Читать книгу Santo Domingo: A Country with a Future - Otto Schoenrich - Страница 35

Table of Contents

HISTORICAL SKETCH.—FIRST REPUBLIC AND SPANISH ANNEXATION.—1844 TO 1865.

Constitution of the government.—Santana's first administration.—Wars with the Haitians.—Administration of Jimenez.—Victory of Las Carreras.—Baez' first administration.—Santana's second administration.—Repulse of Soulouque.—Baez' second administration. —Period of the two governments.—Santana's third administration. —Annexation negotiations.—Annexation to Spain.—War of the Restoration.

Immediately upon the declaration of independence a central council of government was formed for the provisional administration of the country's affairs. The new republic assumed the name of Dominican Republic and the people were thenceforth known as Dominicans. The first business before the central council of government was to prepare for the defense of the territory against the Haitian president, Hérard, who was advancing with an army to reestablish his authority. An encounter took place near Azua, in which the Dominican forces, under General Pedro Santana, were victorious, but instead of following up his victory, Santana fell back on Bani and permitted the enemy to occupy Azua. In the meantime another Haitian army was advancing in the north. In the midst of his operations Hérard was interrupted by the news of a revolutionary movement against him in Haitian territory, and hastily recalling his troops, retired to combat it, burning Azua and devastating the country through which he passed.

Many prominent Dominicans were in doubt as to whether the republic would be able to maintain a stable government and resist the incursions of the Haitians, and believed that the best course for the safety and prosperity of the country would be to seek the protection of a foreign power. These men, who came to be known as conservatives and who counted Santana among their number, began to spread their doctrines and were bitterly opposed by a different element, calling themselves liberals, among whom were Duarte, returned from exile, and the members of the central council of government. A number of prominent conservatives were obliged to go into hiding in order to escape imprisonment, and the central council of government appointed Duarte its representative in the north and ordered that General Francisco del Rosario Sanchez supersede Santana in command of the troops in the south. Duarte was proclaimed president of the republic by the people of the north, but Santana's soldiers refusing to recognize any other leader, marched on the capital, which they entered on July 12, 1844, and deposed the central council of government, declaring Santana chief of state with dictatorial powers. Thus the unhappy series of revolutions which have done such harm to the Dominican Republic was inaugurated within five months after the declaration of independence.

Santana organized a new central council of government and sent emissaries to the Cibao, or northern part of the republic, where he won over the army and the principal leaders. Duarte, Sanchez and others who had risked their lives and spent their fortunes in behalf of Dominican independence were arrested, imprisoned in irons in the ancient "Tower of Homage" of Santo Domingo and exiled as traitors to their country!

A constitutional convention was called, which met at San Cristobal and drafted the first constitution of the Republic, taking the constitution of the United States as a model. It was promulgated on November 6, 1844. In accordance with a provision of the constitution that the convention elect the president for the first two terms, General Santana was chosen, as was to be expected. General Pedro Santana, who thus became the first constitutional president, was a rough, uncouth and uneducated man, but possessed of keen perception and great personal bravery. He had a strong strain of negro and probably also of Indian blood. Born in Hincha, he had left his native town during the troubles of the early part of the century and settled in the province of Seibo, where he acquired an ascendency over the population that made him a kind of local demigod.

Conspiracies against Santana's government were immediately set on foot by the liberals, but were discovered and three ringleaders were executed on the first anniversary of the Republic's independence. In the spring of 1845 the first Congress met and proceeded to organize the government.

In the meantime a guerilla warfare had been going on with the Haitians along the border, and President Pierrot, who had overthrown Hérard, was preparing to invade the Dominican Republic. His two armies were at first successful and captured several border towns, but that which entered in the south was repulsed at Estrelleta, while that which invaded the north was defeated at Beler. A small Haitian fleet which set out to attack Puerto Plata blundered on a shoal where it was left high and dry and captured by the Dominicans.

Steps were now taken to secure the recognition of the republic by foreign powers. The government soon found itself in financial difficulties, as it was expensive to maintain the country in a state of defense against the Haitians, and an issue of paper money without sufficient guarantees made matters worse. Revolutionary mutterings were heard, and though a number of leaders were shot, the public discontent grew greater and more apparent. Santana comprehended the situation and determined to resign the presidency, which he did on August 4, 1848. The cabinet officers temporarily carried on the government and called an election, as a result of which General Manuel Jimenez, who had fought the Haitians and had been secretary of war under Santana, was declared president, entering upon office on September 8, 1848.

In his efforts to face the economic troubles of the government Jimenez disbanded part of the army and reduced military expenses. The moment was inopportune, for the implacable Haitians, who continued to consider Santo Domingo as Haitian territory in revolt, were preparing for another invasion. Soulouque, who had attained the presidency of the black republic, made a sudden incursion and marched victoriously as far as Azua. The Dominican government observed a vacillating policy which provoked general distrust and protests from the friends of Santana, whose partisans in the Congress called on him to take command of the army. Jimenez at first demurred but finally consented, and Santana, emerging from retirement, collected a few hundred ragged troops at Sabana Buey, near Azua. Soulouque attempted to move eastward by way of the canon of El Número, but was prevented by a Dominican force under General Duvergé; he then tried the pass of Las Carreras and was met and utterly defeated on April 21, 1849, by General Santana. The Haitians retreated to their own territory, burning Azua and other towns on the way. Quarrels between President Jimenez and Congress continued meanwhile, and his opponents induced the army to declare itself against the president and request General Santana "not to lay down his arms until a government was established which would respect the constitution and the laws and forever banish discord from Dominican soil." The Congress called the president to appear before it, and some of the officers of his staff, hearing him harshly criticised, drew swords and pistols to punish the offending congressman, and only the energy of the speaker, Buenaventura Baez, averted a bloody conflict. Congress adjourned to San Cristobal, the most important towns of the country rose against the administration, and Santana laid siege to the capital. After the siege had lasted a week, and the suburban town of San Carlos had been destroyed by fire, President Jimenez yielded to the arguments of the British, French and American consuls and agreed to resign the presidency and leave the country on a British warship. Santana entered the city at the head of his army on May 30, 1849, and assumed the reins of government, one of his first measures being a wholesale expulsion of Jimenez followers. He was crowned with honors by Congress and given the title of "Libertador."

The electoral college having been convened, Santiago Espaillat was chosen president, but refused to accept, realizing that Santana would expect to manage him as a puppet. Colonel Buenaventura Baez was then chosen and on December 24,1849, entered upon his first term as president of the Dominican Republic.

Baez, who was to play a leading part in the history of his country during the next thirty years, was the antithesis of Santana in manners and education. Born in Azua in 1812, the oldest of a family of seven children, his father had sent him to Europe to study and he returned one of the most polished and best educated Dominicans of his day. Under Haitian rule he was a member of the Haitian congress and of one of the Haitian constitutional assemblies. Almost white himself, he here distinguished himself by his boldness in opposing measures restricting the rights of whites in Haiti. After the declaration of independence of Santo Domingo he was a member of the first constitutional assembly and speaker of the first congress, being elected from the province of Azua, where his influence was similar to that enjoyed by Santana in Seibo. Until he became president he was a close friend of Santana.

Baez determined to take the offensive against Haiti, and a small naval campaign was undertaken in which Dominican government schooners captured Anse-à-Pitre and one or two other villages on the southern coast of Haiti, which were sacked and burned by the Dominicans. At the same time Baez requested the mediation of the United States, France and England to put an end to the struggle between Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Soulouque, who had meanwhile proclaimed himself Emperor of Haiti, offered to agree to peace and recognize Baez, but on condition that the Haitian flag be raised in Santo Domingo and the sovereignty of Haiti be admitted. His conditions were naturally rejected by the Dominicans, and the mediating powers informed the negro emperor that if he persisted in his plans of invading Santo Domingo they would be obliged to impose a suspension of hostilities for ten years. Nevertheless his forces continued to mass on the frontiers and small bodies actually entered Dominican territory, but were driven back. Upon the protests of the three powers Soulouque explained the incursions as having been due to disobedience to orders, and under pressure agreed to a truce for one year, during which negotiations were to continue for a definite treaty of peace or an armistice of ten years. In December, 1852, the minister of foreign affairs of France notified Haiti that the maritime nations of Europe were disposed to maintain the independence of Santo Domingo.

A period of peace now began which afforded a breathing-spell to the country. Upon the expiration of Baez' four year term, Santana was again elected president and entered upon the office on February 15, 1853. It was one of the occasions, only too rare in Dominican history, on which a president served out his term and personally delivered up the office to his successor.

The domineering spirit of Santana gave rise to serious dissensions. He quarrelled with the clergy, which had been taking an active part in politics since the declaration of independence, forced the archbishop, under penalty of expulsion, to take the oath of allegiance to the constitution, and banished several priests. One of the reasons for his stand was perhaps the circumstance that Baez had sought to attract the church. For several years Santana had become jealous of the extension of Baez' influence and wrathful at the independent spirit displayed by his former protegé. It soon became apparent that the retirement of Baez was equivalent to a fall from power. In July, 1853, Santana issued a proclamation in which he accused Baez of treason and of playing into the hands of the Haitians, and ordered his banishment. Baez fled from the country and answered with a fiery counter-appeal, justifying himself and accusing Santana of despotism, whereupon the breach between the two strong men was complete. Santana also quarrelled with Congress and banished or shot his principal adversaries. In 1854 a constitutional convention assembled to draft a constitution more to Santana's taste than the existing one. The presidential term was extended to six years and the office of vice-president was introduced, General Manuel de Regla Mota being elected to this office when General Felipe Alfau declined it. This constitution did not last six months, for before the end of the year Santana had it further restricted.

Under fear of foreign complications Haiti had remained quiet for several years, but in 1855, when England and France were engaged in the Crimean war, the emperor Soulouque made a last determined effort to subjugate Santo Domingo. One army advanced by way of the south, another through the central valley; both captured the border towns and drove the Dominican outposts before them; and both were defeated on the same day, December 22, 1855, the southern army at Cambronal, near Neiba, by a Dominican force under General Sosa, and the other on the savanna of Santomé, by a force under General José Maria Cabral. Not to be deterred, Soulouque rallied his men within Haitian territory, shot a few of his generals, and, believing all the Dominican forces collected in the south, marched north to invade the Cibao. Here he was met by another band of Dominicans at Sabana Larga and again defeated, retreating precipitately to his dominions. It was the last Haitian invasion, but Haiti did not formally recognize the independence of the Dominican Republic until 1874.

The harsh measures of Santana had provoked general dissatisfaction and the friends of Baez seized the opportunity to conspire in his favor. Santana realized that the days of his government were numbered, and resigned the presidency as he had done in 1849, retiring to his farm near Seibo. Manuel de Regla Mota, the vice-president, thereupon on March 26, 1856, became president. Baez soon after arrived in the country and was elected vice-president; thereupon Regla Mota resigned as president and Baez thus slid into the presidency in a perfectly legal manner.

The second administration of Baez opened with a revolution against him in the Neiba district, which was promptly put down. Baez then had Santana arrested and exiled, feeling uncomfortable while his former chief remained in the country. But he was not destined to have peace. An ill-considered issue of more paper money, when the rate of exchange with gold was already fifty to one, created indignation in the tobacco region of the Cibao and on July 7, 1857, Santiago declared itself in revolution. The movement rapidly spread, a provisional government was set up in the Cibao, the forces of Baez were repulsed, and soon the president held only Santo Domingo City and Samana. The revolutionists called a constitutional convention which met at Moca and in February, 1858, promulgated another constitution, designating Santiago as the capital. An election was held in the midst of the war and General José Desiderio Valverde was declared elected president. For months there were thus two governments in the country. The revolutionists began the siege of Santo Domingo City towards the end of July, 1857, and later Santana arrived and took charge of military operations. There were frequent artillery duels, the fourteenth anniversary of Dominican independence, February 27, 1858, being celebrated by a cannonade along the Ozama River lasting all day. Fortunately the most distinctive feature of the combats was the noise, but the Baez family suffered, two of the president's brothers being killed in the war. Baez held out for eleven months, but after the fall of Samana and when Santo Domingo was reduced to starvation he at length yielded to the entreaties of the foreign consuls and capitulated on June 12, 1858. As soon as he had embarked for Curaçao, General Santana marched into the city with the victorious army.

It was not compatible with Santana's character to be subordinate to anyone else, and by the end of July he had with the government at Santiago and set up a government of his own "in order that the lovers of liberty be not disquieted, in order that peace prevail, and in order that the nation be saved," as he said in his proclamation. The Santiago government attempted to resist but was overcome and its members banished. Santana declared the constitution of December, 1854, in force again and called an election at which he was, of course, chosen president, taking the oath of office on January 31, 1859. He thereupon crushed a revolution in Azua, executing the leaders. As the large amount of paper in circulation caused difficulties, he coolly repudiated the greater part, upon which a number of European countries temporarily broke off diplomatic relations because of the injury done their citizens and forced him to retire the paper by issuing in lieu thereof certificates acceptable for customs dues. This trouble removed, he devoted himself to securing the annexation of Santo Domingo to Spain.

From the earliest days of the Dominican Republic the most prominent men had believed that the happiness of the country depended upon securing the protection of a strong power, capable of preserving order, and the years of warfare confirmed them in their opinion. The hope of remaining in power was also an incentive to the party which happened to be in control. Spain and France were preferred, for reasons of identity or similarity of language, customs and religion. Many also favored the United States, but while the republican form of government and the probability of commercial advantages were attractions, the existence of slavery and of prejudice against the colored race inspired misgivings. As early as 1843, even before the declaration of independence, an attempt was made to secure a French protectorate, and during the first war with Haiti, Santana continued the negotiations. In 1846 an attempt was made to obtain a Spanish protectorate. In 1849 President Baez in his message to Congress referred to the advisability of "hastening a solution of the matter by obtaining the intervention and protection of a strong nation which would offer the most advantageous terms, for on this depends public prosperity."

On October 18, 1849, the Dominican minister of foreign affairs in a note to the French consul, stated that "the present situation of the country and the barbarous wars with the Haitians, obliged him to beg, in the name of his government, that the government of France give a definite solution to the important matter of the protectorate; and if the decision of France should unfortunately be in the negative, that it at least be not deferred too long to prevent him from addressing himself to the special representative of the United States, who had just arrived." The United States was mentioned as a bogey, for when France declined, the Dominican government stated that it could not consider the negative as final and appealed to the French sentiments of humanity. In 1854 another strong attempt was made to secure a Spanish protectorate. Neither France nor Spain was anxious to annex a hornet's nest, and Spain was fearful that any uprising against her authority would find an echo in Cuba and Porto Rico. In 1855 negotiations were opened with General William L. Cazneau, special agent of President Pierce, for the lease of the Samana peninsula to the United States, and in the following year Captain (later Major-General) George B. McClellan, of the United States Army, made an examination of Samana Bay. Nothing came of this matter owing to opposition by foreign powers and the fall of the Santana government. Most annexation negotiations were secret, as the opponents of the party that happened to be in power never failed to stigmatize them as treasonable.

The fear of American influence was one of the reasons given by the Haitian emperor Soulouque for his invasion of 1855, and for an invitation issued by him in 1858 to the Dominican people, calling upon them to return to the Haitian flag. It had its influence on the Spanish government also, which began to look more kindly upon annexation propositions and agreed to furnish arms, ammunition and military instructors to Santo Domingo. In 1860 Santana addressed himself directly to the Queen of Spain, and proposed a closer union. Bases for annexation were drawn up, founded "on the free and spontaneous wish of the Dominican people." Santana was careful to win over the local military chiefs to his ideas. His opponents vainly combatted the proposition from Curaçao and from Haiti, which was now a republic again.

On March 18, 1861, the people of the capital assembled on the main plaza pursuant to a call issued on the day before, General Santana and the members of his government appeared on the gallery of the palace of justice, a document was read to the public proclaiming the reincorporation of the country as a part of the Spanish dominions, and thereupon the red and gold flag of Spain was raised on the fort and on the gate "Puerta del Conde" and saluted with 101 guns. On the same day and during the week following, the Spanish flag was raised with similar ceremonies in most of the other towns. A few days later Spanish troops were disembarked at different points. Santana was appointed governor and captain-general of the colony, with the rank of lieutenant-general in the Spanish army.

The Dominican conspirators in Haiti, comprising General Sanchez and others who had distinguished themselves in securing independence for their country, crossed the boundary and endeavored to stir up an insurrection, but with such misfortune that they were surrounded and the majority captured. Santana ordered the prisoners shot and twenty were executed on July 4, 1861, notwithstanding the protests of General Pelaez, the Spanish officer second in command. The act provoked bitterness against Spain and made the men so killed martyrs in the eyes of their countrymen. It also marked the beginning of strained relations between Santana and Pelaez, made worse by Santana's arrogance. The friction resulted in Santana's resignation on January 7, 1862. He evidently hoped the queen would ask him to reconsider and give him carte blanche in Dominican affairs, but the resignation was accepted, though sweetened by the grant to him of the title of Marques de las Carreras and a life pension of $12,000 per annum. His successors in the governorship were high officers of the Spanish army.

Discontent was not slow in spreading among the people. Injudicious measures enacted by the Spanish authorities, the importation of hordes of foreign officials, the overbearing manners of several local Spanish commanders, increases in the budget, intolerance on the part of the Spanish priests, and the natural unrest of the Dominicans, all combined to give rise to small revolts which were put down, until, on August 16, 1863, a farmer named Cabrera with a small band of followers, at Capotillo, near Guayubin in the Cibao, began an insurrection which quickly became general and is known in Dominican history as the War of the Restoration. The Spanish forces of the Cibao valley were obliged to concentrate in Fort San Luis, at Santiago de los Caballeros, where they were besieged by the insurgents. The Dominicans also captured Puerto Plata, but the city was retaken by Spanish troops from Cuba. Reinforcements were sent to the besieged garrison of Santiago, and in the fight which the Dominicans made to prevent the joining of the Spanish forces, the city of Santiago was set on fire and reduced to ashes. The Spaniards determined to evacuate the place, and marched down to the coast, being constantly harassed by Dominican guerillas, so that they lost over a thousand men before reaching Puerto Plata. The Dominicans established a provisional government with its capital at Santiago and the country continued to be devastated with fire and sword.

General Santana was given command of a Spanish force to put down the insurrection in the east, but insisting on carrying out his own plan of campaign, he disobeyed orders and so rudely answered the governor-general's remonstrances that he was summarily removed from his position. In high dudgeon he retired to the capital, and it is stated that the governor intended to ship him off to Cuba; but on June 14, 1864, he suddenly died, after an illness of only a few hours.

If the Spaniards had displayed energy in opposing the revolutionists they would probably have carried off the victory, but the whole number of their troops on the island available for military service at any one time rarely reached eight thousand men. A campaign in the Monte Cristi district which might have ended the war was rendered sterile by the lack of troops. Finally the Spaniards, unable to garrison the towns they won, were reduced to the possession of Santo Domingo City and a few other places near the seacoast, all practically in a state of siege. Meanwhile the military operations were costing the home government large sums of money, and it became evident that, owing to the failure to strike at the right time, the subjugation of the country would entail enormous expenditures. Political conditions in Spain were not favorable to such a war of conquest, and the Spanish government determined to withdraw from Santo Domingo, alleging that Spain had taken possession only because she believed the Dominicans were anxious for annexation but that she did not wish to remain against their will. Possible complications with the United States, just emerging from the Civil War, were probably also taken into account. On May 1, 1865, the Queen of Spain sanctioned a law of the Spanish Cortes providing for the relinquishment of the colony. The Spanish forces were brought together at Santo Domingo City, and on July 11, 1865, after the guns in the forts had been spiked and the military stores on hand had been destroyed, the troops and the authorities embarked in a fleet assembled for that purpose and the Spanish flag was lowered, for the last time, in Santo Domingo.