Читать книгу Forgotten Islands of Indonesia - Nico De Jonge - Страница 13

Prow decoration from the island of Dama. length 61/68 cm (RMV).

Letinese rusna, made of ivory. This statuette (2.5 cm in height) was worn on a chain around the neck as a "war talisman" (TM).

Wooden fish figure, used as an emblem at the stem of an Aruese boat Length 35 cm (RJM).

Stone garden statue from Yamdena (Tanimbar). Height 102 cm (RMV).

Photograph 3.1. Prow decoration from the island of Damer. Length 89 cm (RMV).

The cultures of the islands between Timor and Tanimbar, in western Maluku Tenggara, are related in many ways. There are, for example, close resemblances in the social, economic and linguistic fields (see also Introduction). Besides this there have always been great parallels in the religious sphere. A central element in traditional belief was the performance of a great, orgiastic fertility ritual, best known under the Letinese name of porka (see Chapter IV). Until the arrival of Christianity, the "holy marriage" of heaven and earth was celebrated during this ritual.

In the former porka communities comparisons can also well be made in another field: mat of boat symbolism. This predominates on many islands and has functioned as an essential part of the culture presumably since prehistoric times (see Chapter I). This nautical symbolism will have a central place in this chapter.

In general two kinds of applications can be distinguished. Boat symbolism is used as a principle of ordering, notably in a spatial respect, and as a means of expression, to convey a message. Both applications will be dealt with based on the culture of the islands of Dawera and Dawelor, which belong to the Babar archipelago. In essence the description is representative of how nautical symbolism functioned in the old porka cultures.

Life on Board

Soon after arrival, every visitor to Dawera and Dawelor will be aware that the boat signifies more to the islanders than a means of transport. As a model of ordering it plays an important role in the local culture. This is above all apparent from the symbolism relating to the village.

The settlements have been built according to an age old pattern, in which nautical concepts such as pilot and helmsman function as spatial categories. The basic structure has undergone many adaptations in the course of the years, but can still be clearly recognised.

From the stories of "olden times" it appears that the present-day location of the villages—they are almost all of them located at the beach—is the consequence of a relatively recent development. Traditionally each settlement lay on an elevated cone of rock which was difficult to reach, in many cases only accessible via one or more series of wooden steps which could be pulled up if necessary. The reason for this isolated location was the continuous threat of war. Out of fear of enemy attacks most of the villages were also surrounded by walls.

Within each of these "eyries" lived merely one large descent group, in and around an impressive house which was called the "sacred" or "great house." The structure resembled a "roof on poles." On poles measuring about two metres in height a bamboo floor was applied, on which a roof of coconut palm leaves rested without any form of walls. In this house or in one of the outbuildings one was born, entered into marriage with a member of the group, had children and died. The village, or better said the "great house," was a completely self-sustaining community.

The members of such house communities saw themselves as the crew of a boat, a fact that was elaborated on in many ways. This was most strikingly evident in the architecture. On either side of the ridge beam of the "great house" gable ends were applied, providing the ridge line with the basic shape of a ship. The gable ends (called sorsorlol) were shaped in a "forked" fashion, a characteristic motif of both the prows of sailing vessels and the tree-trunk canoes on the islands (see Photographs 3.6. and 3.14).

Less visible was the elaboration of the notion of a ship in spatial orientation. The "great house" was associated with a boat, "sailing" following the orbit of the sun, from east to west. Inside the house this symbolic course was reflected in the names of the living spaces. The interior was divided into two halves, separated by a relatively narrow, central space (see Figure 3.1). In accordance with the "sailing direction" the eastern living-half was called the helmsman's part, whereas the western half of the house was called the pilot's part.

Both halves of the house were, in turn, divided into two "rooms," separated from each other by a fireplace. The names of the four compartments thus created also reflected the symbolic course. Standing with one's back to the east, looking westward, the "right helmsman's room" and the "right pilot's room" could be found on the right side of the "great house," and on the left side the "left helmsman's room" and the "left pilot's room" (see Figure 3.1).

The symbolic crew of the ship was led by a symbolic helmsman, the head of the descent group. He was a man who was traditionally connected with a specific room of the "great house." Each of the four rooms represented a descent line which went back as far as the founder of the house. The mutual relationship was compared to that between older and younger brothers, denoting the "right helmsman's room" as the oldest descent line. Of old this line supplied the leader of the house community, the man who represented all members of the descent group to the outside world and officiated at rituals in the name of the group. The symbolic helmsman was addressed in the local language with the word orletol "lord of the village"; in the Moluccan Malay he was called tuan tanah, "lord of the land."

Figure 3.1.

Traditional house on Dawera/Dawelor

A Doors

B Main post

C Right pilot's room

D Fireplaces

E Left pilot's room

F Right helmsman's room

G left helmsman's room

The superiority of the right helmsman's room was symbolically expressed in the construction of the house. The main pole, the post which is erected the first during the building of a house, was situated in this room and was called mekamulol, "the one who holds the helm" (see Figure 3.1). Furthermore, the sacred heirlooms of the house community were kept in the right helmsman's room. These goods, called pusaka in Moluccan Malay, mainly consisted of gold ornaments and so-called basta, imported cloths, decorated with motifs obtained by means of block-printing (see also Chapters VII and VIII).

New Villages, an Old Course

Until what time the cones of rock served as a place of settlement for the small "republics," cast in. a nautical mould, is not known. For reasons that can only be guessed at, the continuity of the descent groups must, however, have been exposed to danger in a distant past (probably centuries ago). A majority of the groups broke away from their isolated existence and began to live together on larger mountain plateaus. Here villages arose consisting of three or four originally isolated house communities, societies that again shaped themselves into a symbolic boat, once more sailing westwards.

Instead of the four living rooms a number of "great houses" situated together now formed the boat, so that the placing of each descent group's "great house" showed the symbolic role within the larger whole. The groups living to the east functioned as helmsmen, those to the west as pilots and in addition the function of "bailer boy" was created for the benefit of the descent groups living at the centre of the village (see Figure 3.2).

These new settlements were also acquainted with the function of "lord of the village." The ritual leader was supplied by the descent group who had settled first on the plateau and could be considered as founder of the new settlement. The leader of this group therefore came to have a double role: he was the symbolic helmsman of both his group and the newly formed community.

The symbolic role of the "lord of the (new) village" was reflected in the layout of the village. The "great house" of his descent group was usually located at the eastern edge: his group functioned within the larger whole as a symbolic helmsman. By this means, the traditional pattern of ordering of the house community remained: at the level of the larger villages there was a symbolic ship's crew led by a symbolic helmsman.

To the Coast

Today, however, this situation also belongs to the past. Despite the fact that the "eyries" had been abandoned, waging war remained part of the normal way of life and for that reason the villages on the mountain plateaus were also supplied with impressive fortifications. In 1890 the Dutch Government official Van Hoëvell wrote about this: "The native villages on the various islands forming the Babar group, have all, with the exception of the principal village of Tepa and a few native villages on Wetang, been constructed on steep heights and provided with heavy walls, which is a necessity in view of the incessant state of war. Nowhere, however, did I see such thick and high walls as on the islands of Dawera and Dawelor. The native village of Angkoeki, among others, has walls three metres thick and six metres high, entirely built of stacked blocks of sandstone and fitted out with doors."¹

Photograph 3.2. Shutter of the "great house" depicted in Photograph 3.6, decorated with the motif of the hunter and his prey. Height/width 26 cm (RJM).

The situation was a thorn in the flesh of the Dutch colonial government and around the turn of the century the islands were pacified. All settlements located on the mountain plateaus were evacuated and the present-day villages arose along the coast at places that could be controlled well (see Chapter II). The commonly used boat model served as a guideline for the layout: the hilltop settlements were simply copied on the beach. In some cases during the forced removals, a few villages were merged. However, also in the larger existing communities thus formed, the familiar boat figuration was retained: the villages were then constructed as two or three "ships sailing together."

During the process of scaling-up—from the isolated house community to the villages on the beach—the endogamous marriage principle was given up, although the tendency to marry a "member of the house" has continued to exist. Influenced by the missionaries, the construction of the house itself altered as well in the course of the 20th century. Besides reducing the horizontal measurements, the poles became shorter, while at the same time the floor and the roof were separated from each other by increasingly higher bamboo walls. The final result can be seen in the houses that have been built recently: the earth has become the living-room floor and the roof is carried on walls for the height of a man.

The members of a descent group now live in single-family houses around their strongly diminished "great house," which is deprived of its original interior. It is commonly inhabited by the members of merely one descent line, that of the right helmsman. As in former days, they guard the ancestral heirlooms here; the members of the eldest line will not readily neglect this task.

Photographs 3.3 and 3.4. Two combs from the island of Babar. length 21.5 cm (3.3) and 12.5 on (3.4) (RJM/MLV).

The "lord of the village" has come under the influence of Christianity during the past decades. Ever increasingly a Protestant vicar serves as the symbolic helmsman of a settlement. Only during the celebration of the western New Year's feast, based on the former porka ritual, does the old tuan tanah still figure predominantly in some villages.

In the above text the dominant role of boat symbolism on Dawera and Dawelor has been presented in a nutshell. It appears that the islanders have been making use of the image of a boat and crew to order their world for centuries. both the layout of the house and of the village are traditionally inspired by this.

However, the role of boat symbolism on Dawera and Dawelor has only been partially described above. Apart from the application as a model of order, the image of the boat also functions in an entirely different way in the culture of the island: as a means of expression it conveys an important message.

With the help of nautical symbolism a dependency relationship is expressed on several levels. It will be endeavoured to clarify what this entails below. Subsequently the following levels will be discussed: man, the family and society, and the all-embracing cosmos.

Man: Vital Force and Identity

Strongly simplified, it can be stated that a person on Dawera and Dawelor is considered to be a body in which two components have merged: mormorsol, a kind of vital force which exclusively reveals itself in a physical form and is expressed in man in the growth and the movements of the body, and dmeir, a component which is less bound to the body and which is related to the identity of a person. Although much can be told about both elements, we will limit ourselves to some general remarks here, sufficient to come to an understanding of the role of boat symbolism.

The presence of mormorsol in man is especially expressed in the beating of the heart and in breathing. In daily life the term for breath (arol) is sometimes used as a synonym for vital force. Moreover, mormorsol is strongly associated with blood, notably menstrual blood. This is apparent, among other ways, from myths and rituals.

A human being is only complete when the vital force present in him is combined with dmeir. This complex component, which is difficult to describe, concerns the "uniqueness" of a person. Dmeir reflects someone's identity and has been compared by some people to "soul" or "spirit." However, the character of dmeir differs considerably from the notion of the soul as it exists in the western world.

Experience teaches that two important aspects adhere to dmeir. To start with, the component refers to the personal characteristics and is therefore associated with a person's name and facial features, voice, bodily shape and shadow or reflection. Instead of dmeir the islanders also speak of yalelol, someone's "shadow image." However, the fact that dmeir is related to the social identity of a person carries more weight. Due to this the concept is closely related to someone's reputation, i.e. to the image that exists of someone in society. Although related to all ways in which a person is distinguished from others, dmeir especially concerns a person's image.

Dmeir, in contrast to mormorsol, is immortal. After death someone's "shadow image" continues to exist, whereas the vital force fades away, together with the decaying of the body. Until recently a small statue, usually carved from wood, was produced as a new point of address for the deceased person. The "shadow image" could take residence in it, enabling continuation of communication with the person who has died. These statues will be discussed in detail in the next chapter.

Photograph 3.5. Houses built on poles in the village of Kokwari on Babar in 1913. The front of the house on the left is decorated with the motif of the "moon with rings."

The components each have a different origin. As for mormorsol the matter is simple: the human being receives his vital force with his body from his mother. As regards dmeir, however, there is less clarity. Yet it is certain that the father plays a main role here. As was said before, dmeir is especially related to someone's social identity, someone's image, and after the birth of a child, the father provides the basis for this.

The way in which he does this corresponds entirely with the common manner in which one distinguishes oneself from others within the community. Traditionally there is only one method on Dawera and Dawelor to acquire a grand name and build up an image: other forms of life have to be killed. Esteem is gained by successes in hunting and fishing. Besides this the hunting of heads was an excellent manner to get a reputation in former times.

After the birth of a child a small ritual is performed, providing the baby with a name and introducing it into society. The father here has the obligation to kill a number of animals (mostly fish) in the name of the child and to distribute them among all members of the community. This last deed dominates the entire ceremony. The significance of the father's acting in the name of the child is great: the baby kills, as it were, the animals and thus shows the villagers that from now on, his or her person has to be reckoned with. Due to the death-dealing activities of the father, the child establishes the beginning of a reputation, on receiving its own name.

Photograph 3.6 Front of the former "great house" of the descent group Kapressy on Dawelor (1913). The insert shows a shutter, decorated with the motif of the sun, from the "great house. "Height/width 33 cm (RJM).

Photograph 3.7. Decoration at the stem beam of a boat on Dawera, showing the wheel of the sun. The insert shows two prows of tree-trunk canoes-from the island of Damer. Length 153 cm (top) and 132 cm (below) (RMV).

Figure 3.2.

Traditional village on Dawera/Dawelor

A Entrances

B Pilot

C Bailer boy

D Right helmsman

E Left helmsman

Man as Boat and Helmsman

During the process of creating new life, the parents' role seems to be the most significant. However, in the minds of the islanders, they are entirely dependent on their ancestors. According to these notions the ancestors are the ones who determine whether both components (mormorsol and dmeir) will be available via the parents; without consent and help from the ancestors no new, "complete" human being can be formed. This dependency relationship is expressed in a botanical idiom. The ancestors are considered to be the "trunk" of a tree, of which the living represent the "top." And just as the development of new shoots depends on the functioning of the basis of a tree, the survival of man lies in the hands of the ancestors.

As far as the woman is concerned, the notion exists that she received the potency to give birth to children, her fertility, from her mother. The latter, in her turn, received it from her mother, a series dating back to the first female ancestor who arose from the soil of the island. In a similar manner a father, during his activities to provide dmeir for a baby, is dependent on the male ancestors. For, without their help he is incapable of killing and cannot distribute fish to the villagers, in the name of his child. This potency to kill dates back to the first male ancestor, a mythical immigrant (see below).

Returning to the boat symbolism in relation to man, the distinction made between dmeir and mormorsol is very important. The language of Dawera and Dawelor reveals that a person's body, the part in which mormorsol manifests itself, is compared to a boat. The local terms for nose and toe correspond with bow and helm, and the shoulder blades are called wedyol, a word which means paddle. On the basis of this, the identification of dmeir, someone's image in the community, as a helmsman, a person who represents the boat to the outside world, is obvious. This association is indeed made on the islands. The boat represents the vital force and the helmsman a person's image.

Of course the question arises: What does the use of these nautical terms amount to? Is it just a matter of "playing games" in a world steeped in boat symbolism, or is there more to it? The latter is probably the case.

It seems that an interdependence is expressed by the terms boat and helmsman, as constituent parts of a whole. The nautical terminology presumably reveals that the creation of the whole depends on the availability of the constituent parts. On various occasions, creating something is worded or represented on the islands as bringing something "on course" (see also below). And boats can only set sail when two preconditions have been met: both boat and helmsman have to be available.

Boat symbolism seems to indicate that mormorsol and dmeir are indispensable components of the human being. Without both vital force and social identity or image, there can be no talk of a "complete" person. At the same time the ancestors' role in society is also symbolically emphasised.

The Family and Boat Symbolism

The nautical symbolism regarding the founding of a family is certainly not a matter of "playing games." In order to bring a family "on course," entering a sexual relationship is necessary, something that has to take place within the framework of marriage. This "precondition" for the creation of progeny is expressed through boat symbolism.

Imagery is an important form of expressing this symbolism. The woman is compared to a boat with an open waste pipe lying on the beach, waiting for a man who wants to go sailing. Only when the man, the helmsman, embarks and—as it is put—seals up the drainage hole, can the boat set sail, that is to say: a family can come into being.

The image presented may seem familiar (the "marriage boat" pushing off), yet there is a notion involved which is far less easy to Understand. In the islanders' ideology the creation of new life depends on the killing of existing life, an old religious concept that is also found many other places in Maluku Tenggara. The tradition is expressed in the idea that a man, before he can marry and beget children, must have killed life present in the "outside world." In fact this is considered to be his contribution to the creative process. Once he has returned with his hunting spoils he can marry and the spouse can then contribute to the process of creation in her way: developing and giving birth to new life. Aside from the imagery, this is very explicitly expressed in a ritual in which the founding of a family is represented in a nautical manner.

The Boat-Building Ritual