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BATTLE OF BALACLAVA

'Not once or twice in our rough island story,

The path of duty was the way to glory.'

Early on the morning of October 25, the Russian army having received large reinforcements, General Liprandi advanced in force and attacked the unfinished redoubts held by the Turks; and although the latter were supported in the plain by the British cavalry and Maude's troop of Horse Artillery, they were not able to hold their ground, and, after a short defence, fell back disordered to Balaclava, leaving their guns behind, many of the Turks calling out 'Ship—Johnnie—Russ no bono' as they ran past our troops. It was during this early part of the action that Captain Maude[8] was seriously wounded and had his horse killed under him.

Soon after the commencement of the battle, Lord Raglan, General Canrobert, and their staffs, arrived, and took up a position on the edge of the Sebastopol plateau overlooking the plain, and thus gained a complete panoramic view of the scene below. Lord Raglan, on perceiving the defeat of the Turks in the outlying forts, at once ordered the First Division under the Duke of Cambridge, and the Fourth under Sir George Cathcart, to proceed from the front to strengthen the force at Balaclava. The enemy, having somewhat easily gained an important advantage by the capture of the Turkish position, after a short delay made a further movement towards the inner line of defence, and a large mass of Russian cavalry advanced rapidly and with great boldness across the plain. One portion approached the 93rd, who were in line in front of Kadikoi, but, being received with perfect steadiness by the Highlanders, they did not follow up the attack. The main body bore down towards the English Heavy Cavalry under General Scarlett, who, however, wheeled into line as the Russians approached, and charged straight into them. Having been sent with an order to Brandling's C Battery of Horse Artillery, it so happened that I was at the moment only a few hundred yards distant, and witnessed the whole affair. For a few minutes it seemed as if our cavalry, owing to the great superiority of the enemy's numbers (estimated at three to one), were almost surrounded. Then small bodies of red-coats could be seen vigorously fighting and in close personal combat with the Russians. At length the latter gave way, their retreat being hastened by the fire of two batteries of Horse Artillery. Lord Raglan in his despatch said that the charge was one of the most successful he had ever witnessed. It was made at an opportune moment, and completely checked the enemy's movements, their infantry remaining at a distance, partially concealed behind the captured Turkish forts. A pause now ensued.

Whilst the events just related were taking place, the First and Fourth Divisions were marching down, and arrived in the plain. In the meantime, the Light Cavalry under Lord Cardigan had moved to the outer valley, just beyond the Turkish forts. A small force of French Chasseurs d'Afrique was on their left. Lord Raglan, being anxious to recover the position lost by the Turks, sent the following order in writing to the Earl of Lucan, who was in chief command of the cavalry: 'The cavalry to advance and take advantage of every opportunity to recover the heights. They will be supported by infantry, which has been ordered to advance on two fronts.' Instructions of a similar purport were sent to the infantry divisions. As some delay occurred and the object was not accomplished, and, further, as Lord Raglan from his position on the heights observed that the enemy were removing the captured guns, he sent a second order, also in writing, to Lord Lucan, by Captain Nolan, as follows: 'Lord Raglan wishes the cavalry to advance rapidly to the front, follow the enemy, and try to prevent them carrying away the guns. Troop of Horse Artillery may accompany, French cavalry on your left. Immediate.'

BALACLAVA. SCENE OF LIGHT CAVALRY CHARGE, 25th OCTOBER, 1854

The fair construction of the above orders would appear to be that the cavalry were to follow the retreating enemy, and that they were to be supported by artillery and two divisions of infantry. What followed is thus related by Lord Lucan himself. 'After carefully reading this order, I hesitated, and urged the uselessness of such an attack and the dangers attending it. The aide-de-camp, in a most authoritative tone, stated that they were Lord Raglan's orders that the cavalry should attack immediately. I asked, where and what to do, neither enemy nor guns being in sight? He replied in a most disrespectful but significant manner, pointing to the further end of the valley: "There, my Lord, is your enemy; there are your guns." So distinct, in my opinion, was your written instruction, and so positive and urgent were the orders delivered by the aide-de-camp, that I felt it was imperative on me to obey, and I informed Lord Cardigan that he was to advance, and to the objections he made, and in which I entirely agreed, I replied that the order was from your Lordship.'

Such are the main outlines of the circumstances which led to the celebrated Light Cavalry charge.

Formed as shown in the diagram, they moved rapidly and steadily down the plain. They did not attack the enemy behind the Turkish entrenchments, nor did they attempt to intercept the captured howitzers which were being withdrawn, but rode straight into the main body of the Russian army, far away at the other end of the valley. Artillery opened upon them on either flank and in front, but still they rode on, and at length passed right through the enemy's guns; but assailed by artillery, infantry, and cavalry they were at length almost broken up, and only scattered fragments of each regiment ever came back. The Chasseurs d'Afrique, who were on the flank of the Light Brigade, gallantly charged the enemy on the Fedhukine heights, and thus made an important diversion, in which they suffered severely. The loss of the cavalry during the day amounted to 40 officers and 353 men killed, wounded, and missing; and 381 horses killed.

Formation of Light Brigade

under the Earl of Cardigan.

Having been sent a second time to Balaclava with orders and my horse becoming lame, I was returning leisurely just as the charge took place, but, owing to the ridge of intervening hills intercepting the view, was not aware of it. Meeting H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge a few minutes afterwards at the head of the Guards, he spoke of the sad loss the army had just sustained; and, seeing that I was ignorant of the circumstances, went forward a little and pointed down the outer valley, where small groups could be seen in the distance of men and horses of the Light Cavalry lying about, and in some cases being attended to by the Russians. The Duke added: 'The officer who brought the order lies dead in that ditch.' There, a few yards off, was the body of Captain Nolan, with a large wound in his chest. In the course of the afternoon part of Sir George Cathcart's division advanced a short distance, and re-took one of the outlying forts, in which were found two of the lost howitzers upset in the half-formed entrenchment.

Lord Raglan, in his despatch of the Battle of Balaclava, alluding to the circumstances which led to the Light Cavalry charge, limited his remarks to the statement that 'from some misconception of the instruction to advance, the Lieutenant-General considered that he was bound to attack at all hazards.' The Earl of Lucan, however, took exception to this description of his action in the matter, and, persisting in his objections, was ultimately recalled.

The consequences immediately resulting from the battle of the 25th were not of a decisive character. The enemy had no doubt achieved a partial success in getting possession of the outer line of defence, but had not obtained their main object—the capture of Balaclava. The position however, was precarious, and two regiments of Highlanders were added to Sir Colin's force, and a brigade of French infantry were encamped on the heights in rear. Still Lord Raglan was anxious, and in his despatch of November 3 says that he should be more satisfied if he could have occupied the position in considerably greater strength. Greater anxieties were, however, awaiting him.

On the afternoon following the battle of Balaclava the Russians came out in considerable strength from Sebastopol (about 6,000 men and 16 guns) and attacked the right of our position on the heights of Inkerman, but were vigorously met by the artillery and infantry of the Guards and Second Division, and were driven back into the city with a loss of about 600 men. This attempt of the enemy proved to be the shadow of a coming event.

During the next few days no incident of special importance occurred, but the crisis was approaching, and the Russians, having received large reinforcements, on November 5 made another determined attack in great force on the right of the English position, which, had it succeeded, would not only have raised the siege, but would probably have entailed the abandonment of the Crimea by the allies. Indeed, although unsuccessful in its main purpose, still the results of the great battle on that day were by no means insignificant. The allies were compelled to postpone any idea of assault, and they thus afforded the enemy time to complete their defences, which enabled the city to hold out for ten months longer. In connection with this subject there is another point which deserves consideration. Although probably fortuitous, still it is a fact that both on landing in the Crimea, and on taking up ground in front of Sebastopol, the English army occupied on each occasion the exposed flank, so that at the three successive battles the brunt of the actions, and consequently the chief losses, fell upon them. Not only that, but whilst their numbers—owing to deaths, wounds, and sickness—were constantly and rapidly diminishing, they had, in addition to their work in the trenches, to guard a very extended position. General Canrobert, perhaps unduly cautious, did not feel able at that time to give us any more assistance in the defence of Balaclava.[9] Lord Raglan himself so informed me at the time.

As regards the ground at Inkerman on which the great conflict took place, it did not in itself offer any very inviting facilities to an enemy's attack. It formed the right-hand corner, as it were, of our position on the elevated plateau south of the city; and the ascent to it from Sebastopol and the Chernaya was precipitous, its area being restricted by the Careening Bay ravine on one side, and by steep slopes on the other—so that the enemy's columns as they arrived were rather huddled together, and got in each other's way.

Todleben wrote: 'Although the nature of the ground rendered this position a strong one in itself, it was to be considered that the number of English troops which occupied it was very weak.'[10]

The general plan was as follows:[11]

SKETCH TO ILLUSTRATE THE BATTLE OF INKERMAN

Two corps of the Russian army under General Dannenberg, computed at 40,000 infantry and 135 guns, were detailed for the attack. One under Dannenberg and Pauloff was to cross the marsh at the mouth of the Chernaya, climb the heights, and force the English right; whilst the other, under Soimonoff, was to leave Sebastopol, near the Malakoff, and advance up the left side of the Careening Bay ravine. These arrangements would appear to be simple enough, but as it turned out they were in a great measure frustrated by a singular mistake. It appears that General Soimonoff, looking from Sebastopol, imagined that he was to advance up the left side of the ravine as he saw it from that point of view, whereas the intention was precisely the reverse. The intention of General Dannenberg seems clear from the following short extract from his instructions to Soimonoff, issued the day before. He says: 'Votre flanc gauche sera parfaitement couvert par le ravin du Carénage, et la coopération des troupes qui traversent la Chernaya.' Again he says: 'Un ravin profond et très long, connu sous le nom de ravin du Carénage, nous sépare, le général Soimonoff et moi, au commencement de l'attaque.'

As it was, however, before daybreak on the 5th Soimonoff led his corps across the ravine, and marched up on the other side, so that when Pauloff arrived immediately after he found the heights already occupied and the battle begun. This initial blunder (although we were of course ignorant of it at the time) hampered the Russians throughout the day; and the death of Soimonoff early in the action probably rather added to their confusion. A Russian account quite confirms this view. It says: 'The disadvantage of this false direction was that from the confined nature of the ground Soimonoff's troops were very much in the way of Pauloff's columns, and neither the one nor the other could find space to deploy.' … 'While the Russians were moving about in columns, the English were drawn up in a line two deep, and their long-ranging guns enabled them to inflict mortal wounds on the Russians at a time when the latter were unable to reach them at all with their firearms.'

As regards the arrangements of the English previous to the battle, 500 men of the Second Division and three guns were detailed daily to watch the ground at Inkerman, and one or two slight earthworks were thrown up; a picket of the Light Division being also posted in the Careening Bay ravine, which, however, was captured on the morning of the 5th.