Читать книгу Yale Classics (Vol. 2) - Луций Анней Сенека - Страница 475

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Meanwhile the populace, which at first, from their passion for a revolution, were too fond of a civil war, on discovery of the conspiracy, changed their sentiments; cursed the designs of Catiline; extolled Cicero to the skies;31 and, like people rescued from bondage, gave themselves up to mirth and jollity: for though they expected more advantage than loss by the ordinary events of the war, yet they looked on the firing of the city as an inhuman, barbarous attempt, and extremely distressful to themselves, whose whole substance consisted in what supported them from day to day, and what they daily wore.

The day after one L. Tarquinius was brought before the senate, who was going to join Catiline, as was reported, and apprehended by the way. This man, offering to give a particular account of the conspiracy, on the security of the public faith for his pardon, was ordered by the consul to declare what he knew. He then gave the senate almost the same account Volturcius had done; of the design to fire the city; of the intended massacre of the best citizens; and of the march of the army to Rome; adding, that he was sent by Crassus to tell Catiline not to be discouraged by the apprehending of Lentulus, Cethegus, and others of the conspirators, but to make the greater haste to the city to rescue them from danger, and revive the ardour of the rest.

When Tarquinius named Crassus, a man of high quality, great riches, and vast credit in the state, they all called out that he was a false witness, and desired that it might be debated. Some thought it quite incredible; others, though they believed the charge to be true, yet thought that a person of so great influence ought at such a juncture rather to be courted than exasperated: besides, most of the senators were under private obligations to Crassus. Accordingly, it was agreed in a full senate, at the motion of Cicero, that Tarquinius’s evidence appeared to be false; that he should be ordered to prison, and confined till he discovered by whose advice he had framed so impudent a falsehood. Some there were at that time who thought that this evidence was a contrivance of P. Autronius, that Crassus, by being involved in the same danger with the rest of the conspirators, might protect them by his power. Others said that Tarquinius was urged to it by Cicero, to prevent Crassus from embroiling the state, by undertaking to protect villains, as was his custom. I heard Crassus indeed himself affirm that this contumely was fixed on him by Cicero.

Yet, at the same time, Q. Catulus and C. Piso were not able to prevail on Cicero, either by interest, importunity, or any offers whatever, to have C. Cæsar falsely accused by the Allobroges, or any other evidence: for both these great men were inveterate enemies to him; Piso, because Cæsar had obtained judgment against him for bribery, in sentencing to death a man beyond the Po unjustly; Catulus was fired with resentment, because Cæsar, though but a young man, in their competition for the office of high-priest,32 had carried it against him in his old age, after having enjoyed the highest honours of the state. Now this they thought was a favourable opportunity to bring him under suspicion: for by his great liberality to private persons, and great largesses to the people, he had contracted vast debts. But not being able to persuade the consul to so black a crime, they themselves, by going about from man to man, and charging Cæsar with many instances of guilt, which they pretended to have heard from Volturcius and the Allobroges, brought great odium on him, insomuch that certain Roman knights who were posted about the Temple of Concord as a guard to the senate, whether struck with the greatness of the danger, or, animated by a nobler principle, to testify their zeal for the public, threatened him as he came out of the house with their drawn swords.

While these things were transacting in the senate, and rewards decreeing to the deputies of the Allobroges and Volturcius, whose discoveries were approved, the freedmen and a few of the dependents of Lentulus went into different parts of the city, some endeavouring to prevail on the slaves and workmen in the streets to rescue him by force; others searching after the ringleaders of the mob, who used for hire to raise commotions in the state. Cethegus, too, sent messengers to his domestic slaves and freedmen, fellows trained up to audacious enterprises, begging of them to form themselves into an armed body and come to his deliverance. The consul, as soon as he received information of these proceedings, placed guards, as the time and exigency required; and assembling the senate, desired to know “what they would please to determine concerning those who were now in custody?” A full senate had indeed but lately declared them public traitors. Then D. Junius Silanus, who was first asked his opinion, as being consul-elect, voted for capital punishment to be inflicted, not on the prisoners only, but likewise on L. Cassius, P. Furius, P. Umbrenus, and Q. Annius, if they should be apprehended: but afterward, yielding to the strength of Cæsar’s arguments, he declared himself of the same sentiments with Tiberius Nero, who had proposed that the guards should be strengthened and the debate adjourned. Cæsar, when asked by the consul in his turn, spoke in substance as follows:33