Читать книгу The History of Voyages & Travels (All 18 Volumes) - Robert Kerr - Страница 68

SECTION II.

Contarini, leaving Kaffa, crosses the Euxine to the city of Phasis, whence he pursues his journey through Mingrelia, Georgia, and part of Armenia, into Persia .

It is impossible for me to give any exact description of the city of Kaffa, or Theodosia, or of its government, as the danger of incurring suspicion obliged me to remain continually at home; on which account I can only mention such particulars as I learned from others. It is situated on the Euxine, and is celebrated for a great fair, which is much frequented, on which account the city is very populous, and is said to be very rich and powerful. I hired a vessel belonging to Anthony Valdat, which lay in the Palus Meotis, to carry me to the city of Phasis . When I was ready to embark, I met with two Armenians, one of whom had been on an embassy to Rome, from Uzun Hassan, and was persuaded by them to prefer disembarking at Tina , about an hundred miles from Trebisond, instead of Phasis, alleging that from Tina it was only four hours journey to a castle named Arrius , which depended upon the king of Persia, and promising to conduct us to that place in safety. Although I was by no means satisfied with this advice, I allowed myself to be guided by the consul and his brother, who agreed in opinion with the Armenians. I accordingly left Kaffa on the 4th of June[1], accompanied by the consul, who went with me to the river, where our vessel was in waiting. I had formerly agreed with the master for our passage to Phasis at seventy ducats, but on occasion of the change in our destination, I was now obliged to pay an hundred. Being aware that I should not be able to meet with any person to serve us at the place we were going to, I used the precaution to hire nine men from Kaffa, to assist the mariners of our vessel, and to procure provisions for us in our journey through Georgia and Mingrelia.

[1] We have already seen that it was the 16th of that month when Contarini arrived at Kaffa. Much confusion has occurred in the dates of this journey, which we have no means of correcting, and must, therefore, be contented with them as they are--E.

We embarked on the 15th of June, and made sail across the Euxine, direct for Tina, but had hardly got twenty miles on our voyage, when a contrary wind sprung up from the east. Observing the mariners consulting together in an extraordinary manner, I became curious to know the purpose of their discourse. Accordingly, one Bernard, the brother-in-law of our captain, said to me that he understood we proposed going to Tina, but advised me by no means to do so; as a certain Subassa roamed about that neighbourhood with a band of cavalry, who would certainly make us slaves if we fell into his hands. On this advice I changed my purpose, and the wind becoming more favourable, we made sail for Liasi and Phasis, and arrived at Varsi on the 29th of June, where I disembarked my horses and baggage, and sent them from thence by land to Phasis, which is sixty miles from that place. Varsi is a castle, with a small village in Mingrelia, belonging to a lord named Gorbola , to whom likewise Caltichea [2], a place of small importance on the coast of the Euxine, is subject. The inhabitants of this country are very miserable, and the only productions are hemp, wax, and silk.

[2] The names of places in this journal are so corrupted as to be often quite unintelligible. Varsi may possibly be Vardon, in the district to the northwest of Mingrelia, named Abkhas; and Caltichea may perhaps be Sulhuali, a sea port about 30 miles to the east. Phasis probably refers to some town on the river of that name, perhaps Subastei.--E.

On the 1st of July we arrived near Phasis, followed by a vessel filled with Mingrelians, who seemed all to be fools or drunk. Quitting the vessel, we went up the river in a boat, passing an island in the mouth of the river, where Oetes, the father of Medea the enchantress, is said to have reigned. On this island we spent the night, and were sadly infested by midges. Next day we went up the river in the boat, passing the city of Asso, which stands on its banks in the midst of a forest. I here found one Nicholas Capella, of Modena, who commanded in these parts, and a Circassian woman named Martha, who had been the slave of a person of Genoa, but was now married. This Martha received me with much kindness, and with her I staid two days. Phasis is a city of Mingrelia, subject to prince Bendian, whose dominions extend only about three days journey in length. The country is very mountainous, and full of forests. The inhabitants are so fierce and savage, that they might be accounted wild beasts. Their principal drink is beer; they have some corn and wine, but in very small quantities; boiled millet being their ordinary food, which is a very poor kind of nourishment. They sometimes procure wine and salted fish from Trebisond, and import salt from Kaffa, without which they could not exist. Their only productions consist in a small quantity of hemp and wax. If they were industrious, they might procure abundance of fish, which are very numerous in their river. They are Christians, according to the Greek ritual, to which they have added many gross superstitions.

I left Phasis on the 4th of July, accompanied by Nicholas Capella, and crossed the river Mare on a float. That day and the next, we travelled through a considerable portion of Mingrelia, always among woods and mountains. Towards the evening of the 5th, we came to the habitation of prince Bendian, whom we found, with all his court, reclining on a plain, under the shade of some trees. I sent Nicholas Capella to inform him of my quality, and to ask permission to pay him my respects, which was accordingly granted. I saluted him, therefore, with great respect, as he sat on the ground with his wife and children, and he made me sit down beside him. After explaining the purpose of my journey, I requested he would have the goodness to appoint me a guide. He expressed his satisfaction at my arrival in his dominions, and granted my request. He afterwards sent me some bread, a piece of beef, and the head of a sow, but so under done, that it required the extreme necessity in which we then were to induce us to eat of his provisions; but when we cannot get what we like, we must put up with what can be had. We had to wait a whole day for the promised guide. The plain in which we found prince Bendian, is surrounded by very fine trees, resembling box, but much more lofty. The prince seemed about fifty years of age, and had a tolerably handsome countenance, but his manners were perfectly ridiculous.

On the 7th of July we continued our journey, always among woods and mountains, and next day passed the river which divides Mingrelia from Georgia, having to pass the night in the open air, and, what was worse, we had nothing to eat. On the 9th, we arrived at a small city named Cotachis [3], which is defended by a stone fort, and where we saw a temple that seemed very ancient. We had here to pass a bridge over a large river, before reaching the plain in which the huts of Plangion, king of Georgia, are situated. The fort and city of Cotachis belong to Plangion. I waited upon the commander of this place who invited me to dinner. He was seated on the ground, on which I, and those of my suite who accompanied me, and some friends of the governor, all sat down. Before us was laid a greasy skin, on which they served us with bread, radishes, some flesh, and other execrable articles with which I was not acquainted. They continually offered me wine in large goblets, to fill me drunk, according to their abominable customs, as they are as foolish and beastly as the Mingrelians. Finding that I would not join them in deep drinking, they held me in great contempt, insomuch that I found it extremely difficult to get leave to retire and to continue my journey. But at length they brought me a guide to conduct me to the king of Georgia.

[3] Probably Cutais in Imeritia, on the river Riene.--E.

I left Cotachis on the 12th of July; and, after travelling the whole day through woods and mountains, we rested for the night in a meadow at the foot of a mountain, near a castle named Scandes [4], in which king Pangrates [5] resides. My guide here left me on purpose to inform the king of my arrival; promising to return immediately with another guide to serve me during the rest of the journey. We had accordingly to pass the whole night in the wood, starving of hunger, and full of anxiety. The guide came back early in the morning, accompanied by two of the kings secretaries, who informed me that the king was gone to Cotachis, and had ordered them to make an inventory of all our baggage, and of every thing we had about us; after which we should be provided with a passport, to travel free from payment of any duties through the whole country. They proceeded accordingly in their examination and inventory with the most rigorous exactness, even noting down the very shirts we then wore. After this they ordered me to mount my horse, and to go along with them to the king, leaving all my people behind. I used my best endeavours to be excused from this; but, instead of listening to me, they loaded me with insolence; and the only favour I could obtain, and that with the utmost difficulty, was permission to take my interpreter along with me. We accordingly resumed our journey, without meat or drink, and arrived much fatigued at Cotachis towards night; where my interpreter and me were left all night to our repose under a tree, where, indeed, they sent us some bread and fish.

[4] Perhaps Sarassan, about forty miles S. E. from Cutais.--E.

[5] Apparently the same prince named Plangion a little before.--E.

The remainder of my people were taken to a miserable village, where they were left in charge of the priest; and our mutual anxiety may be easily guessed.

Next morning I was carried before the king, whom I found sitting on the ground in a hut, surrounded by several of his nobles. After paying my respects, he asked me a great number of questions, and among the rest, how many kings there were in the world? It came into my fancy to answer that there were twelve. On which he signified that I was right, and that he was one of the number; and that he was much surprised that I should come into his dominions without bringing him a letter from my sovereign. To this I answered, that when I left my own country, I did not expect to travel through his dominions, otherwise my sovereign would assuredly have given me letters in charge for his majesty; and with this answer he seemed satisfied. He asked many other extraordinary questions, from which I conjectured that my guide had maliciously represented me as carrying many valuable things; and it is probable, if this had been the case, that I had never been allowed to escape out of their hands. The royal secretaries endeavoured to persuade me that I ought to make the king a present of any article that might strike his fancy among my small baggage; but I got off without making any present, except compliments, and requesting him to appoint some one to conduct me through his dominions. This he was pleased to promise, as likewise to give me a free passport, without paying any duties, as I carried no merchandize. Accordingly, I took my leave of the king on the 14th of July, returning to the tree I formerly mentioned as my lodging, where the secretary brought me the promised passport and a guide. I then returned to my people at the village where they were kept in my absence, and was received with much joy, as the priest had represented the king as the cruellest tyrant in the world. My people could not contain themselves for excess of joy at my safe return, and even the miserable priest was so touched at the scene, that he provided us with something to eat, and we slept there that night as well as we could.

Next day, being the 15th of July, we provided ourselves with some bread and wine, to comfort ourselves on the way, and resumed our journey through thick forests and terrible mountains, which continued for two days. In the evening of the 16th, we stopt near a spring, where we remained during the night in the open air, being obliged to light a fire on account of the coldness of the weather, though in the middle of summer. On the 17th of the same month we arrived at Goride [6], which belongs to the king of Georgia. This city is built on a plain, watered by a large river, and is defended by a citadel which is built upon a rock. Our guide notified our arrival to the commandant, who ordered us a house for our lodgings, apparently for the purpose of extorting a present; for shortly afterwards he informed me that he had letters from the king, by which he was ordered to receive twenty-six ducats from me for himself, and that I should pay six to my guide. I endeavoured to evade this demand, by saying that the king had received me favourably, to whom I had already given seventy ducats, and could not give any thing more, and urged my free passport. But he would listen to nothing I could urge, and I was forced to comply with his extortion. He even detained me till the 19th of the month, and even then I had extreme difficulty to get leave to depart. The inhabitants of the city, who deserve rather to be ranked among beasts, looked at us with as much astonishment as if they had never seen any other men than ourselves. They told us that, on the top of a high mountain in a neighbouring forest, there was a great church, in which was an image of the Virgin, which worked many miracles, and that the church was served by forty monks, whom they named Calojeriens [7]. But our anxiety to get out of this abominable country, prevented us from paying our devotions at that famous church. Georgia, indeed, is a somewhat better country than Mingrelia, but the manners of the people and their way of living is equally brutal; and such were the distresses and difficulties I encountered in travelling through both, that it would be tedious to relate them. On the 20th of July we left the abominable city of Goride, where we had suffered so many vexations, and continued, our journey through forests and over mountains, occasionally falling in with villages where we purchased provisions. We had always to pass the nights on the ground near some spring or rivulet, during most part of our journey through Mingrelia and Georgia.

[6] Gori in Georgia, on the river Kur. The journey hitherto must have been through Mingrelia, then apparently subject to the prince or king of Georgia.--E.

[7] Probably Caloyers.--E.

SECTION III.

Arrival of Contarini at Tauris or Ecbatana, the royal city of Uzun- Hassan, and continuation of his journey through Persia to Ispahan, where the king then resided.

On the 22d of July we began to ascend a mountain of prodigious height, insomuch, that when night came on we had scarcely reached the top, where we had to pass the night without water. Resuming our journey in the morning, we descended the other side of the mountain, and entered the province of Armenia, which is under the dominion of Uzun-Hassan[1]. In the evening we were conducted to a fort named Reo, which stands in the plain, between a deep river and a high mountain, and which is garrisoned by Turks in the service of Uzun-Hassan, but the neighbouring village is inhabited by Armenians. We rested in this place till the 25th of July, waiting the arrival of a guide to direct us in the remainder of the journey, and being well treated by the inhabitants, we rewarded them to their satisfaction. The Armenian who had joined us at Kaffa, under pretence of being an ambassador from Uzun-Hassan to the Pope, was recognized by the inhabitants of this village as an impostor and a notorious robber, and many were astonished how we had escaped from his machinations: I got rid of him therefore immediately, and made him restore me a horse which I had lent him for the journey; after which I procured a priest of an honest character to conduct me to Tauris. Leaving Reo with my new guide on the 26th of July, we ascended a mountain, and came on the other side to a plain surrounded by hills, where we found a village inhabited by Turks, near which we had to pass the night in the open air, though the inhabitants treated us with decent civility. Next morning we departed before day, having to pass another mountain, on the side of which was a village inhabited by Turks, among whom we should have run extreme hazard of our lives if they had seen us; but by using much diligence we avoided this danger, and got down into an extensive plain, full of fine pastures, and travelled with great expedition that we might pass the night at a respectable distance from the lawless inhabitants of the hills. On the 29th we passed the mountain of Noah, or Ararat , which is so lofty that it is covered with snow the whole year. We were told that many who had attempted to reach the top of this mountain had never been more heard of, while others, on making the same attempt, said, on their return, that it was quite inaccessible.

[1] Uzun-Hassan in the Turkish language signifies Hassan the long, which prince was likewise named Hassan-beg, or Lord Hassan, and Ozun-Azembeg, or the long lord Azem or Hassan. By different European writers his name has been corrupted into Unsun Cassan, Uxun-Cassan, and Usum- Chasan. He was a Turkman emir of the Ak-koyunla dynasty, or white sheep tribe, whose ancestor, the governor of a province under the descendants of Timor, had rendered himself independent in the north and west of Persia.--E.

From this place forwards we travelled through extensive plains intermixed with hills, and arrived on the 30th of July at a castle named Chiagri , inhabited by Armenians. Finding abundance of bread, wine, and poultry in this place, we rested here for a day, and then set out with a new guide for Ecbatana or Tauris. Leaving Chiagri towards evening of the 1st August, we came next day to an Armenian village at the foot of a mountain, where we had to cross a river in boats, and were informed that Uzun-Hassan had formerly gained a great victory near this place over the Tartars, having hemmed them into a corner, where their army wasted away with famine and disease. The ruler of these Tartars, named Sultan Buzech [2], was made prisoner, and was afterwards put to death. We here saw, on our left hand, eleven Armenian villages, near each other, who were Catholic Christians, their bishop being under submission to the Roman pontiff. The country is extremely agreeable, and is the most fertile of all the provinces of Persia. We arrived on the 3d of August at a large village called Marerich, near which we passed the night, and had to ride all the next day through a plain country exposed to great heat, which was greatly aggravated, as we could not procure a single drop of water for ourselves or our horses. On the way we met several Turkmans, whose custom it is to encamp here and there about the country, wherever they can find pasture for their cattle, and to change their residence as the pastures become exhausted. These people are abominable robbers, and look upon rapine as their highest glory; and as we had great reason to be afraid of them, I gave orders to all my people to tell whoever we met, that I was journeying to wait upon their sovereign, which was the only expedient for saving us from their violence.

[2] This prince, whose real name was probably Abu Said, was the emir of the Kara-koyunla dynasty, or black sheep tribe of the Turkmans, who had risen to independence after the death of Timor, and who had long contended with the prince of the white sheep tribe for ascendancy. These two tribes derived their distinctive appellations of the black and white weathers, from some peculiarity in their ensigns or dress, equivalent to the distinguishing uniforms and banners of our European armies.--E.

We arrived on the 4th of August at the city of Ecbatana or Tauris [3], which stands in a plain, and is surrounded by an earthen rampart in bad repair. There are high mountains in its neighbourhood, which are said to be the Taurus of the ancients. I here lodged with a very good man, who gave us two sleeping chambers, a convenience we had been long unused to. He was quite astonished how we should have been able to escape the dangers of our journey, as all the roads were blocked up; and on asking him the reason, he told us that Ogurlu Mohammed[4], the eldest son of Uzun-Hassan, had rebelled against his father, and had taken possession of Sylas [5] or Persepolis, of which he had appointed his younger brother Khalil [6] as governor. Uzun-Hassan had assembled an army to reduce Persepolis and his sons to obedience; but a certain satrap named Zagarli who commanded in the neighbouring mountains, favoured the cause of Ogurlu, and had ravaged the whole country, to the very gates of Tauris, with a body of 3000 horse, owing to which, all the roads were obstructed and unsafe. He farther informed us, that the governor of Tauris had one day issued forth to endeavour to put a stop to the marauders, but had been defeated by Zagarli, with the loss of most of his troops, and had even great difficulty in escaping back to the city. I inquired why the inhabitants of Tauris did not take arms in their own defence, in a time of so much danger; but he answered, although they were obedient to the governor, they were quite unused to war. On learning the state of affairs in this place, I resolved to leave it as soon as possible, that I might get to the king; but I could neither procure a guide, nor prevail on the governor to shew me any favour. By the advice of my landlord I kept myself very much concealed, and employed my interpreter and Augustin of Pavia, whom I had brought with me from Kaffa because he understood a little Persian, to purchase our provisions, in which employment they were exposed to much ill treatment, and were often in hazard of their lives.

[3] Called Tebriz in modern times.--E.

[4] In the original this name is corrupted to Gurlumamech; but we learn from the Modern Universal History, that his real name was that expressed in the text of our translation.--E.

[5] The ruins supposed to be those of Persepolis are situated near Istakar, about forty miles north from the modern city of Shiraz, in the province of Fars or Persia proper; but the names in the original are often so corrupted as to defy even conjecture. Sylas is probably meant for Shiras.--E.

[6] Named Chali in the original; but it is to be noted that the ch of the Italian is pronounced as k in English.--E.

Some days afterwards, one of the sons of Uzun-Hassan, named Masu-beg[7], came to Tauris with 1000 horse, to defend the city from the incursions of Zagarli. I waited on this prince, having great difficulty to obtain an audience, telling him that I was sent as ambassador to his father, and had need of guides, whom I prayed him to provide me; but it was quite ineffectual, as he hardly deigned to answer me, and took no kind of interest in me or my affairs, so that I was obliged to return disappointed to my lodgings. Masu-beg endeavoured to raise money from the inhabitants of Tauris for the purpose of levying soldiers, but they resisted his demands, and all the shops of the city were shut up. In this emergency, being unable to procure provisions, I was obliged to quit my lodgings, with all my people, taking refuge in an Armenian church, where they gave us a small place in which to keep our horses; and I ordered all my people to keep constantly within doors, to avoid meeting with injury. My apprehensions on this occasion may easily be conceived; but God, who had already protected us in so many dangers, was mercifully pleased to deliver us from that which now hung over us. On the 7th of September, Bertonius Liompardus [8], whom I had before seen at Kaffa, and who had been sent by our illustrious republic, arrived at Tauris. He was accompanied by his nephew, named Brancalione , and having come by way of Trebisond was a month later than me in reaching Tauris. I now dispatched Augustin de Pavia, of whom I have before made mention, with letters to the republic of Venice, in which I gave an account to the senate of all that had happened to us hitherto. I sent this man by way of Alapia, where he at length arrived in good health, after having escaped many dangers.

[7] It is difficult to determine whether Contarini here means Maksud-beg or Masih-beg, as Uzun-Hassan had two sons of these names; Maksad was the elder, and may have been the person named in the text Masu. Bec or Beg signifies Lord or Prince.--E.

[8] The person mentioned before by Contarini as a messenger from Venice, and whom he met with at Kaffa, was named on that occasion Paulus Omnibamus, totally dissimilar from the name in this part of the text. --E.

Although I remained in Tauris till the 22d of September, I was not able to acquire any exact knowledge of the city, having been forced to conceal myself the whole time. It is a large city, but its territory in some places is uncultivated, and I believe nowhere very populous; it abounds, however, in all the necessaries of life, but these are dear. Much silk is produced in this neighbourhood, which is exported by way of Alapia. A considerable quantity of cloth is manufactured in the place, which likewise abounds in various merchandize, but I did not hear of any pearls or precious stones. Fortunately for us a Cadilaskir, one of the counsellors of Uzun-Hassan, arrived about this time at Tauris, who returned from an embassy into Turkey, where he had unsuccessfully endeavoured to negociate a peace between his master and the Turkish government. Immediately on learning the arrival of this person, I used every effort to procure an interview, in which I succeeded, and by means of a present, I prevailed on him to admit me and my retinue into his suite. He received me with much civility, and granted all I asked, assuring me that, with the blessing of God, he would conduct me in safety to the king. Among his slaves there were two Illyrian renegadoes, who formed a strict intimacy with my people, to whom they promised to give every assistance in their power, and to give us due notice of the departure of their master, which they faithfully performed, and for which I rewarded them.

On the 22d of September we departed from Tauris with the Persian counsellor, accompanied likewise by a great many merchants and others, who took the advantage of travelling under his protection, from fear of being plundered by the rebels. This country in which we now travelled was quite level, with very few hills, so dry that we saw no trees except along the sides of rivers, and having only a few small villages, in which we purchased what was necessary for our journey, and always rested before mid-day in the open air, being unable to travel during the height of the sun, on account of the great heat. Travelling in this manner, we arrived at Sultanie on the 27th of September. This city appeared to be very handsome, surrounded by walls, and defended by a good citadel. We saw here three most curious brazen gates, which had been made at Damascus, the finest things I ever beheld, which must have cost a great deal of money. The city of Sultanie stands in a plain at the foot of a range of mountains, some of which are exceedingly steep and precipitous, and the inhabitants of which are forced to remove into lower situations during winter, on account of the severity of the cold. We remained there for three days, and resumed our journey on the 30th of September, travelling sometimes in plains, and sometimes among hills, but always taking up our quarters for the night in the open air.

On the 6th of October we arrived at Sena [9], a city without walls, situated in a plain on the banks of a river, and surrounded by trees, in which city we passed the night in tolerably bad quarters. We departed from thence on the 8th, and stopping, according to our usual custom, in the fields, I was seized with a violent intermittent fever, insomuch that I could hardly get on horseback next day, and that with infinite distress. We arrived early next day at Kom, where I was forced to stop, all my attendants being seized in a similar manner with myself, except our priest Stephen Testa, who took care of us all. Our fever was so malignant that we were all delirious during the height of the access or hot fit. I was afterwards informed that the royal counsellor sent to visit me, begging my excuse that he could not wait for me, because it was necessary for him to repair without delay to the king; but that he had left one of his attendants with me as a guide, and that I need not now be under any apprehension, as there were none in that part of the country to do me harm. I remained here a long time sick. The city of Sena or Sava is not large, and has mud walls, being situated in a champaign country, which is well peopled, and abounds in every thing necessary to life.

[9] Assuredly the Sava of modern maps, a city of Irac-agemi, which stands upon one of these extraordinary rivers, so numerous in Persia, which lose themselves in the sands, after a short but useful run.--E.

On the 24th of October, being much recovered, we resumed our journey, though I was still so weak as to find much difficulty in sitting on horseback. Next day we arrived, at the city of Cashan[10], which very much resembles Kom, except that it is somewhat handsomer. On the following day, we came to Nethas , or Nathan. This city stands likewise in a flat country, which produces much wine. I remained here one day, both to recruit my strength, and because I felt some return of my fever. On the 28th of October, I prepared as well as I was able to finish my journey, which was all on plain ground, and arrived at Ispahan, where Uzun-Hassan then resided, on the 3d of November, having employed twenty- four days in our journey from Tauris to this place. I immediately sought out the dwelling of Josaphat Barbaro[11], the ambassador of Venice, and went to him. He received, me with much joy, and many embraces were mutually given and received, and we rejoiced together on my safe arrival. But as I had much need of rest, I very soon went to bed. When the king heard of my arrival, he sent some of his slaves to congratulate me, who presented me with some refreshments sent by his majesty.

[10] About sixty miles S. S. E. from Kom. I am disposed to think that Contarini has slumpt his journey on the present occasion; as it is hardly to be believed a person in the weak state he describes himself could have travelled with so much rapidity. Besides, so far as we can learn from his journal, he travelled always with the same set of horses. Indeed the sequel immediately justifies this suspicion, as the subsequent dates are more distant than the travelling days of the text would warrant.--E.

[11] See Travels of Josaphat Barbaro to Asof in 1436, in our Collection, Vol I. p. 501, in the introduction to which article, it will be seen that he had been sent on an embassy from Venice to Uzun-Hassan in 1572, two years before Contarini; and appears to have remained in the east for fourteen years in that capacity, after the departure of Contarini on his return to Venice.--E.

Early in the morning of the 4th November, some of the kings slaves came to require that Josaphat Barbaro and I should come to court. On being introduced to an audience, we found the king attended by eight of his principal officers. Having made my obeisance after the manner of the country, I presented the letters of the republic, and explained the subject of my mission[12]. When I had finished speaking, he answered me in every point, and in few words; and, among other things, he excused his conduct in having been obliged to retire to this part of his kingdom. After this we were ordered to be seated, and his courtiers gave us an entertainment according to the Persian fashion, which consisted of many dishes tolerably well dressed. After the repast, we took leave of the king, and retired to our quarters. Two days afterwards, we were again sent for to court, when most of the royal apartments were shewn me. The king then resided in a very pleasant country palace, situated on the banks of a river. In one of the rooms, there was a painting of Ogurlu- Mohammed, the kings eldest son, leading the sultan Busech , or Abu Saïd, tied with a rope; and in another picture the decapitation of Busech was represented. We were again invited to an entertainment, at which many different kinds of confections were served up. We remained at Ispahan till the 25th of November, during which period we were frequently invited to court. The city of Ispahan, like the rest of the Persian cities, is surrounded by earthen-ramparts. It stands in a plain, and is abundantly supplied with all the necessaries of life. Having rebelled against the king, it was besieged and suffered much injury; for, being obstinately defended, it was subjected to the resentment of the conqueror and the fury of the soldiers.

[12] This nowhere distinctly appears; but we may easily understand incidentally, and from the history of the period, that the Venetian republic endeavoured to stir up enemies to the Turkish empire in the east, being unable to resist its power, now exerted against them in the Morea and the Greek islands; and we may even surmise that Uzun- Hassan was subsidized by the Venetians to make war upon the Turks.--E.

Persia is a very flat and arid country, in many parts of which there are salt lakes. In such parts as can be supplied with water, grain and other fruits of the earth are produced in abundance, and there are plenty of beasts of all kinds, as it is everywhere intersected and surrounded by fertile mountains, but every thing is very dear. The Venetian quart of wine is sold for three or four ducats; but bread is not so dear in proportion. A camels load of wood costs a ducat. Flesh is dearer than with us, and seven hens cost a ducat; but other articles of provisions are cheaper. The Persians are a civil and humane people; and though Mahometans, they do not hate the Christians. The women are very modestly dressed, and ride on horseback with even more grace than the men; and, judging from the good appearance of the men, the women are probably handsome.

SECTION IV.

Contarini accompanies Uzun-Hassan from Ispahan to Tauris, where he finds Ambassadors from the Duke of Burgundy and the Prince of Muscovy, and gets leave to return to Venice.

The king left Ispahan with all his court on the 25th of November for Tauris, and we travelled along with him, passing through most of the places which we had seen in going to Ispahan. In this journey we always slept in tents in the fields, and the camp was well supplied with provisions, as many merchants had received orders to provide grain, victuals of all kinds, and all sorts of necessaries. On the 14th of November we arrived at Kom, where we remained two days under tents, exposed to extremely cold weather, and experienced much difficulty to procure a small house in which to shelter ourselves. We continued at this place till the 21st of March 1474, during which interval we went frequently to court, to pay our respects to the king, on which occasions we were generally invited to dinner. The Persian court is very magnificent, being attended by many high officers of state, and every day 400 persons dine along with the king. These are all seated on the ground, and are served in copper basons with boiled rice, or some other mess made of flesh and grain boiled together; but the king is served in great magnificence at a separate table, with a great variety of dishes of different kinds of meat. During his meals, the king is often served with wine, and then the musicians sing and play upon flutes such songs and tunes as the king pleases to order. The king is of a good size, with a thin visage and agreeable countenance, having somewhat of the Tartar appearance, and seemed to be about seventy years old. His manners were very affable, and he conversed familiarly with every one around him; but I noticed that his hands trembled when he raised the cup to his lips. It is not needful that I should enumerate all the audiences which I had on the subject of my mission, of which I shall make occasional mention hereafter.

On the 21st of March the king and all the court left Kom, on their journey towards Tauris, the baggage being carried by camels and mules. Each day we hardly exceeded ten or twelve, or at the most twenty Italian miles, and always stopt at each encampment till the forage in the neighbourhood was consumed. The Persian mode of travelling is thus: The women always arrive first at the new camp, where they set up the tents and cook provisions for their husbands. They are well clothed and ride upon good horses, which they manage with much dexterity. The Persian nation is very magnificent, and exceedingly fond of pomp, and shew, and it is very agreeable to see their march at some distance. They are very careful of their camels, of which they have great numbers, even the poorest seldom travelling with less than seven of these animals; by this means, the prodigious train which attends the court appears to consist of many more persons than it actually contains. When the king entered Ecbatana, his suite consisted of about 2000 persons, but many left the camp on the march, as it suited their fancy or convenience, and the king never had above 500 horse along with him. The royal tents were exceedingly beautiful and magnificent, and his bed was ornamented with scarlet hangings. The merchants who attended the camp sold every thing at a high price. All of our party were accommodated with tents, as we belonged to the suite of the king, who often honoured us with an invitation to supper, and at other times frequently sent us refreshments. We were always treated with much civility, and never received any injuries or affronts.

On the 31st of May the king encamped about fifteen miles from Tauris, when a certain monk of the Boulonnois named Louis, who called himself patriarch of Antioch, and envoy from the Duke of Burgundy, arrived at the camp, attended by five horsemen. The king asked if we knew him, and we accordingly told what we knew without dissimulation. Next day the king gave him an audience, at which we were present by command. This patriarch presented to the king three robes of gold tissue, three others of scarlet silk, and some of fine cloth, and opened his commission, making many great offers of service from his prince, and many fine promises in very magnificent terms, which do not appear proper for me to repeat, and which the king did not seem to care much about. We were all invited to dinner, during which the king started many questions, to which he gave very pertinent answers himself. After dinner we returned to our tents.

On the 2d of June we arrived at Tauris, in which place lodgings were appointed for us. Six days afterwards, Uzun-Hassan sent for the patriarch and us to court; and although he had three or four times informed me already that I must prepare to return into Italy, leaving my colleague Barbaro at his court, I could not reconcile myself to the journey, and had done every thing in my power to put off my departure. When we went to court, the king addressed himself first to the patriarch, whom he ordered to return to his prince, and to say from him, that he, the king, would very shortly declare war against the Turks, having already taken the field with that view, and that he never failed in performing his promises. He then turned to me, saying, "Return to your country, and tell your masters that I shall very soon make war upon the Ottomans, and desire them to do their duty as I shall do mine. I know no one better fitted to carry this message than you, who have accompanied me from Ispahan, and have seen my preparations; so that you are able to inform the Christian princes of all that you have seen, and of my good intentions." I offered several reasons for excusing myself from obeying these commands, which gave me much vexation; but the king looked at me with a severe expression of countenance, saying, "It is my pleasure for you to go, and I command you. I shall give you letters for your masters, which will inform them of my sentiments and the reasons of your return." In this state of embarrassment, I was advised by the patriarch and M. Josaphat to comply with a good grace; on which I replied to the king as follows: "My departure, Sir, gives me much distress; but since you judge it proper, I make no more objections, and am ready to obey your orders. Wherever I may go, I shall speak of your great power and goodness, and the honours I have received from your majesty, and shall exhort all the princes of Christendom to join their forces with you against the common enemy." My speech pleased the king, and he answered me kindly according to his wonted manner. After retiring from this andienqe, the king sent some Persian robes to the patriarch and me, made of fine stuff and very beautifully ornamented, and presented each of us with a horse and some money to assist us during our journey.

We remained two days at Tauris after the kings departure, and set out on the 10th of June to rejoin the court, which was then encamped in a pleasant spot among excellent pastures and plenty of fine wells; about twenty-five miles from Tauris. We remained there till the pastures were eaten bare, and then marched about fifteen miles farther. On the 27th of June the king gave us our final audience, at which he gave us presents for our respective sovereigns; that is to say, to the patriarch for the Duke of Burgundy; to myself for the republic; and to one Marcus Ruffus, who had come with an embassy from the prince of Muscovy. The presents consisted in certain pieces of workmanship made in the European fashion, two swords, and certain ornaments for the head, which are usually fastened to bonnets. There were two Persian ambassadors in the audience- chamber, one of whom was destined on a mission into Russia. At length the king turning towards the patriarch and me, addressed us nearly as follows: "You will return with all speed to your masters, and will tell them and all the other Christian princes from me, that I have used all diligence in taking the field to make war on the Turks, as it had been concerted between them and me. The emperor of the Turks is at present in Constantinople, and will make no enterprize of importance this year. As for myself, I propose sending one part of my army to reduce my rebellious son, and another against the Turkish generals, while I shall remain here at hand, to act against the enemy as occasion may require." He gave orders, both to us and to his own ambassadors, to report this to all the princes of Christendom. I did not receive these orders with more satisfaction than I had done the former; but I had no means of escape and must necessarily obey. Wherefore, having taken our leaves, we prepared for our departure, and were unexpectedly commanded to remain till next day. In the mean time, he conveyed a great part of his infantry during the night to the other side of a mountain. Next morning early, the Ruiscasson , or conductor of ambassadors, carried us to the top of the hill, as meaning to confer with us on some important subject, and on the appearance of the Persian infantry under march, he pointed them out to us as if he had been surprised at seeing so many additional troops coming to the royal camp. The better to favour this deception, some of his slaves exclaimed as astonished, that there were a great many soldiers, and that at least 10,000 were coming to reinforce the army. But we easily saw through the contrivance, and were certain that these pretended new troops were merely the ordinary royal escort, which had only changed their position to impose upon us. After this little comedy, the Ruiscasson gave us the royal letters for our masters, and we returned to our tents. From the information of M. Josaphat and others, the military force of this king cannot exceed 20,000 cavalry, some of whom have wooden bucklers about eighteen inches long. Others have a kind of cuirasses made of very thin plates of steel, which they wear over their ordinary habits. Their usual arms are bows and arrows, and cimeters, while some have small leathern targets covered with silk, and others carry helmets and cuirasses. Their horses are beautiful and vigorous, and very numerous. In regard to the manners of the Persians, and the state of the kingdom, I shall mention what I know of these subjects as occasion may offer during the recital of my travels; but I do not think it proper to weary my readers with any lengthened detail.

SECTION V.

Journey of Contarini from Persia, through Georgia and Mingrelia, to the city Phasis.

Being entirely ready to depart on the 1st of July, we took leave of M. Josaphat Barbaro in his tent, when we mutually shed tears in sincere grief at our separation. Having recommended myself to the protection of God, I mounted on horseback, and began my journey, accompanied by the patriarch of Antioch, Marcus Ruffus the Muscovite, and the two Persian ambassadors, intending to return by way of Phasis, which is under the dominion of Uzun-Hassan. To this route we were advised by certain birds of bad augury, who were omens of the terrible dangers we had to encounter in the sequel. Coming to the villages of the catholic Armenians, formerly mentioned, we were well received by their bishops, and attended the mass regularly during three days that we had to remain here, laying in a stock of provisions for the journey. From thence we came to the frontiers of Georgia, travelling through plains interspersed with hills, and arrived on the 12th of July at Typsi [1], which is subject to the king of the Georgians. This city stands upon a hill, at the foot of which runs the river Tigre , and it is defended by a good castle on the summit of an eminence. It was formerly a celebrated place, but is at present almost utterly ruined, though beginning to revive, and contains many good catholics. In this place we took up our lodgings with a person named Arminius, of the catholic faith. In travelling through Georgia, we found a few villages composed of huts, and some castles among the mountains, but these were rare and distant.

[1] This in all probability is a corruption of Tiflis, or Teffliz, the capital of Georgia Georgia, which is situated on the river Kur or Cyrus, erroneously named Tigre in the text. The proper name of this country is Gurgi-stan, or the country of the Gurgi which has been corrupted by the Europeans into Georgia.--E.

On the 19th of July, being near the frontiers of Mingrelia, we chanced to meet with Pangratius, king of Georgia, in the midst of a forest surrounded by mountains, and went to pay our respects to him, when he invited us to dinner. We had to sit on the ground, having a skin spread before us instead of a table-cloth, and were served with roasted meat and fowls, very ill dressed; but, by way of making amends, they frequently presented us with large goblets of wine, as they seem to place all dignity and merit in deep drinking. For this reason it is their custom, at the conclusion of their meals, to challenge one another to drink, and he who empties the greatest number of goblets, is held in highest esteem. As the Turks drink no wine, their presence was some restraint that day on their usual bacchanalian contests, and as we neither could nor would compete with them, we were held in great contempt. The king was about forty years old, and of large make, with a strong resemblance to the Tartar countenance. We parted from the king of Georgia next day, and on the 22d of July, on the confines of Mingrelia, we fell in with a Georgian commander at the head of some troops, both cavalry and infantry who was posted in this place to prevent injury from the disorders that had broke out in Mingrelia, in consequence of the death of Bendian, prince of that country. These people stopped, and frightened us with, many cruel menaces; but at length, after being robbed of two quivers full of arrows, and having to gratify them with some money, we escaped from them, and made the best of our way to a distance. Leaving the public road, we struck off into a thick wood, where we passed the night in prodigious apprehension.

On the following day, while approaching the city of Cotati [2], we met some peasants in a narrow pass, who prevented us for some time from going forwards, and even threatened to put us to death. After much altercation, and many threats, they seized three horses belonging to the Turks[3], which were with great difficulty redeemed for twenty ducats. On the evening we reached Cutais, which is a royal fortress. While passing a bridge over a river, early in the morning of the 24th of July, we were again attacked by robbers, who came upon us suddenly, and, after many threats, forced us to pay the full value of our horses, before they would allow us to continue our journey. After passing this bridge, we entered Mingrelia, where we followed our wonted custom of sleeping under the canopy of heaven, though we had many worse inconveniencies and dangers to encounter: for, on the 25th of July, having passed over a river by means of rafts, we were conducted to the dwelling of a certain lady, named Maresca , sister of the deceased prince Badian, who received us at first with much civility, and treated us with bread and wine, after which we were conducted into a field belonging to her, which was close shut on all sides. On the morrow, when we were about to depart, we offered her a present of twenty ducats, as a return for her hospitality, which at first she pretended to refuse; but we soon discovered her treachery, as she insisted on our paying two ducats as a ransom for each of our horses. We expressed our astonishment at this rapacity, and endeavoured to represent our inability to comply with such exorbitant demands, but all to no purpose, and we were forced to comply, being afraid that she might even have plundered us of every thing.

[2] Cutais in Imeritia, named Cotachis on a former occasion in the text. --E.

[3] These Turks must have been the Persian ambassadors of Uzun-Hassan;--E.

Leaving this rapacious dame, we arrived at Phasis on the 27th of July, some on horseback and others in boats, where we again lodged with Martha the Circassian lady, whom I formerly mentioned. After having run many risks in our journey, we here learnt a piece of most afflictive news, that the Turks had taken possession of Kaffa or Theodosia in the Crimea, by which we were deprived of our last resource, and shut out apparently from every hope of continuing our voyage homewards. Our distress on receiving this intelligence may easily be conceived, and, in fact, we were so much cast down, as not to know what measures to pursue, or to which hand to turn us. Louis, the patriarch of Antioch, resolved upon going through Tartary and Russia, with which route he was acquainted. It was to no purpose that I urged the promises we had mutually come under at the beginning of our journey, never to separate on any account. To this he answered, that the unforeseen circumstances which had occurred, were a sufficient warrant to every one to consult his own individual safety. I insisted and beseeched him not to treat me with such unfeeling cruelty, but all in vain, for he prepared to set off along with the Turkish ambassador, who had been sent by Uzun-Hassan as his particular companion. In this extremity I went to Marcus Ruffus, and the Turkish ambassador who was joined with him by the king of Persia, to whom I mentioned my intention of returning back to Uzun-Hassan. They pretended to approve my plan, and even to join me, and we embraced as entering, into promise of keeping together; but they secretly came to a determination of taking their journey through the province of Gorgore , which is subject to Calcicanus , and to the city of Vati ,[4] which is on the frontiers of the Turks, and pays tribute to the Grand Signior.

[4] This proposed route seems to have been through the province of Guria to Batum; and, from the sequel, to have returned to Georgia and Shirvan, passing through Derbent and the Caspian gates, or Daghisten, into western Tartary. But the names in the text are too corrupt for any certainty. Calcicanus, in the text, is probably a corruption of Kalo Johannes, who was then prince, or emperor, of Trebisond.--E.

The patriarch set out on the 6th of August, and the next day Marcus Ruffus followed him, accompanied by several Russians, partly on horseback, and partly by means of boats. Their intentions were to travel from Vati, by Shamaki, anciently Cyropolis, and thence into Tartary. Thus left alone in a strange land, I leave any reasonable person to think what were the embarrassments with which I was surrounded. I was unacquainted with a single individual, having no company but that of my domestics, and had very little money remaining. In short, I was reduced almost to despair, of ever being able to get out of the country. In this state of distress I fell into a violent fever, and could get no other nourishment but bread and water, and a pullet occasionally with much difficulty; and my fever increased to such a degree that I became delirious. All my domestics were attacked soon after with the same fever, the priest Stephen only excepted, who had to take care of us all. My only bed was a wretched mattress, which had been lent me by a person named John Volcan; and my life was despaired of by every one, till the 9th of September, when, by the cares of Stephen and of Martha, my good hostess, or rather through the mercy of God, the fever abated, and I soon recovered my former health, to the astonishment of every one. My domestics likewise recovered, and we began again to consult on the best means of escaping out of our present situation. Some proposed to take the road of Syria, but I deemed this too dangerous; and we at length came to the determination, of going by Shamaki, into Tartary, and thence by Russia, Poland, and Germany. I got accordingly on horseback on the 10th of September, but had hardly rode two miles when I was forced to dismount and rest myself on the ground. I was, therefore, obliged to return to my lodging in Phasis, where we remained till the 17th, when, being all of us restored to health and strength, we again resumed our journey, after having implored the protection and assistance of God. I now took a certain Greek into my service, who could speak the Mingrelian language, who occasioned me a thousand troubles, which it were tedious to recount.

SECTION VI.

Leaving Phasis, Contarini travels through Mingrelia and Georgia, into Media, and, passing the Caspian, arrives in Tartary.

Leaving Phasis, as before mentioned, on the 17th of September; and taking the road of Mingrelia, we came to Cotati , or Cutais, on the 21st of that month, extremely worn out through the consequences of our late illness, and the fatigues of the journey; and as the Greek whom I had hired never ceased to give me vexation, I here parted with him as handsomely as I could. We remained two days at Cutais, among people who knew us not, and whose language we were quite ignorant of. Leaving that place, and tracing back our former steps, we passed over several mountains in much fear, and arrived at Tiflis on the 30th of September, where we took shelter in the chapel of a certain Armenian catholic, who had more the appearance of a dead person than of a living man, but who rendered us every possible service. This man had a son who lived with him, and who, unfortunately for us, was seized with the plague, which had raged in that part of the country this year. From him one of my servants, named Maffeo of Bergamo, caught the distemper, who still kept about me during two days, though ill, as he was my own particular domestic. At length, growing worse, he had to take to his bed, when the distemper shewed itself; and as he lay in the same room with me, and the house could not afford me another, I was forced to take refuge in a hovel where some cows were kept at night; and as the Armenian refused to allow Maffeo to remain in his house, I was constrained to take him into the same place with myself, where Stephen took care of him, till God pleased to take him out of the world. After the death of Maffeo, I experienced great difficulty to procure another stable for myself, that I might get away from the morbid air of that in which my poor servant died. In this extremity we were utterly abandoned, except by one old man, who understood a little of our language, and who served us with much affection.

We remained at this place till the 21st October, and on the evening before our intended departure, the Persian ambassador, who had accompanied the patriarch, came to Tiflis. He complained grievously of having been plundered, through the fault of the patriarch, with whom he had travelled to Lavógasia , where he had left him, and was now on his road to complain to Uzun-Hassan. We agreed to travel in company from Tiflis, a city belonging to Pancratis[1]. From thence in two days we entered the territories of Uzun-Hassan, as we took the road towards Shamaki, or Cyropolis, which is situated in a fertile and pleasant country. On the 26th of October we separated, as the Persian went to Uzun- Hassan at Tauris, and I took the road for the dominions of Sivanse , in which Shamaki stands; but by means of the Persian ambassador I procurred a molah , or Mahometan priest, to guide me on the road to Shamaki. This country is greatly more beautiful and more fertile than the dominions of Uzun-Hassan, and is ruled over by Sivanse , king of Media[2]. Of this country Shamaki is the capital, at which place I arrived on the 1st November 1474. This city is not so large as Tauris, but, as far as I could judge, surpasses that place in the goodness and abundance of every thing, especially in excellent cattle. It produces great quantities of excellent silk, of which they manufacture various kinds of very slight stuffs. While here, I had the good fortune to be rejoined by Marcus Ruffus, the Muscovite ambassador, who had parted from me at Phasis, as formerly related. Immediately on learning that I was in the city, he came to visit me, and we embraced with cordiality. I now earnestly entreated him to receive me and my domestics into his society for the remainder of the journey, to which he very readily agreed.

[1] This name is probably corrupted for Bagration, or Bagrathion, which was once the family name of the sovereigns of Georgia, and, if I mistake not, there is, or was lately, a prince of that family and name in the service of Russia.--E.

[2] The kingdom of Media in the text, is obviously meant to indicate the province of Shirvan, on the west of the Caspian.--E.

We left Shamaki on the 6th of November, for the city of Derbent, which is called, in the language of the country, the Caucassian Gates, or the Iron Gates. This city is under the dominion of Sivanse , and stands on the frontiers of Tartary. On our journey we travelled sometimes over plains and sometimes on mountains, and were tolerably well treated by the Turkish inhabitants, with whom we lodged by the way. About mid-way between these two cities we came to a large village, where we found great abundance of excellent fruits, particularly admirable apples. We arrived on the 12th of November at Derbent, and were advised to pass the winter in that place; as it was necessary, in our way to Russia, to cross the desert of Tartary, which is much easier in the spring of the year, and likewise because it was proper for us to cross over the Caspian to the Tartar city of Citracan. The city of Derbent is situated on the shore of the Caspian, which the Mardians call the sea of Bachaan or Bacou. This city is said to have been built by Alexander the Great, and is called the Iron Gate , because it entirely closes up the only passage from Tartary into Media and Persia, by means of a deep valley reaching from Circassia. Derbent is fortified with a thick well built wall, reaching from the castle at the foot of the mountain all the way to the sea; but not above a sixth part of the space within the walls is inhabited, all that end nearest the sea being in ruins, among which are several tombs. The country about this city produces abundance of all kinds of fruits, among which are plenty of grapes, from which the inhabitants make wine.

The Caspian, or Sea of Hircania, which has no communication whatever with the ocean, is about the same size with the Euxine or Black Sea, and is very deep. They catch in this sea great quantities of sturgeons, and sea- wolves as they are called; and there are prodigious quantities of sea- dogs, or seals, having the head, feet, and tail like ordinary dogs. The only other remarkable fish is of a round form, about a yard and a half in diameter, with no perceptible head or other member, from which the natives extract a great quantity of oil, which they use in their lamps, and with which they anoint their camels. The inhabitants of this country, who are all Mahometans, are neither cruel nor barbarous, and used us exceedingly well; having once asked us who we were, and being answered that we were Christians, they troubled us with no farther inquiries. My dress at this time consisted of coarse and much worn cloth, lined with lambs skin, above which I wore a leathern robe, and my hat was of skin; in which dress I frequently went to the market to purchase flesh and other provisions, which I carried home myself. On one of these occasions a person eyed me attentively, and, turning to some of his comrades, said, this man was not born to the employment of carrying meat. Marcus Ruffus, who happened to be along with me, explained what the man had said; and I was astonished at being recognized in so shabby a dress, which I thought must have proved a sufficient concealment: but, in truth, as I have said before, they are a very good kind of people.

During my residence in Derbent, I was anxious to learn some certain intelligence respecting the state of affairs at the court of Uzun-Hassan, for which purpose I sent Demetrius de Seze, my interpreter, with letters to Josaphat Barbaro at Tauris, which is twenty days journey from Derbent. He returned at the end of fifty days, bringing answers from Barbaro, informing me that the king still remained at Tauris, but that he was utterly ignorant of his affairs.

Spring being arrived, we began to think of pursuing our journey, and Marcus procured a boat for transporting us to Curere [3]. The boats which are used in this country are drawn up on the shore all winter, as the sea is then too rough for their use. They are sharp at both ends, and wide in the middle, their planks being fastened with tree-nails, and their bottoms payed over with pitch; and as the natives use no compasses, or other maritime instruments, they always creep along the coast. These boats, which are very crazy and dangerous, are moved forwards by means of oars; and the people are very ignorant of navigation, though they believe themselves the best mariners in the world.

[3] Perhaps Saray, on the eastern branch of the Wolga.--E.

On the 5th of April 1475, we embarked, and departed from Derbent, being thirty-five persons in all, including the master of the boat and the crew. The rest of the passengers were merchants, carrying rice, silk, and silken goods to Citrarchan [4], where they proposed to sell their commodities to the Russians and Tartars, or to barter them for other articles. Having coasted along during three days, with a favourable wind, always keeping about fifteen miles from the shore, the wind became contrary on the third evening, and increased during the night to so violent a tempest that we expected to have been lost. Although we had all reason to believe our bark would be dashed to pieces on the shore, we made every effort to gain the land, and fortunately our vessel ran into a kind of ditch or dock between sand banks, very near the beach, where she stuck fast, impelled by the united force of the winds and waves, and of our oars. Between us and the shore there was a pool, through which we had to wade, carrying our baggage on our shoulders; and we were almost perished with cold, owing to the wind, and our being drenched with water; yet we unanimously agreed to refrain from making a fire, lest that circumstance might attract the notice of the Tartars, whom we feared to meet with. At day light we noticed traces of horses having been on the spot, and the recent fragments of a ruined skiff, from which we were led to conclude, that some persons must have been here; but some other circumstances gave us reason to believe that the Tartars were not near the shore.

[4] Probably Astracan is here meant.--E.

We remained undisturbed at this place till the 14th of April, when the wind and weather becoming favourable, we got our bark from the creek, and again resumed our voyage, and advanced near thirty miles the same day. Towards evening the wind became again contrary, but we avoided the dangers of an impending storm, by taking refuge amidst some reeds, among which our mariners hauled the boat, so as to be out of danger from the waves, and we made our way to the land through the reeds, in doing which we were much fatigued and thoroughly drenched in water. We rested here all that night and the day following, which was Easter day, having nothing on which to commemorate that festival, except some butter, and a few eggs which we fortunately gathered on the sandy beach. The mariners and passengers were often inquisitive to know who I was; and, pursuant to the advice of Marcus Ruffus, I passed myself among them as the physician and servant of Despima , the consort of the grand duke of Moscovy, to whom I was going. A short time after this, one of our mariners happened to be afflicted by a large boil, and came to consult me in my assumed character; and as I had the good fortune to discover some oil in our bark, I made a poultice for him with bread and flour, by which he was soon cured. From this circumstance they actually believed me to be a physician, and were very anxious that I should remain among them; but Marcus drew me out of this difficulty, by saying that I had no medicinal preparations with me, but would soon return from Russia with a proper assortment.

SECTION VII.

Arrival of Contarini at Citracan, and journey from thence, through several dangers among the Tartars, to Muscovy along with some merchants .

On the 15th of April we put again to sea with a favourable wind, and coasting along a series of reedy islands, we arrived on the 26th of that month at the mouth of the Wolga, a large river which flows from Russia into the Caspian. From the mouth of this river it is computed to be seventy-six miles to the city of Citracan[1], which we reached on the 30th. Near this city there are excellent salines [2], from which all the neighbouring provinces are supplied with salt. The Tartars who commanded in the city would not permit us to enter that evening, so that we had to pass the night in a hut without the walls. In the morning three broad- faced Tartars came and ordered us to go along with them to their prince. They treated Marcus with respect, saying that he was a friend of their sovereign; but alleged that I was his slave, as they consider all the Franks or Christians as their enemies. These news were most cruelly mortifying for me, and afflicted me severely; but I was obliged to submit in spite of me, and Marcus advised me to allow him to speak for me. Forced in this manner to return disconsolate to my hut, I was long exposed to every indignity and danger, to my great mortification and distress. The Tartars insisted that I was possessed of pearls, and even plundered me of some merchandize I had purchased in Derbent, intending to have bartered it in this place for a good horse to carry me during the rest of my journey. They informed me afterwards, by means of Marcus, that they intended to sell us all to certain people whom they waited for, and who were to go into Muscovy with other merchants. After many mortifications and distresses, it was resolved to hold a grand consultation concerning us at a large village named Alermi , about two miles from the city, where their lord resided. At this time I was not possessed of a single farthing, and was obliged to borrow money from the Russian and Tartar merchants, at a high interest, to supply our urgent necessities, for which Marcus became my bondsman.

[1] Called Citrarchan in the former section, but certainly what we now call Astracan, then the capital of a Tartar principality, which now forms one of the provinces of the vast Russian empire.--E.

[2] These are large shallow ponds, in which sea water is exposed to evaporation, to procure salt.--E.

One day, while Marcus was absent, the khan or prince of the Tartars[3], broke open the door of our hut, and endeavoured to compel me by threats to deliver up the pearls which he believed I was possessed of, and I had infinite difficulty to escape out of his hands, and to persuade him not to put me to death. The Tartars used often to come to our hut in the night, when drunk with mead, demanding with loud outcries to deliver up the Franks to them, and the bravest among us were terrified at the dangerous situation in which we were among these savages. In this horrible situation we remained from the 1st of May to the 10th of August. The city of Citracan belongs to three brothers, who are sons to the brother of the Tartar emperor, and the inhabitants often make plundering inroads into the plains of Cinassia [4], and along the borders of the Don. During the height of summer they travel with their flocks in search of pasturage, to the northern parts of Russia, and hardly spend above a month every year in Citracan. That city, which stands on the banks of the Wolga, is by no means large, its houses being built of earth: It is surrounded by a slight wall, and does not appear to have had any better buildings for a long time past. It is said to have had a very considerable fair formerly, and that the perfumes and spiceries which used to be brought to Venice, came first to this place from the east, whence they were carried to the Tanais or Don, which is only eight days journey from the Wolga. The prince of Citracan, whose name is Casinach , sends every year an ambassador to the grand duke of Muscovy, on purpose to extort a present; and on this occasion, several Tartar merchants accompany the ambassador, carrying silk, silken vestments, and other articles of trade, which they barter for saddles, furs, and other things which are in request among their countrymen.

[3] In the original this person is called the cham of the Camercheriens . The Tartar government of Astracan belonged to one of the Mongal tribes of Kipschak; but the word used in the original may have been a local term, not now explicable.--E.

[4] Perhaps the kingdom or province of Cazan, higher up the Wolga.--E.

The only way of travelling into Russia from this place, is through extensive deserts, on which account travellers have to go in large bands or caravans for mutual security, and to carry provisions for the journey. The Tartars care little for the latter precaution, as they have always plenty of spare horses, and kill one when needed, as they live entirely on flesh and milk, without caring for any other food. They use no bread, and only a few of their merchants who have been in Russia know any thing of this article. Previous to the commencement of our journey[5], we provided provisions for the journey as well as we could. In this view we procured some rice with much difficulty, which, boiled in milk, and then dried in the sun, makes, when afterwards boiled in water, an excellent and nourishing food. We had likewise some onions, a small quantity of biscuit, and some other trifles, and I bought, during the journey, the salted tail of a sheep[6]. The usual road from Citracan to Russia lay between two branches of the Wolga, but the roads were then exceedingly dangerous, as the Tartar emperor was then at war with his nephew, who pretended a right to the throne, as his father had once been emperor. On this account it was proposed to pass over to the other side of the river, and to travel towards the straits between the Don and the Wolga, which are about five days journey from Citracan, after which it was presumed we should be out of danger. Our baggage was accordingly carried across the river on rafts, and Marcus desired me to keep always along with him and the Tartar ambassador, named Auchioli . I and my interpreter accordingly set out about mid-day along with the ambassador, to go to the place where the boats waited for us, which was about twelve miles from the city, our other companions having already gone there. On our arrival about sunset, while I prepared to go into one of the boats on purpose to cross the river, Marcus seemed suddenly struck with an extraordinary panic, and commanded the interpreter and me to take to flight instantly to avoid inevitable danger. We mounted therefore immediately, having likewise a Russian woman along with us and a Tartar guide of a most horrible aspect, and set out at full speed. In this manner we followed our guide the whole of that night and part of the next day, without being ever allowed to stop. I frequently asked our guide, by means of my interpreter, what was the reason of all this, and where he proposed to carry me? At length he explained the cause of Marcus having made us set off, with such precipitation; as the khan had sent an order to examine all the boats, and he was apprehensive they would have detained me as a slave if I had been found.

[5] Contarini has forgot to give us any account in what manner he procured leave to quit Astracan. Perhaps, by means of Marcus, he was permitted to pass for one of his attendants.--E.

[6] It may be necessary to remark, that the tails of a peculiar species of sheep, O. Platyurus, or the broad-tailed sheep, common among the Tartars, and other parts of the world, are said sometimes to weigh twenty-five pounds.--E.

About mid-day of the 13th of August 1475, we arrived at the banks of the river, and our Tartar guide endeavoured to find a boat in which to carry us into an island in which the flocks of Auchioli were kept; but not finding one, he cut down some branches, which he tied together so as to form a raft. On this he placed the saddles of our horses, and tying this raft to his horses tail, he mounted the horse, on which he swam across the river to the island, which lay a bow-shot from the shore. He then came back with the raft, on which he carried over the Russian woman; after which he came back for me, and I stripped myself naked before trusting myself to the crazy raft, that I might be in readiness to save myself by swimming, in case of any misfortune. He afterwards returned for our horses; and my interpreter swam across. The passage of the river being thus happily effected, the Tartar carried us to a wretched hovel, covered by a miserable woollen cloth, where he gave us some sour milk, which we found very refreshing, as we had been long without food, and were much fatigued. Immediately on our arrival in the island being known, several Tartars left their flocks to come and see us, seeming infinitely surprized and much gratified by the sight, as we were probably the first Christians who had ever been on the island. Being exceedingly fatigued and distressed in mind, I did not care to speak with them, yet our Tartar guide treated me with much kindness, and made me as good cheer as he was able. Next day, being the eve of the festival of the Virgin, he killed a fat lamb to entertain me, part of which he roasted, and part was boiled; and though contrary to the rules of our religion to eat meat on that day, I made a hearty meal, notwithstanding that every thing was disgustingly dirty. We had likewise sour milk to drink, and the Tartars drank mares milk, of which they are very fond; but I would not drink this, though I could easily perceive my dislike did not please the Tartars.