Читать книгу The Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution - L. Carroll Judson - Страница 6

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ENGRAVED BY T.B. WELCH FROM A PORTRAIT BY G. STUART.

The history of men should interest every reader. It is the mirror of mind—imparting lessons of thrilling interest, essential improvement, exquisite pleasure—substantial advantage. It is a matter of deep concern to the investigating student. Remoteness increases veneration. Human foibles are buried in the tomb. Faults are often eclipsed by towering virtues—find no place on the historic page and after generations gaze upon a picture of rare perfection, which, as time advances, assumes shades—richer and holier—until it commands the reverence of every beholder. The names of many of the ancients, whose crowning glory was virtue, over whose ashes centuries have rolled, are often referred to with as profound respect as if angel purity had given the impress of Divinity to their every action. A country—a nation may be lost in the whirlpool of revolution—the fame of good and great men is enduring as time. In the persons of the Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution, ancient and modern wisdom, patriotism and courage were combined. Let us join the admiring millions who are gazing on their bright picture and impartially trace the character of those who pledged their lives, fortunes and sacred honors in behalf of FREEDOM.

Among them, John Adams was conspicuous. He was a native of Quincy, Mass. born on the 19th of Oct. (O.S.) 1735. He was the fourth in descent from Henry Adams, who removed from Devonshire Eng. with eight sons and located near Mount Wollaston.

During his childhood he was under the instruction of Mr. Marsh of Braintree and made rapid progress in his education. At the age of sixteen he entered Harvard college at Cambridge and graduated at the age of twenty-one with high honors.

At Worcester he commenced the study of law under Mr. Putnam, finished with Mr. Gridley, supporting himself by teaching a grammar class. Wisdom to discern the path of rigid virtue and uncompromising justice, with moral courage to act, marked his career from the dawn of manhood. He boldly grasped the past, present and future and made deductions truly prophetic. On the 12th of Oct. 1755, he wrote the following paragraph in a letter.

"Soon after the reformation, a few people came over into this new world for conscience sake. Perhaps this apparently trivial incident may transfer the great seat of empire into America. It looks likely to me, if we can remove the turbulent Gallics, our people, according to the exactest computation, will, in another century, become more numerous than England herself. Should this be the case, since we have, I may say, all the naval stores of the nation in our hands, it will be easy to obtain the mastery of the seas and then the united force of all Europe will not be able to subdue us. The only way to keep us from setting up for ourselves, is—to disunite us. Keep us in distinct colonies and then some men in each colony, desiring the monarchy of the whole, will destroy each other's influence and keep the country in equilibrio."

Mark two things referred to in this letter. He plainly saw that the navy is our right arm of defence and yet treated, by our government, with a parsimony that has long astonished the old world. "To disunite us"—the only thing that can ruin us now that we have set up for ourselves. Lay this to heart ye demagogues who are sowing broadcast the seeds of disunion and no longer court a monarchy.

At the end of three years study Mr. Adams was admitted to the practice of law and commenced a successful professional career at Braintree. Constitutional law had become a subject of investigation. Disputes had commenced between the people and the officers of the crown who were employed in the custom-house and claimed the right to search private dwellings for the pretended purpose of discovering dutiable goods. This preliminary act of usurpation was frequently prompted by personal animosity without a shadow of evidence to raise even suspicion. The right of search was vigorously resisted. Writs of assistance were issued—the seeds of the revolution were sown. Mr. Gridley, the friend and admirer of Mr. Adams, defended the officers—not on constitutional ground but from the necessity of the case to protect the revenue, from which Mr. Adams strongly dissented. The question was argued before the Superior Court at Boston—Mr. Gridley for and Mr. Otis against the crown. Mr. Adams listened to both gentlemen with intense interest and has often been heard to say—"The oration of Mr. Otis against writs of assistance breathed into this nation the breath of life. American independence was then and there born."

The court publicly decided against the writs but secretly issued them. No richer fuel could have been used to increase the volume and force of the revolutionary fires already kindled. Mr. Adams was roused by the hypocrisy of the court and the audacity of the crown officers and at once took a bold stand in favor of justice. The Assembly interfered in behalf of the people and in 1762, prepared a bill to prevent the issue of these volcanic writs only upon specific information on oath—which was vetoed by the governor. The Assembly retaliated by reducing the salary of the judges.

In 1761 Mr. Adams rose to the rank of Barrister—in 1764 married the accomplished Abigail Smith, daughter of Rev. William Smith, who nobly participated with her husband in the thrilling scenes of their lives for fifty-four years. Judge of her patriotism from the following extract from one of her numerous and able letters.

"Heaven is our witness that we do not rejoice in the effusion of blood or the carnage of the human species—but, having been forced to draw the sword, we are determined never to sheathe it—slaves to Britain. Our cause, Sir, I trust, is the cause of truth and justice and will finally prevail, though the combined force of earth and hell should rise against it."

The Stamp Act kindled an enduring flame of indignation in the patriotic bosom of Mr. Adams. He at once became a champion for chartered rights and rational freedom. He published an essay on Canon and Feudal Law which proved him a fearless, able and vigorous writer. It penetrated the joints and marrow of royal power as practised and parliamentary legislation as assumed. He traced the Canon law to the Roman clergy—shrewdly planned, acutely managed and rigorously enforced to advance their own aggrandizement. He delineated the servile dogmas of the Feudal code, each manor being the miniature kingdom of a petty tyrant. He exposed the unholy and powerful confederacy of the two, aiming to spread the mantle of ignorance over mankind, drive virtue from the earth, producing the memorable era of the dark ages, shrouded in mental obscurity. He then ushered in the dawn of returning light, exhibited the gigantic struggles of the reformers—the bloody scenes of persecution and finally placed his readers upon the granite shores of New England, where, for a century, Liberty had shed its happy influence upon the sons and daughters of freemen, undisturbed by canons or feuds. "Tyranny has again commenced its desolating course—it must be arrested or we are slaves." This is a mere syllabus of a pamphlet of over forty pages, strong in language, bold in sentiment, and nervous in style.

Mr. Adams became associated with other prominent whigs, Samuel Adams, Quincy, Otis and many kindred spirits, whose influence produced the repeal of the Stamp Act and the removal of Mr. Grenville from the ministry. An apparent but delusive calm ensued on the part of the crown officers. At intervals, a cloven foot would be seen, festering wounds would be irritated and no balm was found to restore them to perfect soundness.

In 1766 Mr. Adams removed to Boston where his talents became so strongly developed that the king's governor thought him worth purchasing. He was offered the most lucrative office in the colony—Advocate General in the court of Admiralty. He spurned the bribe with the disdain that none but freemen can exhibit.

In 1769 he was on the committee that prepared instructions for the legislature, which were very obnoxious to the royal governor. He had outraged the people by quartering a mercenary army in the town—was unyielding in his purposes and hastened a tragedy that gave a fresh impetus to the embryo revolution.

On the 5th of March 1770, an affray occurred between the military and citizens, in which five of the latter were killed and others wounded. Mr. Adams thus describes the result.

"The people assembled, first at Faneuil Hall and adjourned to the old South Church, to the number, as was conjectured, of ten or twelve hundred men, among whom were the most virtuous, substantial, independent, disinterested and intelligent citizens. They formed themselves into a regular deliberative body—chose their moderator and secretary—entered into discussions, deliberations and debates—adopted resolutions and appointed committees. These public resolutions were conformable to the views of the great majority of the people—'that the soldiers should be banished at all hazards.' Jonathan Williams, a very pious, inoffensive and conscientious gentleman, was their moderator. A remonstrance to the governor, or governor and council, was ordained and a demand that the regular troops should be removed from the town. A committee was appointed to present this remonstrance, of which Samuel Adams was chairman. The soldiers were removed and transient peace restored."

Captain Preston was brought before the court charged with giving the order to fire upon the citizens. The regulars who committed the fatal act were also arraigned and tried. Each party charged the other with commencing the affray. Some inconsiderate citizens had thrown snow-balls at the King's troops who returned lead in payment. Mr. Adams was employed to defend the accused. A delicate task he performed, but so ingeniously did he manage the case that Captain Preston and all the soldiers but two were acquitted and the two were only convicted of manslaughter. When the trial closed Mr. Adams stood approved by the citizens, having performed his professional duty to his clients and at the same time vindicated the rights of the people.

The same year he was elected to the legislative body and boldly opposed the arbitrary measures of the British cabinet. He was one of the committee that prepared an address to the governor, the style of which induces me to think that it was penned by him. After clearly pointing out the violation of chartered rights the address concludes, "These and other grievances and cruelties, too many to be here enumerated and too melancholy to be much longer borne by this injured people, we have seen brought upon us by the devices of ministers of state. And we have, of late, seen and heard of instructions to governors which threaten to destroy all the remaining privileges of our charter. Should these struggles of the house prove unfortunate and ineffectual this Province will submit with pious resignation to the will of Providence—but it would be a kind of suicide, of which we have the utmost abhorrence, to be instrumental in our own servitude."

A blind obstinacy on the part of the ministers increased the opposition of the people, inducing a rapid accumulation of combustible materials, increasing the volcanic fires by their own strong exertions. Being alarmed at the boldness of the citizens, the governor ordered the legislature to convene at Cambridge contrary to the law which fixed the place of meeting—consequently, the members refused to do anything more than to adjourn to the proper place. A war of words and paper ensued, in which the patriots were victorious. Mr. Adams was one of the sharp-shooters and made great havoc among the officers of the crown. Mr. Brattle, the senior member of the council entered the field in defence of the ministry but was put hors de combat by our champion. The governor was compelled to direct the legislature to convene again at Boston. New causes of complaint were constantly accruing. The governor, judges and troops were paid by England instead of the colony—thus aiming to render the executive, judiciary and military, independent of the people, destroying all confidence in the servants of the crown. The tax on tea was another source of aggravation, striking more tender chords. Wo to the ruler who rouses the fair sex. He may more safely defy the fury of Mars and challenge the speed of Atalanta.

Tea became forbidden fruit—several vessel loads were sacrificed to Neptune—an oblation for the sins of the British cabinet—a jollification for the fish of Boston harbour. Royal authority increased in cruelty—patriots increased in boldness. The message of the governor to the legislature of 1773 maintained the supremacy of parliament. This was denied by the members and a reply written by Mr. Adams in answer to a second message from the governor, more strongly in favor of the crown. The pen of this functionary was paralyzed—his arguments proved fallacious—his mouth sealed upon this exciting subject. The reply of Mr. Adams was an exposition of British wrongs and American rights, so clearly presented that no sophistry could impugn—no logic confront. So highly was it appreciated by Dr. Franklin, that he had it republished in England—a luminary to patriots—confusion to tyrants.

On taking his seat in the legislature Mr. Adams was placed on the list of committees. So vindictive was governor Hutchinson that he erased his name—an act that recoiled with such force as to rapidly close his public career in the colony. He was succeeded by Governor Gage, who was more fully charged with ministerial fire—more successful in accelerating the millennium of Liberty. He placed his cross upon the name of John Adams—removed the legislature to Salem—enforced the Boston Port Bill and seemed to tax his ingenuity to enrage the people. On convening, the members of the legislature requested the governor to fix a day for a general fast which he peremptorily refused. As well might he have undertaken to extinguish a flaming fire with pitch, as to refuse this boon to the descendants of the Puritans. The people en masse venerated religion and would not yield to the violation of ancient custom.

The legislature then proceeded to project a general congress. Governor Gage sent his secretary with an order to prorogue—the door was locked against him—patriotic resolutions were passed and five delegates appointed to meet a national convention, one of whom was John Adams.

At the appointed time he repaired to Philadelphia—took his seat in that assemblage of sages, whose wisdom has been sung by the most brilliant poets, applauded by the most eloquent orators—admired by the most sagacious statesmen of the civilized world. On reading the proceedings of the first congress in 1774, Chatham remarked, "I have studied and admired the free states of antiquity, the master spirits of the world—but, for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity and wisdom of conclusion, no body of men can stand above this congress."

Some supposed the ardent zeal of Mr. Adams might induce rashness. Not so—he was calm as a summer morning but firm as the granite shores of his birth-place. He was discreet, prudent—the last man to violate or submit to the violation of constitutional law. He kept his helm hard-up—knew when to luff—when to take the larboard tack—when to spread and when to take in sail. He was one of the few who believed the mother country would remain incorrigible—that petitions would be vain—addresses futile—remonstrances unavailing.

At the close of that congress Mr. Adams had a close conversation with Patrick Henry in which he expressed a full conviction, that resolves, declarations of rights, enumeration of wrongs, petitions, remonstrances, addresses, associations and non-importation agreements—however they might be accepted in America and however necessary to cement the union of the colonies, would be waste water in England. Mr. Henry believed they might make an impression among the people of England, but that they would be lost upon the government. Mr. Adams had just received a hasty letter from Major Hawley of Northampton, which concluded with these prophetic words, "after all we must fight." Mr. Henry raised his hands and vehemently exclaimed, "I am of that man's mind." Richard Henry Lee held a contrary opinion—Washington was in doubt. The two former based their conclusions on the past and present from which they drew deductions for the future. They penetrated the arcanum of human nature, passed in review the multiform circumstances that inflated power-backed by superior physical force—deluded by obstinacy and avarice, is callous to the refined feelings of humanity—deaf to wisdom—blind to justice. Lee, equally determined to vindicate right and oppose wrong, could not believe the ministry would dethrone reason and court ruin.

Washington, deep in reflection, an impartial and strong investigator—his soul overflowing with the milk of human kindness, did not arrive rapidly at conclusions on so momentous a subject. In weighing the causes of difference between the two countries—reason, justice and hope, on the one side—power, corruption and avarice on the other—at that time held his mind in equilibrio. He clearly perceived the right and fondly but faintly hoped England would see it too and govern herself accordingly. He was as prompt to act as the others when action became necessary.

Mr. Adams returned among his friends and stood approved by his constituents and his country. His pen was again brought into service, in answering a series of ingenious essays written by Mr. Sewell in favor of the supremacy of Parliament. Over the name of "Nonvanglus," Mr. Adams stripped the gay ornaments and gaudy apparel from the brazen image Mr. Sewell had presented to the public gaze. A meagre skeleton of visible deformity was all that remained. Attorney General Sewell trembled us he received the deep cuts from the falchion quill of this devoted patriot. So profound was his reasoning—so learned were his expositions—so clear and conclusive were his demonstrations—that his antagonist exclaimed, as he retired in a rage from the conflict, "He strives to hide his inconsistencies under a huge pile of learning."

The pile proved too "huge" for royal power and supplied the people with an abundance of light.

The supremacy of parliament was an unfortunate issue for ministers. It placed the patriots in a position to hurl their darts at them without refusing allegiance to the king. The British cabinet worked out its own destruction with regard to the American colonies—if not with fear and trembling it was with blindness and disgrace—impolicy and injustice—obstinacy and infatuation.

In May, 1775, Mr. Adams again took his seat in Congress with renewed responsibilities resting upon him. Revolution was rolling fearfully upon his bleeding country—hope of redress was expiring like the last flickerings of a taper—dark and portentous clouds were concentrating—the ministerial ermine was steeped in blood—the dying groans of his fellow-citizens and the lamentations of widows and orphans had fallen upon his ears and the prophetic conclusion arrived at by him and Henry but a few months previous, was forced upon the mind of every patriot, "after all we must fight."

As a preliminary measure it was necessary to appoint a leader of the military forces to be raised. To fix upon the best man was of vital importance. Some thought the measure premature. Not so with the sons of New England. When the blood of their friends was wantonly shed upon the heights of Lexington they hung their siren harps upon the weeping willows that stood mournfully over the graves of their murdered brethren. In their view, war was inevitable. A commander-in-chief must be appointed. Several prominent persons were named in private conversations. John Adams, alone, had fixed his mind upon George Washington, in whom he saw the commingled qualities of philanthropist, philosopher, statesman, hero and Christian. All opposed his appointment at first but gradually yielded to the reasons urged by John Adams. Satisfied that the measure would be approved by a majority, he rose in Congress and proposed that a commander of the American armies should be appointed. When his resolution passed, he described the requisite qualities of the man to fill this important station and remarked with great emphasis—"such a man is within these walls." But few knew to whom he referred, no one believing himself duly and truly prepared or properly vouched for as a military man. A pause—a painful suspense—then the name of Col. George Washington of Virginia was announced by Mr. Adams. No one could be more surprised than the nominee. No intimation of the intended honor had been made to him. The vote was taken the day following and was unanimous in his favor. So judicious was this selection that La Fayette remarked—"It was the consequence of Providential inspiration." Be it so—John Adams was the patriot who nominated him—thus placing at the head of the American armies just such a man as the crisis required—prudent, dignified, bold, sagacious, patient, persevering—universally esteemed by the friends of freedom—admired by the most fervent friends of the crown.

In 1776 Mr. Adams again took his seat in the National Assembly. The period had arrived for decisive measures. Massachusetts had been disfranchised by Parliament. England had hired legions of soldiers from German princes to subdue rebels in America. The last note of peace had been sung by echo—every patriot became convinced that resistance or slavery were the two horns of the dilemma presented. Independence had been conceived but by a few. It was a startling proposition. At this juncture Mr. Adams marked out a bold course and had the moral courage to pursue it. On the 6th of May he offered a resolution, proposing that the colonies should organize a government independent of England. On the 10th of the same month it was modified and adopted, recommending such government by the colonies "as might be conducive to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular and America in general." All admitted the justice of this measure but some opposed it on the ground of the physical imbecility of the colonies—already crowded with a hireling army and their shores lined with a powerful navy. Mr. Adams knew no middle course. He had succeeded in obtaining the adoption of the preface to his broad folio of an independent compact—he then proceeded to prepare the text. He had commenced the work of political regeneration. Each day new and genuine converts were made. The legislature of his own state encouraged him to strike for independence. North Carolina had openly started the ball—Virginia gave it a now impetus and on the 7th of June, Richard Henry Lee became the organ to present the proposition to Congress. A most animated discussion ensued. Then the powers of Mr. Adams were more fully developed. Mr. Jefferson said of him, in alluding to his debates on the Declaration of Independence—"John Adams was the pillar of its support on the floor of Congress—its ablest advocate and defender against the multifarious assaults it encountered. He was our Colossus on the floor—not graceful, not elegant, not always fluent in his public addresses—yet he came out with a power, both of thought and expression, that moved us from our seats."

The noblest powers of his soul were raised to the zenith of their strength, determined to accomplish the mighty work he had commenced. Although one of the committee to prepare the instrument of eternal separation, he confided the labor to his colleagues—spending his whole force upon the opponents of the measure. Manfully did he contend—gloriously did he triumph. He bore down upon his adversaries like a mountain torrent—a rushing avalanche—hurling the arrows of conviction with such precision and effect that a majority soon became converted to the measure.

The day for decision arrived. The 4th of July, 1776, dawned auspiciously upon the patriots. At the appointed hour they assembled. The past, the present, the impenetrable future, big with coming events—rushed upon their minds. Moments flew—the pulse quickened—the heart-throb increased—bosoms expanded—eyes brightened—patriotism rose in majesty sublime—the question was put—the Gordian knot was sundered—Independence was declared—the colonies were free—Liberty was proclaimed—a nation was redeemed—regenerated—disenthralled and born in a day.

Early in the winter of 1776 Mr. Adams wrote a form of government for the colonies which was substantially the same as the present constitutions of the states. It was first submitted to Richard Henry Lee in a letter with these remarks.

"A constitution founded on these principles introduces knowledge among the people and inspires them with a conscious dignity becoming freemen. A general emulation takes place which causes good humor, sociability, good manners and good morals to be general. That elevation of sentiment, inspired by such a government, makes the common people brave and enterprising. That ambition which is inspired by it makes them sober, industrious and frugal. You will find among them some elegance, perhaps, but more solidity—a little pleasure but a great deal of business—some politeness but more civility. If you compare such a country with the regions of domination, whether monarchical or aristocratical, you will fancy yourself in Arcadia or Elysium."

Here is inscribed upon the tablet of truth the blessings derived from a government like our own in its principles—faithfully adhered to by every true patriot but trampled under foot by the demagogues of the present day and the aristocracy of all time.

Among all the great men of our country, no one has exhibited a more clear and minute conception of human nature and human government, than John Adams. He traced causes and effects through all their labyrinthian meanderings and deduced conclusions that seemed the result of inspiration. Many of his predictions of the future bear the impress of prophecy and show how deeply he investigated—how clearly he perceived.

On his return from Congress, Mr. Adams was elected to the legislature of Massachusetts under the new constitution. He was also appointed Chief Justice which he declined.

In 1777 he resumed his seat in Congress and performed an amount of labor, which, if imposed upon any ten demagogue legislators of the present day might induce suicide. He was an active member of ninety committees—chairman of twenty-five—chairman of the board of war and appeals, discharged all his duties promptly and was uniformly in his seat when any important measure was under discussion.

In December, 1777, he was appointed a commissioner to France. In February following he embarked on board the frigate Boston. During the voyage a British armed ship hove in sight—an action commenced—Mr. Adams seized a musket, gave the enemy a well-directed shot but was immediately deprived of this recreation by Capt. Tucker, who led him out of danger, pleasantly remarking—"I am commanded by the Continental Congress to carry you in safety to Europe and I will do it."

Before his arrival, Dr. Franklin and his colleague had succeeded in concluding a treaty of alliance with the French nation. After an absence of a little more than a year he returned and was elected to a convention of his native state, convened for the purpose of perfecting a constitution and the full organization of government. The original draft of the constitution of Massachusetts is from his pen. Before his term closed in this convention he was appointed by Congress—"A minister plenipotentiary for negotiating a treaty of peace and a treaty of commerce with Great Britain." In Oct. 1779, he embarked from Boston. The passage was boisterous, it being February before he arrived at Paris. Chagrin and pride prevented the British ministry from at once placing themselves on an equality with our own. The negotiation, on their part, commenced with equivocations. Mr. Adams could not be ensnared and was determined to submit to nothing wrong and left them to farther reflection.

On learning that Mr. Laurens, American commissioner to Holland, had been captured, Mr. Adams repaired to that kingdom. In August he received a commission from Congress to negotiate a loan—to conclude a treaty of amity and commerce and to accede to any treaty of neutral rights that might arise from regulations to be made by a congress of the European states then in contemplation. In a few months he was overwhelmed with important duties. Minister to Great Britain—to the States General of Holland—to all the European states for pledging the United States to the armed neutrality—with letters of credit to the Russian, Swedish and Danish envoys in Holland and a commissioner to negotiate a loan of ten millions of dollars for the support of the Home department and foreign embassies. All these duties he discharged with skill and approbation, a lasting monument of the gigantic powers of his mind. At every point he encountered intrigue which he uniformly discovered and crushed in embryo.

In July, 1781, he was directed to repair to Versailles to make a further attempt at negotiation with England. The terms offered did not fully recognize the rights of the United States as an independent nation. Peace was desirable and ardently urged by the Duke de Vergennes, who was the head and front of the French cabinet. Mr. Adams was anxious for peace—but only on just, dignified and honorable terms. The Duke, who had uniformly manifested a disposition to make the United States feel a dependence on France, dictated to Mr. Adams, placing him in the position of a subordinate agent. This was a French bull. Mr. Adams recognized no dictator but the Continental Congress and his own keen perception and penetrating judgment. This independence of the American minister enraged the Duke. He wrote to the minister of France in the United States to lay a formal complaint before Congress against the recusant for insubordination. This the minister did ingeniously but not successfully. As a matter of respect for their new and important ally, Congress partially modified the instructions of Mr. Adams but did not place him under the dictation of the Duke as requested. They knew the granite man too well to suppose he would ever compromise the dignity of his country. They had full confidence in his capacity to perceive right—in his moral courage to enforce it.

From all the evidence in the premises I am fully convinced that the motives of the French Court in aiding our country during the revolutionary struggle, were not based on patriotism but had ulterior objects in view. Not so with the noble La Fayette and others who came to the rescue.

Again Mr. Adams left ministers to arrive at a second sober thought and learn their true position. He then returned to Amsterdam.

Owing to sad reverses in the cause of freedom the French minister made such an impression in favour of the position of the French cabinet as an umpire between England and the United States, that congress added to the commission of Mr. Adams—Dr. Franklin, Jefferson, Jay, and Laurens—with the humiliating directions, "That they should govern themselves by the advice and opinion of the ministers of the King of France." The Duke de Vergennes was elated with triumph. He was virtually made sovereign minister of the United States. This act is the darkest spot upon the proud escutcheon of the Continental Congress—an act that I would gladly "expunge from the record." No full apology can be found. The tremendous revolutionary tornado that was then sweeping over our country, charged with the dismaying materials of terror, is a partial one and the true cause of this quailing error.

The exultation of the Duke was transient. Adams and Franklin were there, masters of ceremony. They dared to disobey instructions believing they had been improperly extorted by an intriguing and designing court. They at once took a bold stand and were promptly sustained by their colleagues and ultimately by congress, to which Adams communicated the chicanery of the Duke and the duplicity, or rather the toolicity of the French minister in the United States. The result was glorious. An honourable peace was obtained—the dignity of our nation preserved. A provincial treaty was signed at Paris on the 30th of November, 1782 and a definitive treaty on the 3d day of September, 1783 and all without the advice or consent of the Duke de Vergennes, whose golden schemes of finesse proved abortive. He addressed a bitter letter of reproach to the American commissioners, expressing great astonishment at their presumption in daring to act independent of him, which was not answered.

Among the golden schemes of the court of France, two are worthy of particular note. 1. To secure to France and Spain the fisheries of the United States. 2. To secure the perpetual and uninterrupted navigation of the Mississippi. Very modest. Other propositions were made, equally absurd, all of which form an unanswerable excuse for our commissioners in disobeying instructions.

After the important commission of concluding peace with England was completed, Mr. Adams returned to Holland where he had negotiated a loan of eight millions of guilders in September, 1782, which was one of the means of terminating the war by enabling the United States to prosecute it with more vigor. It had a direct influence on England, inducing Lord Shelburne to make proposals of peace soon after this was known.

During the same year he was placed at the head of a commission empowered to negotiate commercial treaties with all foreign nations. He returned to Paris where he met Franklin and Jefferson who were associated with him—forming a trio of combined, versatile and exalted talent—never surpassed if ever equalled.

In 1785 Mr. Adams was appointed the first minister to Great Britain after the acknowledgment of the Independence of the United States. He was received with marked attention and courtesy so far as courtly etiquette was concerned but found the ministry morose and bitter towards the new Republic. They seemed disposed to treat the peace as a mere truce between the two nations. Mr. Adams performed the delicate duties of his station with great sagacity and wisdom—patiently removing subsisting difficulties. Nor did he forget the internal interests of his country at home. To win independence was one thing—to preserve it another and more important matter. The theories of a Republican form of government by Thurgot and others, had been freely circulated in the United States. These he deemed wild and visionary. This was proved by the transient existence of the first French Republic and has been more fully demonstrated recently in Europe and South America. More success might attend these experiments, even with imperfect skeletons of a free government were the people as well prepared to receive it as were the colonists at the time of the American Revolution. Intelligence and primitive Christianity must pervade the mass. The European pioneers came to this country with the bible in their hands and based our government upon its eternal principles, where it will securely rest until ignorance darkens intellect and the bible is banished. Let all read its plain truths, teaching, as they do, freedom in religion, freedom of conscience—pointing us to our high origin and final destiny—then our Republic cannot be destroyed by kingly influence, aristocratic corruption, ultra fanaticism, reckless demagogues, or heartless politicians. Troubles have arisen, now exist, may continue to occasionally break out—but they ever have been and I trust ever will be confined to a small portion of the great and accumulating mass—the bone and sinew of our beloved country.

To strip from these delusive theories of a free government their sophistry, Mr. Adams published a learned and able disquisition on Republican constitutions which became a polar star to his own country and operated powerfully in correcting error and allaying prejudices in England adverse to the United States. His "Defence of the Constitution" placed him on a lofty literary eminence in view of the literati of Europe.

In 1788 he obtained permission to return home and in the autumn of that year was elected the first Vice President of the United States. He became the confidential counsellor of Washington on all important questions. He was re-elected in 1792 and in 1796 was elected President of that Republic for which he had freely periled life, fortune and honor.

At that time party spirit had commenced its reckless career which afforded an example set by Adams and Jefferson worthy of all praise and imitation. No bitterness of party spirit, no abuses from their partisans and party press, could sever the patriotic and moral ties of friendship that bound them together up to time death removed them from the theatre of life. So high did party spirit rage that Mr. Jefferson thus rebuked a clique of politicians who were hurling slanders against Mr. Adams.

"Gentlemen, you do not know that man. There is not upon earth a more perfectly honest man than John Adams. Concealment is no part of his character. Of that he is utterly incapable. It is not in his nature to meditate anything he would not publish to the world. The measures of the general government are a fair subject for difference of opinion—but do not found your opinions on the notion that there is the smallest spice of dishonesty, moral or political, in the character of John Adams for I know him well and I repeat—that a man more perfectly honest never issued from the hands of the Creator." Demagogues—read the above just encomium upon his opponent by a candidate for an office—then search for a parallel case of magnanimity among modern politicians—if you find one, proclaim it to the people of our vast country that they may be convinced a true patriot is in our midst—a lump of genuine salt in the body politic.

Mr. Adams proceeded to the conscientious and independent discharge of his presidential duties, prompted by the best motives for the good and glory of the infant Republic. He was an open, frank old-school federalist. During his administration the ranks of the democratic party increased rapidly, which defeated his re-election. Much has been written and more said relative to the causes that produced his political overthrow. To my mind the solution is plain and brief. His cabinet was not of his own choice—he was too independent to bend to party intrigue—he opposed the humiliating demands of the then self-styled democratic France—he advocated the augmentation of the navy of the United States and recommended the law for the suppression of the venality of the press. In the two first points he was impolitic as the head of a party—in the two next he did what all now acknowledge to be right in principle. On the last, he took the wrong method to correct an evil that has caused unceasing trouble from that time to the present—an evil that will ever exist in a government like ours, because, in annihilating this, we should destroy an essential part of our political machinery—a free press. The three last were the strong points seized upon by his opponents, which enabled them to achieve an easy victory. He retired with a good grace on the best of terms with his successful opponent and his own conscience. He supported the policy of Mr. Jefferson towards England and approved of the declaration of war in June 1812. He attributed the opposition of the eastern states to the impolicy of our government in neglecting the navy. He compared them to Achilles, who, in consequence of his being deprived of Briseis, withdrew from the Grecian confederacy. The increase of the navy was a long-nursed theory of his national policy. Had his views been carried out by our country, our nation would now have been mistress of the seas. As it is, we have scarcely armed vessels enough to protect the expanding commerce of our enterprising merchants—a fact that is often tauntingly referred to by Englishmen and has often crimsoned the cheeks of liberal-minded Americans. If all the money that has been expended within the last twenty years in worse than useless legislation and speech-making throughout these United States had been appropriated in building ships of war, our navy would now be larger than that of Great Britain. Add what has gone into the hands of peculators since the formation of our Republic—it would sustain that navy for thirty years. Some of our people have been occasionally a little too free.

Soon after his retirement from the presidential chair, Mr. Adams was solicited to become the governor of his native state, which he declined on account of his advanced age. In 1817 he was placed at the head of the list of presidential electors. In 1820 he was elected president of the convention that revised the constitution that he had written forty years previous. The compliment was duly appreciated by him but his infirmities did not permit him to preside. He imparted much counsel and rendered special aid in the revision. This was the last public act of this great man. Two years before this, the partner of his bosom had gone to her final rest—an affliction most keenly felt by him. She was a Christian—to know was to love her.

Surrounded by friends who delighted to honor him—his country prosperous and happy—enjoying the full fruition of divine grace which had produced the green foliage of piety through a long life—political animosities buried in oblivion—his now frail bark glided smoothly down the stream of time until the fiftieth anniversary of Independence dawned upon our beloved country. On the morning of the 4th of July 1826, an unexpected debility seized him but no one supposed he was standing on the last inch of his time. He was asked for a sentiment to be given for him at the celebration on that day. "Independence forever," burst from his dying lips, which were the last words he ever uttered with a loud and animated voice. He expired about four in the afternoon without a groan, sigh, murmur or apparent pain, with a full assurance of a happy reception in that brighter world where sin and sorrow never interrupt the peaceful joys of the angelic throng.

On the same day and but a few hours previous, the immortal spirit of the illustrious Jefferson had left its tenement of clay, thrown off its mortal coil and returned to Him who gave it. Perhaps these kindred spirits met in mid air and ascended together to an ecstatic meeting with the friends they had loved and lost and whom they should gain, love and never lose.

This unparalleled coincidence in death produced a deep sensation in the United States and in Europe. The simultaneous departure of two of the noblest spirits that ever graced the theatre of human life—illuminating the world with freedom—whose acts had elicited the admiration of all civilized nations—whose mighty deeds will be a theme of praise through all time—was an incident that seemed designed by the great Jehovah to impress their precepts—their examples and their names upon the minds of the human family with all the force of Divinity.

Mr. Adams was a plain man, low in stature, not graceful in his movements—at times rather repulsive. In public he was austere but in the social circle, familiar, pleasing and instructive. He disliked formal ceremony and abhorred pedantry. He admired and exemplified strong common sense. He spoke his sentiments freely and could not have been transformed into a modern technical politician. His open frankness was proverbial. He called it one of his failings. When looking at Stuart's fine paintings, he fixed his eyes upon the portrait of Washington with compressed mouth—then upon his own, with open lips, and facetiously remarked—"Ah! that fellow never could keep his mouth shut." Such a man never can be a popular politician as the writer knows from experience.

The highest eulogy that can be pronounced upon John Adams is the history of his bright and useful career. For more than half a century he served our country ably and faithfully. He continued to impart salutary counsel until the curtain of death closed the scene.

In all the relations of private life he was too pure for the palsying touch of slander. The foulest of all pestiferous atmospheres—party spirit—could not, dare not approach his private character with its damning miasma or impute to his public action an iota of political dishonesty or impurity of motive. If any demagogue dares to contradict this position, let him hear the voice of Jefferson from the tomb—"An honester man than John Adams never issued from the hands of the Creator."