Читать книгу Santo Domingo: A Country with a Future - Otto Schoenrich - Страница 37

Restoration of the republic.—Military presidents.—Cabral's administration.—Baez' fourth administration.—Annexation negotiations with the United States.—Civil wars.—Heureaux's rule.—Administrations of Jimenez, Vasquez and Woss y Gil.—Election of Morales.

From the very beginning of the War of the Restoration and for several years afterwards, the principal Dominican military chiefs were engaged in a disgraceful squabble for leadership. As soon as the Spanish forces retired from Santiago the revolutionists, on September 14, 1863, proclaimed the restoration of the republic and set up a provisional government under the presidency of General José Antonio Salcedo. The other generals accused Salcedo of lack of energy in pushing the war and on October 10, 1864, deposed him and made General Gaspar Polanco president in his stead. Poor Salcedo tried to resist, but was captured, hurried by a friend from one camp to another to keep him from being shot, and at last foully murdered. Polanco did not enjoy his triumph long. A reaction set in, a revolution was initiated against him, his troops deserted, he was captured and imprisoned, and on January 24, 1865, a superior council of government was formed by the insurgents, presided over by General Benigno Filomeno de Rojas. The council called a constitutional convention which proclaimed the constitution of Moca of 1858 and in March, 1865, elected General Pedro Antonio Pimentel president. It was he who entered Santo Domingo City after the evacuation by the Spaniards.

Hardly had the evacuation taken place when Generals Cabral and Manzueta raised an insurrection which overthrew Pimentel's government while he was absent on the Haitian border, and General José Maria Cabral, an educated mulatto, was proclaimed Protector of the Republic. Cabral had formerly been one of the most enthusiastic followers of Baez but it soon became evident that he was working for himself. He convoked a constitutional assembly which was convening when General Pedro Guillermo rose in the east and proclaimed General Buenaventura Baez president. The movement was successful and the Congress, completely convinced by the sight of a sword unsheathed in its presence by one of the victorious generals, elected Baez to the presidency.

Since his overthrow in 1858 Baez had been in exile, but he had accepted Spanish sovereignty and the rank of fieldmarshal in the Spanish army. On the outbreak of the War of the Restoration, he sent Cabral to join the Dominican forces as his representative. He was now living in Curaçao and a commission journeyed there to invite him back to Santo Domingo, a council inaugurated on October 25, 1865, meanwhile taking charge. A new constitution was drafted and promulgated on November 14, 1865, and on the same day Baez entered upon his office. Neither he nor the constitution lasted long. The constitution being too liberal, he had it abrogated on April 19, 1866, and Santana's constitution of December 16, 1854, was adopted in its stead. This action was the excuse for an insurrection which broke out in Santiago on May 1, 1866, under the leadership of Pimentel in combination with Cabral, and quickly assumed such alarming proportions that Baez found it prudent to resign before the end of the month and retire to Curaçao.

As usual a constitutional assembly was called, and a new constitution was promulgated on September 26, 1866. An election was held and Cabral chosen president by a practically unanimous vote. Nevertheless his government had scarcely a day's peace from insurrections. It found time, however, to resume amicable relations with Spain, to make a commercial treaty with the United States and to found a professional institute. Other relations with the United States were also planned; for as Spain and France were eliminated from the annexation idea and the United States had abolished slavery, this country was looked upon with greater favor. The cost of the government's military activities was such that a strong attempt was made to lease Samana Bay to the United States for two million dollars; but as complete control was not offered the plan fell through. Later a special commissioner was sent to Washington to negotiate for the absolute lease of the Samana peninsula and Samana Bay, which negotiations were the prelude to the later annexation negotiations, but they were interrupted by a revolution in favor of Baez which broke out in Monte Cristi on October 7, 1867. and deposed Cabral on January 31, 1868. A council of generals administered affairs until Baez took charge for the fourth time, on May 4, 1868.

In accordance with established usage, the existing constitution was abrogated and Baez' pet constitution, that of December, 1854, placed in force, but with amendments. Baez then began to rule with a firm hand, and though occasionally bothered by small uprisings on the Haitian border, promoted by Cabral, Luperon and other unruly spirits, managed to sustain himself in power for almost his full term of six years. He was able to realize what had been the golden dream of administrations since the birth of the Republic, the contracting of a foreign loan. Hartmont & Co., a firm of London bankers, agreed to issue bonds of the Republic to the amount of £757,700, though at a ruinous rate, and actually paid over £38,095. The dream turned to a nightmare, for when the government annulled the contract on the ground of failure to comply with conditions, the bankers continued to issue bonds and kept the proceeds themselves; and the bonds thus fraudulently issued constituted the nucleus of the enormous debt which later led to American intervention.

Though Baez had, for political reasons, protested against Cabral's negotiations with the United States, he was too sagacious a statesman to fail to recognize the value of American protection. It was now Cabral's turn to indulge in tirades full of patriotic indignation, for Baez actively pursued negotiations for the annexation of the country to the United States. On November 29, 1869, two treaties were signed in Santo Domingo City by representatives of the American and Dominican governments: by one the Samana peninsula and Samana Bay were leased to the United States for fifty years at an annual rental of $150,000, and by the other the Dominican Republic was annexed to the United States. Baez submitted the annexation treaty to a plebiscite in his country in February, 1870, and an overwhelming vote was cast in favor thereof. While the adversaries of the treaty did not dare to oppose it actively within the country, it is probable that the vote represented the true sentiment of the Dominican people, for aside from the evident economic advantages of annexation, the influence of Baez was such that the people were ready to follow blindly whatever he advised. Both treaties lapsed, but the annexation treaty was renewed and President Grant in his messages to Congress strongly urged its passage. Powerful opposition developed in the United States Senate, led by Senator Sumner, and the treaty failed of ratification. By a resolution of Congress, approved January 12, 1871, the President of the United States was authorized to send a commission of inquiry to Santo Domingo. President Grant appointed three eminent men, Benjamin F. Wade, Andrew D. White and Samuel G. Howe, who were assisted by Frederick Douglas, Major-General Franz Sigel and a number of scientists. The commission proceeded to Santo Domingo, travelled across the country in several directions and made an extensive report, which is still an important source of information as to the characteristics of the island. The commission's report was transmitted to Congress, and President Grant made another earnest plea for the annexation of Santo Domingo. Congress took no further action, however, and the United States thus deliberately rejected an opportunity to obtain control of a most important strategical position and to secure peace and prosperity to the Dominican people.

It is interesting to speculate on what the future of Santo Domingo would have been if annexation had been realized. The power of the United States would have maintained peace; salutary laws would have educated the people in self-government; liberal tariff concessions would have stimulated agriculture and industry; the influx of a good stock of immigrants would have developed and settled the interior; honest administration would have provided roads and schools, and soon the country would have attained a high degree of development and prosperity. The failure of the United States to extend a helping hand condemned Santo Domingo to long years of anarchy and dictatorships.

When it became apparent that nothing would come of the annexation plans, the Baez administration, on December 28, 1872, rented the Samana peninsula to an American corporation, the "Samana Bay Company," for ninety-nine years, at an annual rental of $150,000. The company, which intended to found a large city on Samana Bay, actually paid the sum of $147,229.91, the greater part in gold and the remainder in arms and ammunition. This payment, with that received on account of the Hartmont bonds, and with the higher customs receipts due to quiet conditions, afforded relief to the treasury; while peace brought the country a prosperity further increased by the immigration of numerous Cubans driven from their homes by the ten years' war that had begun in 1869.

President Baez did not lose hope in the ultimate realization of annexation, and it was also his intention to have himself reelected for another term of six years. These circumstances were used against him by his ambitious enemies, and on November 25, 1873, a revolution broke out in Puerto Plata which spread so rapidly that Baez was obliged to capitulate on December 31 of the same year. A new generation, grown up since the independence of the country and which had come to look upon civil disorder as a normal condition, now came into power, and the question of foreign annexation ceased to be an issue.

A period of constant revolutionary ferment and frequent changes of the constitution followed, with a wearisome succession of military presidents. General Ignacio Maria Gonzalez became provisional president in 1874, took advantage of the non-payment of an annuity by the Samana Bay Company to rescind the contract with the company, called a national assembly, which formulated the constitution of March 24, 1874, and had himself elected president, entering upon office on April 6 of that year. As the constitution did not suit him, he called a new national convention and had another constitution promulgated on March 9, 1875. This was too much even for Santo Domingo, and his enemies formed a powerful league in Santiago with a view to having him impeached, but the Congress rejected the charges. Another civil war was imminent when Gonzalez resigned on February 23, 1876.

The council of ministers took charge of the government and held an election at which Ulises F. Espaillat was designated president. He entered upon office on April 29, 1876, and as he was an excellent man would have given a good account of himself under different conditions; but General Gonzalez started a revolution on the Haitian frontier, and on October 5, 1876, Espaillat was ousted. A superior council of government was formed, which appointed General Gonzalez president in the beginning of November, 1876. Gonzalez had been in power for just one month when he was overthrown, in December, 1876, by a revolution that originated in the Cibao, and General Buenaventura Baez became president for the fifth time. The Republic thus had four presidents in 1876: Gonzalez twice, Espaillat and Baez. Baez called a constitutional convention and the constitution of May 14, 1877, was promulgated. Under the influence of the younger element he was less autocratic than in his previous administrations, but perhaps for that very reason his whole term was one prolonged struggle with insurrections, until he was obliged to surrender on February 24, 1878. He retired to Porto Rico and died near Mayaguez in 1884. Two governments were now established, General Ignacio Maria Gonzalez being proclaimed president in the Cibao, and General Cesareo Guillermo in Santo Domingo. An agreement was reached by them on April 13, 1878, and Guillermo became provisional president of the entire country. The constitution of 1877 was reproclaimed with amendments, an election was held and General Gonzalez was declared constitutional president, entering upon office on July 6, 1878. Guillermo immediately started a revolution with General Ulises Heureaux and compelled Gonzalez to abdicate on September 2, 1878. It was the end of Gonzalez' meteoric presidential flights, but after a period of retirement he ventured into public life again, and for many years was Dominican minister to Haiti.

Jacinto de Castro, the president of the supreme court, acted as president until September 29,1878, when he was succeeded by the council of ministers of which Guillermo was chief. The constitution of 1878 was promulgated, with amendments, on February 11, 1879, and on February 28, Guillermo, after going through the form of an election, became constitutional president. He did not last long. On October 6, 1879, a revolution broke out at Puerto Plata and a provisional government was formed under the presidency of General Gregorio Luperon, an intelligent negro, who had been imprisoned for larceny under Spanish rule, but had redeemed himself by signal services in the War of the Restoration. Guillermo resisted two months, but was compelled to surrender on December 6, 1879.

Luperon did not depart from the usual custom, but called a constitutional assembly which, in 1880, adopted with amendments the constitution of 1879, and fixed the presidential term at two years. Luperon then held an election and gave the presidency, for the two years beginning September 1, 1880, to one of his supporters, Father Fernando de Meriño, an eloquent priest who had taken an active part in politics since his youth, and who later became archbishop of Santo Domingo. The reverend gentleman suppressed all revolutionary uprisings with uncompromising severity and did not hesitate to execute the conspirators that fell into his hands.

During Meriño's administration General Ulises Heureaux served as minister of the interior and began to wield the power which he was to retain for twenty years. Heureaux was born in Puerto Plata about 1846. Both of his parents were negroes, his father being a Haitian who followed the sea and afterwards became a merchant, and his mother a St. Thomas woman. He received a mercantile education and took part as a subordinate in the War of the Restoration against the Spaniards. On the withdrawal of the Spaniards, in 1865, he became a bandit on the Haitian border and practised horse stealing on a large scale. Later he obtained a position in the Puerto Plata custom-house and took a more and more prominent part in the civil disturbances of his country, until he became well known as a politician and a revolutionist. He distinguished himself by his bravery and was many times wounded. Throughout these civil wars he remained a sturdy follower of General Luperon, the successor of Santana as leader of the "Blue" party and an implacable opponent of General Buenaventura Baez, the chief of the "Reds" and of General Ignacio Maria Gonzalez, the leader of the "Greens." When General Luperon overthrew President Cesareo Guillermo, in 1879, Heureaux was closely associated with the revolutionary movement.

Heureaux was able to strengthen himself to such an extent that when, in 1882, Luperon determined to become president himself he found that his former follower had outgrown him in power. The result was that Heureaux became president and served from September 1, 1882, to September 1, 1884. When his term expired a bitter struggle ensued with Luperon, who still retained considerable influence. Luperon's candidate was Segundo Imbert, while Heureaux supported General Francisco Gregorio Billini, who was ultimately victorious. Luperon went into exile, but later became reconciled with Heureaux and returned to die in Santo Domingo.

Billini entered upon the presidency on September 1, 1884, but became restive under the demands of Heureaux and his friends and resigned on May 15, 1885. The vice-president, Alejandro Woss y Gil, succeeded to the chief office. His term was to have expired in September of the following year, but a formidable insurrection broke out in July, 1886, under General Casimiro N. de Moya, with the object of preventing Heureaux from carrying out his design of succeeding Gil. After six months of fighting, during which the number of fatalities was happily remarkably small, Heureaux was victorious, and having had himself re-elected, resumed the presidency on January 6, 1887, until which time Woss y Gil remained in office.

The biennial elections were a source of annoyance even to one who was sure of victory, and Heureaux therefore called a constitutional convention which amended the constitution then in force and lengthened the presidential term to four years, beginning in 1889. As General Cesareo Guillermo, Heureaux's former companion in arms and later opponent, was understood to be nursing aspirations for the presidency, Heureaux sought to apprehend him. Guillermo fled, but finding himself pressed, committed suicide. No further obstacle opposed Heureaux's election, and he was again inaugurated on February 27, 1889.

In the meantime negotiations had been undertaken for the contracting

of new foreign loans, and one was floated in 1888 and another in 1892.

The government's fiscal agent who secured these loans in Europe was

General Eugenio Generoso Marchena, a man of much influence. In 1892

General Marchena announced himself as a candidate for the presidency.

Heureaux won without difficulty, but still uneasy, he arrested

Marchena in Santo Domingo, imprisoned him for a year and sent him to

Azua to be shot.

During Heureaux's new term, beginning in 1893, the country by improvident bond issues and debt contraction, made rapid strides in the direction of bankruptcy. In 1893, the San Domingo Improvement Company, an American corporation, under contract with the government took charge of the customs collections for the purpose of providing for the services of the loans. The illegal imprisonment of several Frenchmen gave rise to friction with the French government and in 1894 a French fleet appeared before Santo Domingo City, but the matter was adjusted by the payment of an indemnity. As the 1889 constitution forbade a president from holding office for more than two terms in succession, Heureaux, wishing to continue in the presidency, obviated the difficulty by the simple expedient of promulgating a new constitution in 1896, in which the limitation was removed. He was declared unanimously elected in 1896 and began his final term on February 27, 1897.

The long period of comparative peace enjoyed by the country under the rule of President Ulises Heureaux, or "Lilis," as the dictator was popularly known, brought seeming progress and prosperity, though at a heavy price. Many of his opponents Heureaux was able to buy, and in this way he retained the loyalty of hundreds of little military chiefs scattered through the country. Those whom he could not buy he persecuted, imprisoned, exiled, or executed. While possessing pleasant and affable manners, he was unrelenting in his persecution of conspirators and many stories are told of his harshness in this respect. It is related that when he was minister of the interior under Meriño he discovered that his brother-in-law was implicated in a plot; he therefore invited him to dinner and after they had dined, asked how his guest had enjoyed the meal. "Very well," was the answer. "I am glad of that," said Heureaux, "for I am about to have you shot. Take a cigar," he added pleasantly, "it will be your last." And it was, for the execution followed at once. On another occasion, so the story goes, after he had become president, a prominent general was his guest and after dinner they took a stroll. Coming to a place in the suburbs where workmen were digging a peculiar trench, the general inquired, "What are they digging here?" "They are digging your grave," answered Heureaux, and before the general could recover from his consternation a squad of soldiers appeared. He was shot and buried then and there. The governor of Macoris and the minister of war were both powerful men whose influence was feared by Heureaux. He therefore cunningly wrought up the latter against the former to such an extent that one fine morning the minister suddenly appeared in Macoris and had the governor summarily shot. An outcry was made by the governor's friends, and Heureaux, affecting indignation at the act, had the minister of war executed. Many of his prisoners mysteriously disappeared, and popular rumor points out one of the lower platforms of the fort "La Fuerza," where an aguacate tree formerly grew, as the place where prisoners were shot at night, their bodies being thrown to the sharks at the base of the cliff. Some of the dictator's suspects were assassinated in the public streets. Even exiles were not secure from his wrath and in one instance a Dominican writer named Eugenio Deschamps, who had been publishing articles against him in Porto Rico, was seriously wounded in the streets of Ponce by an assassin's bullet.

Ability and unscrupulousness, courage and cruelty, resolution and cunning were mingled in the character of Heureaux. Over the country he exercised the powers of an absolute monarch. He was the fountain head of all government and the real chief of every department. The accounts of the government and his private accounts were treated by him as one and the same thing. His ambition to remain in power necessitated the expenditure of large sums which he obtained through improvident foreign loans and usurious contracts with local merchants. Those whom he favored grew rich; his enemies he ruined. In other ways also his morals swerved from the straight and narrow path, and an isolated town gloried in the distinction of being the only place in the Republic where the president did not have a mistress. He himself stated that he had no concern as to what history would say of him, since he would not be there to read it.

During the latter part of Heureaux's administration the leaders of the opposition were recognized as Juan Isidro Jimenez and Horacio Vasquez, Vasquez was the chief of a large landholding family of the Cibao. Jimenez had been a prominent merchant, at one time carrying on mercantile houses in Monte Cristi, New York, Paris and Hamburg; his family had formerly been prominent in Dominican affairs, his father having been president of the Republic in 1848 and his grandfather one of the leading spirits of the revolution by which the Haitian yoke was thrown off. Jimenez was born in Santo Domingo City in 1846 and as a boy went to Haiti with his father, growing up in Port-au-Prince. As a youth he removed to Monte Cristi, where he established himself in business and took part in the War of the Restoration against the Spaniards. Having with Heureaux, he resided for a number of years in Cape Haitien, Haiti, and from there directed conspiracies against the dictator.

In May, 1898, Jimenez made a bold attempt to overthrow the Heureaux government. He fitted out a small steamer, the "Fanita," in the United States and left ostensibly to aid the Cuban insurgents; and as the United States was then at war with Spain the expedition was not opposed by the American government. A landing was made at Monte Cristi with only twenty-five men, a general uprising being expected as soon as his arrival became known. Jimenez' followers took the town, but the governor of the district was able to escape to the country and returned with a large force, driving Jimenez back to his vessel with a loss of one-half of his companions. The "Fanita" had touched in the Bahamas on the way down and on returning to Inagua Island, Jimenez was arrested by the British authorities as a filibuster. Heureaux sent a man-of-war to Nassau and did all he could to have the case pressed. Jimenez was tried twice; at the first trial the jury did not agree, and the second time he was acquitted.

Though popular hatred against Heureaux was strong on account of his tyrannical conduct and his attempts to compel the circulation of a large issue of inconvertible bank notes with which he flooded the country, the fear in which he was held prevented any general uprising. There were many, however, among them Horacio Vasquez, who never ceased conspiring against the dictator. When it became known that Heureaux was resolved to bring about Vasquez' death, Ramon Caceres, a cousin of Vasquez, and other members of the Vasquez clan, were drawn into the conspiracies. The father of Caceres, once vice-president under Baez, had been killed, it is said, by order of Heureaux. In July, 1899, when Heureaux prepared for a trip through the Cibao, he was informed of a plot to kill him on the way. When he arrived in Moca he thought that no danger awaited him there, as he expected that if any attack were to be made on him it would be at some solitary portion of the road and not in a town in broad daylight. When about to leave Moca on July 26, 1899, he ordered the governor of the province to arrest Caceres and his companions. Caceres was informed of the order by the secretary of the governor, who was his friend, and knowing that the arrest would probably be followed by an execution, with several companions he repaired to a store where Heureaux was talking with the proprietor, the provincial treasurer. As soon as Heureaux appeared in the doorway Caceres began to shoot, and the other conspirators continued firing, although the first shot had been fatal. Heureaux before falling drew his revolver and returned the fire, but the darkness of death clouded his vision and the shots went wild, one of them, however, killing a beggar to whom he had a few moments before given alms. Caceres and his companions fled to the mountains, and the body of Heureaux was taken to Santiago, where it was afterwards interred in the cathedral. Juan Wenceslao Figuereo, vice-president of the Republic, an aged negro, succeeded to the presidency.

The death of Heureaux precipitated a revolution headed by General Horacio Vasquez. President Figuereo made no resistance, but at the end of August resigned, together with his cabinet, first designating a committee of citizens to administer affairs until the arrival of Vasquez, who entered the capital on September 5, 1899, and became the head of the provisional government. Jimenez in the meantime hastened to the country and was everywhere received with rejoicing. The two leaders arranged that Jimenez should become president and Vasquez vice-president, and an election was held on October 20, by which this result was attained, the inauguration taking place November 20, 1899. Ramon Caceres, the slayer of Heureaux, was made governor of Santiago and delegate of the government in the Cibao.

The Jimenez administration was the reaction of that of Heureaux. It deserved, more than any the Republic had had up to that time, the name of civil and constitutional government. The executive was not absolute, as in the time of Heureaux, nor were there sanguinary executions. Almost too little restraint was exercised, and the press, so long muzzled, began to convert its liberty into license. Jimenez, too, was so good-hearted that at times he yielded to importunities which had better been resisted. The financial problems left by the Heureaux administration caused considerable trouble and though the waste of the public revenues was curtailed, large sums were still absorbed in the payment of revolutionary claims and of pensions for local military chiefs.

Jealousies soon ripened between Jimenez and Vasquez, who was known to long for the presidency and had only temporarily laid aside his aspirations on account of the overwhelming popularity of Jimenez. Each of the chiefs collected a group of friends about him and in this way originated the still existing political parties, Jimenistas and Horacistas, the respective followers of Jimenez and Horacio Vasquez. Several minor uprisings occurred but were suppressed by the government. In the beginning of 1902 the Dominican Congress, which was composed largely of Vasquez' friends, considered the advisability of impeaching President Jimenez on account of the financial transactions of the administration, and a vote of censure was finally passed. Jimenez believed Vasquez at the bottom of the agitation and endeavored to have the municipalities protest against the action of Congress. Rumors became current that Jimenez intended to imprison his vice-president and thus insure his own reelection. Vasquez, urged on by his friends, therefore started a revolution in the Cibao, and after a fight in San Carlos and a four days' siege of the capital entered Santo Domingo City on May 2, 1902, and became president of a provisional government. Jimenez sought refuge in the French consulate and embarked for Porto Rico a few days later.