without any to disturb or make him afraid. He had periled his life, fortune and honor for his country—he had been her fearless advocate amidst the storms of revolution, civil discord and open rebellion—in his retirement he saw her peaceful, prosperous and happy with the illustrious Washington directing her destiny to fame and glory. The measure of his ardent desires was filled—he asked no more.

Although retired from the more prominent public arena, Mr. Clymer did not seek for inglorious ease—he remained active through life. He took a deep interest in every kind of improvement and to many extended his fostering care. He was a friend to the laboring classes and became familiar with the principles of agriculture and the mechanic trades. Among his private papers are many drawings of plans for bridges, canals, and various kinds of machinery and implements of husbandry with numerous recipes relative to the fine arts. Like Franklin he extended his researches to almost every subject within the grasp of man and extracted the essential oil from each. He always sought for solid substance that was of substantial use. He was opposed to pedantry, pomp and parade. He was what would now be called a plain blunt man. His bluntness was not of an offensive kind to common sense men. It consisted in laconic truth dressed in republican simplicity—a garb that was much admired then but is quite out of fashion now—a change of rather doubtful utility. Although he originated many important measures in the national and state legislatures, he seldom spoke in the forum and was often unknown to the public when the author of wise and salutary propositions. He was ambitious only to do good and was not anxious that his name should be wafted on the breeze of popular applause or sounded in the high places of the earth. To be instrumental in benefiting the human family was the ultimatum of his soul.

When the importance of a subject induced Mr. Clymer to rise in debate he was listened to with profound attention. As a speaker his example is worthy of all imitation. Without any effort at refined eloquence he expressed in strong language what he strongly felt. He came directly to the point—adhered closely to it in a strain of keen, cutting, conclusive and laconic reasoning avoiding recrimination—was always brief, often casting into the shade in a few moments the labored and finely dressed speeches of his opponents that had cost them days, perhaps weeks to prepare and hours to deliver. He aimed his blows at the syllabus of their finely spun arguments and often demolished their ornamented superstructure at one bold stroke with the damask blade of sound logic drawn from the scabbard of plain common sense and wielded by the vigorous arm of lucid reason.

This useful man closed his earthly career at the residence of his son in Morrisville, Berks County, Pa., on the 23d of January 1813—most deeply mourned by those who knew him best. He was of the middle size, well formed, fair complexion, with a countenance attractive, intelligent, ingenuous, pleasing and expressive of a strong mind. In the private walks of life he was a model of human excellence. He was proverbial for punctuality in all things, if only to take a walk with a friend or present a promised toy to a child. In conversation he was agreeable and instructive—illuminating and enlivening the social circle with apothegms, aphorisms and pungent anecdotes—imparting pleasure and intelligence to all around him. In all this he was modest, chaste and discreet—avoiding any appearance of superiority, never making personal allusions even to his opponents. He spoke ill of no one and rebuked slander whenever he discovered it. His morals were of the purest order—his philanthropy of the loftiest kind. As a public servant, a private citizen, a kind husband, a faithful father, a warm friend, an honorable opponent and a noble patriot—George Clymer had no superior. He visited the widow and the fatherless in their distress and relieved them. He kept himself unspotted from the world and did all the good in his power. His were the fruits of primitive Christianity as taught by the Apostles. Let his examples be imitated by all—then our UNION is safe.