Читать книгу Lifespan Development - Tara L. Kuther - Страница 310

Every society has a set of emotional display rules that specify the circumstances under which various emotions should or should not be expressed (Safdar et al., 2009). We learn these rules very early in life through interactions with others. Every interaction between parent and infant is shaped by the culture in which they live, which influences their emotional expressions (Bornstein, Arterberry, & Lamb, 2013). When North American mothers play with their 7-month-old babies, for instance, they tend to model positive emotions, restricting their own emotional displays to show joy, interest, and surprise (Malatesta & Haviland, 1982). They also are more attentive to infants’ expression of positive emotions, such as interest or surprise, and respond less to negative emotions (Broesch, Rochat, Olah, Broesch, & Henrich, 2016). Thus, babies are socialized to respond and display their emotions in socially acceptable ways.

In some cultures infants cry very little, perhaps because they are in constant contact with their mothers.

Pavel Gospodinov/Design Pics/Corbis

Which emotions are considered acceptable, as well as how they should be expressed, differ by culture and context. North American parents tickle and stimulate their babies, encouraging squeals of pleasure. The Gusii and Aka people of Central Africa prefer to keep babies calm and quiet; they engage in little face-to-face play (Hewlett, Lamb, Shannon, Leyendecker, & Scholmerich, 1998; LeVine et al., 1994). These differences communicate cultural expectations about emotions (Halberstadt & Lozada, 2011). North American infants learn to express positive emotions, and Central African babies learn to restrain strong emotions.

Similarly, cultures often have particular beliefs about how much responsiveness is appropriate when babies cry and fuss, as well as expectations about infants’ abilities to regulate their own emotions (Halberstadt & Lozada, 2011). The !Kung hunter-gatherers of Botswana, Africa, respond to babies’ cries nearly immediately (within 10 seconds), whereas Western mothers tend to wait a considerably longer period of time before responding to infants’ cries (e.g., 10 minutes) (Barr, Konner, Bakeman, & Adamson, 1991). Fijian mothers tend to be more responsive than U.S. mothers to negative facial expressions in their infants (Broesch et al., 2016). Gusii mothers believe that constant holding, feeding, and physical care are essential for keeping an infant calm, which in turn protects the infant from harm and disease; therefore, like !Kung mothers, Gusii mothers respond immediately to their babies’ cries (LeVine et al., 1994). Non-Western infants are thought to cry very little because they are carried often (Bleah & Ellett, 2010). In one study, infants born to parents who were recent immigrants from Africa cried less than U.S. infants, illustrating the role of culture in influencing infant cries (Bleah & Ellett, 2010). Caregivers’ responses to infant cries influence infants’ capacity for self-regulation and responses to stress. Babies who receive more responsive and immediate caregiving when distressed show lower rates of persistent crying, spend more time in happy and calm states, and cry less overall as they approach their first birthday (Axia & Weisner, 2002; Papoušek & Papoušek, 1990).