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1. John David Smith, introduction to My Bondage and My Freedom, by Frederick Douglass (1855; repr., New York: Penguin, 2003), xix; Rayford W. Logan, introduction to The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, Written by Himself, ed. Rayford W. Logan (1892; repr., Mineola, NY: Dover, 2003), v–xii; Yuval Taylor, introduction to I Was Born a Slave, vol. 1 (1772–1849), ed. Yuval Taylor (Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books, 1999), xx. Frederick Douglass, an African American social reformer, writer, and statesman, was the most powerful race leader in nineteenth-century America. He was born a slave in Talbot County, Maryland, in 1818. After spending two decades in slavery, he made a successful escape to the North in 1838. Hired as an abolitionist lecturer, he achieved eminence with his eloquent speeches between 1841 and 1845. His first autobiography, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass (1845), was an instant bestseller; according to Yuval Taylor, the author of I Was Born a Slave, it was available in seven American and nine British editions in five years and sold over 30,000 copies by 1860 (xx). Douglass published two longer and more thorough autobiographers, My Bondage and My Freedom and The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass in 1855 and 1892 respectively. Legally emancipated with the support of British Quaker abolitionist women in 1846, he rhetorically attacked slavery in abolitionist journals, such as the North Star and Frederick Douglass’ Paper. Later, he served as an advisor to President Lincoln. He also served as the U.S. resident minister and consul general to Haiti from 1889 to 1891. He died on February 20, 1895. Not only African American leaders but also Senators George F. Hoar and John Sherman, as well as Justice John Marshall Harlan of the U.S. Supreme Court, attended his funeral, which was held at Metropolitan A.M.E. Church in Washington, D.C.

2. Alfreda M. Barnette Duster, introduction to Crusade for Justice: The Autobiography of Ida B. Wells, by Ida B. Wells (1970; repr., Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), xiii–xxxii; Robert W. Rydell, “Contend, Contend!” (editor’s introduction), in The Reason Why the Colored American is Not in the World’s Columbian Exposition, by Ida B. Wells, Frederick Douglass, Irvine Garland Penn, and Ferdinand L. Barnett, ed. Robert W. Rydell (1893; repr., Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, ←12 | 13→1999), xi–xx. According to Alfreda Duster, Wells’s daughter and the editor of Crusade for Justice, Wells was a “militant, courageous, determined, impassioned, and aggressive” woman throughout her life (xiv). Wells was born as a slave to slave parents in Holly Springs, Mississippi, in 1862. As the eldest of eight children, her parents encouraged her to pursue an education, which she did. Even when the family lost their parents and their youngest child in the yellow fever epidemic in 1878, Wells remained determined to provide support as the head of the family. At age sixteen she took a teaching position in Holly Springs and then in Memphis. One of her earliest fights with white patriarchy was a suit against a Jim Crow railroad company in 1884 at age twenty-two, when she was forced to move to the smoking car by the conductor and baggage man. Her undaunted action against prejudice alarmed the community and led to her dismissal as a teacher in 1891. Even though she eventually lost the case, she went on to a career in journalism and lecturing, but never relaxed in her attacks with both voice and pen. One of two militant endeavors she made in the 1890s was the publication of an eighty-one-page booklet titled The Reason Why the Colored American Is Not in the World’s Columbian Exposition, co-authored by Frederick Douglass, Ferdinand L. Barnette, and I. Garland Penn in 1893. Twenty thousand copies of the pamphlet that denounced the exclusion of African Americans from the fair’s management positions and employment were distributed in the fairground. The publication was, to borrow Robert Rydell’s words, a cultural text underscoring “the cultural construction of racism in post-Reconstruction America and the struggles by African Americans for social justice.” This radical pamphlet even met with criticism from blacks who feared to lose “what little support remained among whites for social, economic, and political rights for blacks in America” (xiii). Another assault that she launched was her anti-lynching crusade to Britain in 1893 and 1894. Her scathing criticism of American lynch law received enthusiastic support from people in Britain. Her campaign was extensively reported in American newspapers including the Chicago Inter-Ocean, infuriating white Southerners.

3. Ida B. Wells, “A Red Record: Tabulated Statistics and Alleged Causes of Lynchings in the United States, 1892–1893–1894,” in Southern Horrors and Other Writings: The Anti-Lynching Campaign of Ida B. Wells, 1892–1900, ed. Jacqueline Jones Royster (ca. 1895; repr., Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 1996), 82. African American women’s revision of the slave past had started several years earlier. In 1892, the following three important works, both fiction and nonfiction, by black women appeared: Ida B. Wells’s Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (1892), Anna Julia Cooper’s A Voice from the South by a Black Woman of the South (1892), and Frances Ellen Watkins Harper’s Iola Leroy or, Shadows Uplifted (1892). See Chapter 3 for the details of Ida B. Wells’s anti-lynching campaign that carried her beyond the Atlantic.

4. Louis R. Harlan, introduction to Up from Slavery: An Autobiography, by Booker T. Washington, ed. Louis R. Harlan (1901; repr., New York: Penguin, 1986), vii–xliii; Booker T. Washington, Up from Slavery: An Autobiography, ed. Louis ←13 | 14→R. Harlan (1901; repr., New York: Penguin, 1986), 73, 164–65; Ida B. Wells, Frederick Douglass, Irvine Garland Penn, and Ferdinand L. Barnett, The Reason Why the Colored American Is Not in World’s Columbian Exposition: The Afro-American’s Contribution to Columbian Literature, ed. Robert W. Rydell (1893; repr., Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1999), 11. We can conclude that the publication of Wells’s Red Record (ca. 1895) preceded Washington’s speech in September because Wells reprinted the Douglass letter in her work with no reference to his death and published it under her maiden name, Wells. Douglass passed away in Washington, D.C., on February 20, and Wells married attorney Ferdinand L. Barnett on June 27, after which she used the surname Wells-Barnett in her publications. Historians, such as Robert Rydell and Louis Harlan, agree that Washington had been a relatively obscure figure until 1895. His first appearance on a public stage was when he gave an address at the Labor Congress at the Columbian Exposition in 1893. White business leaders of Atlanta later learned about his accommodationist remarks and invited him to speak at the opening-day ceremony of the Atlanta Cotton States and International Exposition in 1895. Despite the widespread image of his Faustian views, Washington is known among historians as an enigmatic person: he secretly committed himself to the anti-racism movement, which includes fundraising and preparing for suits to nullify the Jim Crow laws with his hired lawyers (Harlan, introduction to Up from Slavery, xvii). Yet his reputation as an accommodationist spread not only through his Atlanta speech, but also due to his autobiography, Up from Slavery. Born a slave in antebellum Virginia in 1856 and freed by the Emancipation Proclamation at age nine, Washington was later given an opportunity to study at the Hampton Institute, a normal agricultural secondary school established by a former Union general, Samuel Chapman Armstrong. He learned “the virtues of self-reliance, hard, work, and thrift” from Armstrong, his respected mentor whom he praised as “a more than a father to him” (Harlan, viii–ix). After spending years teaching to freed slaves in Virginia and failing to pursue a career in either law or politics, Washington was given the mission of building a secondary industrial school in Alabama, later named the Tuskegee Institute. Both whites and blacks welcomed his book, Up from Slavery, as a “moral text”: for white readers, it dispelled their sense of guilt over the historical exploitation of the black race and brought large donations to the Tuskegee Institute. For instance, whites allegedly shed tears and praised his humanitarianism: “It is now long ago that I … resolved that I would permit no man, no matter what his colour might be, to narrow and degrade my soul by making me hate him” (Washington, Up from Slavery, 165). For blacks, it provided a role model for how to succeed in the world. Washington’s Atlanta speech is considered to have caused tremendous and extensive changes in race relations, as seen in the 1896 U.S. Supreme Court case Plessy v. Ferguson, which sanctioned segregation under the separate but equal doctrine. In 1899, Washington still expressed his optimistic idea about lynching: “[T];here is a strong public sentiment growing in the South against the crime, ←14 | 15→and I believe within a few years, through the aid of the best negroes and the best white people, it will be blotted out.” See “An Interview by Frank George Carpenter in the Memphis Commercial Appeal,” December 2, 1899, Booker T. Washington Papers (hereafter cited as BTW Papers), Vol. 5: 1899–1900, ed. Louis R. Harlan, and Raymond Smock (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1976), 281.

5. Theda Perdue, Race and the Atlanta Cotton States Exposition of 1895 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2011), 1–2. Twelve American cities, including Philadelphia, New Orleans, Chicago, and Atlanta, hosted international expositions from 1876 to 1916, attracting nearly one million visitors from inside and outside the country. The Cotton States and International Exposition was one of five international expositions that Southern states hosted during the period from 1885 to 1907. Southern states were particularly eager to give an impression of racial harmony, which was essential for ensuring industrial and agricultural productivity in the South, to potential customers and investors. The emerging race leader’s Atlanta speech endorsed the “New South,” characterized by a diversified economy and racial harmony, along the same lines first advocated by Henry W. Grady, managing editor for the Atlanta Constitution in the 1880s.

6. Robert W. Rydell, All the World’s a Fair: Visions of Empire at American International Expositions, 1876–1916, 5th ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 74; W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Souls of Black Folk,” in W. E. B. Du Bois: Writings, edited by Nathan Huggins (1903; repr., New York: Library of America, 1996), 398; W. E. B. Du Bois, Dusk of Dawn: An Essay Toward an Autobiography of a Race Concept, in W. E. B. Du Bois: Writings, edited by Nathan Huggins (1940; repr., New York: Library of America, 1996), 549–802; W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Social Significance of Booker T. Washington,” Du Bois Review 8, no. 2 (Fall 2011): 370. Despite being Washington’s contemporary, Massachusetts-born William Edward Burghardt Du Bois nurtured a view of race issues that was quite different from those of the Tuskegee founder’s. I personally believe it was this difference that caused them to promote opposite measures for addressing the race problem. According to his autobiography, Dusk of Dawn, Du Bois was born in Great Barrington, a little mill town with a small black population in western Massachusetts. Mary Sylvia, his widowed mother, supported the family, relying on her income from odd jobs and neighbors’ charity that included a large rented house. Although his family was by no means wealthy, Du Bois attended school from age five or six to 16 years of age. Even when he associated with the sons of local upper-class whites, he writes, he had few memories of being refused or embarrassed by his companions on account of his race. However, when he graduated from high school as the only “colored” student, his ambition to study at Harvard failed because of the lack of resources, as well as racism, and he was offered a scholarship to attend Fisk University instead, an all-black university in Nashville, Tennessee. At Fisk, Du Bois, witnessing lynching, realized the plight of his people. Later, he was educated at Harvard University and the University ←15 | 16→of Berlin. Nevertheless, severe racism barred the scholar—one with a Ph.D. and oversea research experience—from obtaining a faculty position in white universities in the United States. In 1896, Du Bois arrived at Philadelphia to undertake a thorough study of Philadelphia Negro, commissioned by Susan Warton, a wealthy philanthropist. Through research, Du Bois determined to probe into the social mechanism of racism: “The Negro problem was in my mind a matter of systematic investigation and intelligent understanding. The world was thinking wrong about race, because it did not know. The ultimate evil was stupidity. The cure for it was knowledge based on scientific investigation” (“Science and Empire,” Dusk of Dawn, 596). Whereas Washington ascribed racism to an inevitable and unavoidable human instinct, Du Bois thought it arose from the lack of intelligence, which, therefore, could be cured with science. In 1900, Du Bois criticized Washington, stating that his strategy of compromise resulted in African American disfranchisement, second-class citizenship, and withdrawal from institutions of higher training. After Washington’s death, however, Du Bois reevaluated the race leader as being “more than colored,” because of his “peculiarly American” qualities, such as his “struggle upward against terrific odds” and “indomitable persistence and versatility of expedient.” Additional details are provided in both Dusk of Dawn and Anderson’s introduction to The Philadelphia Negro.

7. Judy Lorraine Larson, “Three Southern World’s Fairs: Cotton States and International Exposition, Atlanta, 1895, Tennessee Centennial, Nashville, 1897, South Carolina Inter-State and West Indian Exposition, Charleston, 1901–1902: Creating Regional Self Portraits” (PhD diss., Emory University, 1999), 174–77. Washington’s “accommodationist” view, which acquiesced to disfranchisement and Jim Crow laws, contrasted strikingly with Frederick Douglass’s antagonistic attitude toward “the people of the south.” Two years earlier, Douglass said at the World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago, “The mass of them are the same to-day that they were in the time of slavery, except perhaps that they think they can murder with a decided advantage in point of economy.” Washington’s views on economic self-reliance which strategically encompassed an improved relationship with white people long survived his death. See also John A. Garraty and Eric Foner, eds., The Reader’s Companion to American History (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1991), 1132.

8. Washington, Up from Slavery, 16. Comparing slavery to “the school,” Washington later posed a question to whites on whether to make his race an asset or a liability to America.

9. Washington, Up from Slavery, 20.

10. Encyclopedia Britannica, s.v. “Body Politic,” https://www.britannica.com/topic/body-politic (accessed November 3, 2017); Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan (1651; repr., New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 7.

11. John Winthrop, “A Model of Christian Charity,” 1630, TeachingAmericanHistory.org, http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/document/a-model-of-christian-charity/ (accessed June 2, 2019).

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12. Winthrop, “Model of Christian Charity.”

13. Washington, “Atlanta Exposition Address,” 18.

14. Washington, “Atlanta Exposition Address,” 18.

15. Winthrop, “Model of Christian Charity.”

16. Washington, “Atlanta Exposition Address,” 18.

17. Larson, “Three Southern World’s Fairs,” 172.

18. Washington, “Atlanta Exposition Address,” 19–20.

19. Washington, “Atlanta Exposition Address,” 19–20.

20. “The Burden: Colored Men and Women Lynched Without Trial,” Crisis 1, no. 2 (1910): 26, https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/workers/civil-rights/crisis/1200-crisis-v01n02-w002.pdf (accessed May 26, 2019).

21. Stanley M. Elkins, Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life, 3rd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), 59.

22. Sarah A. Soule, “Populism and Black Lynching in Georgia, 1890–1900,” Social Forces 71, no. 2 (1992): 444–45, https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/71.2.431 (accessed June 1, 2019).

23. Harlan, introduction to Up from Slavery, xii.

24. Houston Baker, Jr., “The Promised Body: Reflections on Canon in an Afro-American Context,” Poetics Today 9, no. 2 (1988): 342, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1772693 (accessed February 23, 2019).

25. Baker, Jr., “The Promised Body,” 342.

26. Baker, Jr., “The Promised Body,” 342.

27. Charles W. Mills, “Body Politic, Bodies Impolitic,” Social Research 78, no. 2 (Summer 2011): 584; Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Margaret M. Lock, “The Mindful Body: A Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical Anthropology,” Medical Anthropology Quarterly 1, no. 1 (1987): 7–8, http://www.jstor.org/stable/648769 (accessed June 1, 2019). For instance, referring to Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan (1651), a giant monarch functioning as a commonwealth over his subjects, philosopher Charles Mill divides the body politic into one kind (individual, natural, naturally human) and another kind (collective, artificial, civilly human), arguing that the latter shapes the former, resulting in “the double corporeality of the natural in ‘civil’ interaction.” Mills suggests that the materialism of an artificial, politicized body governs the human body at a municipal level, not the other way around. In “The Mindful Body: A Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical Anthropology” (1987), Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Margaret M. Lock list the following three types of bodies: the individual (material) body or lived self, the social body as a national symbol, and the body politic, a unit to regulate and discipline individual and social bodies. I owe this present research on the stratified body politic and the interaction of such metaphorical bodies to these studies.

28. Catherine A. Holland, The Body Politic: Foundings, Citizenship, and Difference in the American Political Imagination (New York: Routledge, 2001), xxv. According ←17 | 18→to political theorist Catherine Holland, “the human body” is fundamental to the understanding of America as a body politic, but “the universality of the species [as “human”] . . . is almost nowhere assumed or asserted in discourses of citizenship and nation that repeatedly differentiate individuals by race and gender.”

29. William Wells Brown, Clotel: Or, The President’s Daughter (1853; repr., New York: Penguin, 2003), 50.

30. Alan Brinkley, The Unfinished Nation: A Concise History of the American People: From 1865, 2nd. ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill College, 1996), 608. Alan Brinkley states that most historians agree that “the central characteristics of early 20th century progressivism” lasted until the early 1950s.

31. Brinkley, Unfinished Nation, 608.

32. Brinkley, Unfinished Nation, 582–84.

33. Brinkley, Unfinished Nation, 584.

34. David Blanke, The 1910s (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2002), 4.

35. Robert E. Weems, Desegregating the Dollar: African American Consumerism in the Twentieth Century (New York: New York University Press, 1998), 14.

36. Weems, Desegregating the Dollar, 14.

37. Monroe N. Work, Negro Year Book; an Annual Encyclopedia of the Negro 1912 (Tuskegee, AL: Negro Year Book Publishing Co., 1912), 13, 180, https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000055144 (accessed February 19, 2019). The Negro Year Book 1912 and 1921–1922, authored by Monroe N. Work, the Tuskegee Institute’s director of research, covered African Americans’ annual advancement in various fields, such as economics, education, and religion. In 1910, it was estimated that African Americans owned 220,000 farms and 500,000 homes, the total value of which was $700 million. The 1921–1922 edition shows that the number of home ownerships reached 12,000 in 1866; 506,590 in 1910; and over 600,000 in 1922. Monroe admires his people’s rapid progress: “This is a remarkable showing and has great significance for the future of the race. It is safe to say that any people starting with a handicap of poverty and ignorance, who can in fifty years, become owners of one-fourth of all the homes which they have, are making progress along those lines which make for a high degree of citizenship.”

38. Elizabeth Lindsay Davis and Sieglinde Lemke, Lifting as They Climb (1933; repr., New York: G K Hall, 1996), 43. Mary Church Terrell was an African American teacher and the first president of the National Association of Colored Women (NACW).

39. Paula J. Giddings, When and Where I Enter: The Impact of Black Women on Race and Sex in America (New York: W. Morrow, 1984), 187–89. Paula Giddings only briefly mentions Madam C. J. Walker, considering her to be the one who created “some consensus about their [African American women’s] physical selves.” Giddings, further intrigued by Wells, attempts to reevaluate Wells’s often-marginalized life and achievement in her prize-winning book, Ida: A Sword Among Lions (2008).

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40. Hazel V. Carby, Reconstructing Womanhood: The Emergence of the Afro-American Woman Novelist (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 17.

41. Deborah Gray White, Too Heavy a Load: Black Women in Defense of Themselves, 1894–1994 (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999), 16–18.

42. Karen Baker-Fletcher, A Singing Something: Anna J. Cooper & the Foundations of Womanist Theology (New York: Crossroad, 1994), 11–25.

43. Jacqueline Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work and the Family from Slavery to the Present (New York: Vintage, 1985), 163–64. Jacqueline Jones states that black women’s work was synonymous with domestic service in the early twentieth century. The total number of domestic workers in the three largest cities—New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia—declined by about 25% between 1910 and 1920, but the proportion of black women in this occupational category increased by 10% to 15%.

44. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The German Ideology, ed. Roy Pascal (1939; repr., Mansfield Centre, CT: Martino Publishing, 2011), 7.

45. Marx and Engels, German Ideology, 15.

46. Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Phenomenology of Perception, trans. Colin Smith, 2nd ed. (1945; repr., London: Routledge, 2002), 82–83.

47. Margo DeMello, Body Studies: An Introduction (New York: Routledge, 2014), 19.

48. Judith Butler, introduction to Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of “Sex” (1993; repr., New York: Routledge, 2011), xi–xiv.

49. Joan Jacobs Brumberg, Fasting Girls: The History of Anorexia Nervosa (1988; repr., New York: Vintage, 2000), 5.

50. Susan Bordo, Unbearable Weight: Feminism, Western Culture, and the Body, 2nd ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), 3.

51. Emily Martin, The Woman in the Body: A Cultural Analysis of Reproduction, rev. ed. (Boston: Beacon Press, 2001), xi.

52. Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time, 2nd ed. (1944; repr., Boston: Beacon Press, 2001), 48.

53. Polanyi, Great Transformation, 60.

54. National Women’s Business Council (NWBC Council), “Research on Black Women Entrepreneurs: Past and Present Conditions of Black Women’s Business Ownership,” 2016, 13–16, https://www.nwbc.gov/2016/10/07/research-on-black-women-entrepreneurs-past-and-present-conditions-of-black-womens-business-ownership/ (accessed May 31, 2019). According to the research on black women entrepreneurs, the 1910 census shows that black women explored beauty and hair care as “a key niche.”

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