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CHAPTER THREE

Brock: An Officer with Many Roles, 1808–10

Brock’s career was flourishing, for as Colonel Brock he became commander of the forces in both Canadas on September 27, 1806, and began receiving the pay and allowances of a brigadier-general. In March 1808, he was sent to Montreal with the nominal rank of brigadier-general and this appointment was confirmed by the king to date from July 3, 1808.[1] A brigadier-general, or simply brigadier, might or might not be advanced to the rank of general.[2] In Brock’s case, the eventual outcome was advancement to the rank of major general on June 4, 1811.

In Montreal, Brock was quartered in the Château de Ramezay (originally built in 1706 for Claude de Ramezay, governor of Montreal),[3] which was badly in need of repair. The government recognized the problem but was not willing to correct it. His friend in Quebec, Lieutenant-Colonel Thornton, tried to cheer him up: “I am sorry for your being the sufferer, but I can venture to assure you that, however unfavourable the building may be, you ought never to feel uneasy about your friends, for in your kindness and hospitality, no want of comfort can ever be felt by them: in this I am fully supported by the accounts from Montreal.”[4] Brock also had helped Thornton and Frobisher to find accommodation in Quebec. At least Brock enjoyed the social life of Montreal, which was dispensed on a lavish scale by wealthy fur traders, for these were the prosperous years of the North-West Company. He did not enjoy the summer weather, complaining in July that it was much hotter than in Quebec.

Fortunately, by September he had been superseded by Major-General Gordon Drummond and was on his way back to Quebec. Drummond’s father, Colin, had been serving as deputy paymaster general to the forces in Quebec when Gordon was born there in 1772. He came from a distinguished family in Scotland and entered the army as an ensign in 1789. He rose rapidly through the ranks, becoming the commanding officer of his regiment, the 8th Foot, in 1800 and a major-general in January 1805. He had seen action in the Netherlands and Egypt as well as having experience of staff duties. He sailed from England in May 1808 to serve on Craig’s staff and in 1811, as a lieutenant-general, would serve briefly as commander of the forces.[5] Like Brock, Drummond would try to correct problems with barracks and hospital facilities for the troops.[6]

During this period of a little more than two years in Quebec City, Brock’s military duties seemed to have been light. He sought leave to return to Europe, but Craig would not approve. Craig regarded Brock as one of his most dependable officers, shown by his making Brock a brigadier-general as well as his determination to keep him in the Canadas. There should be no wonder, given events in the United States. In April 1808, Congress authorized eight more regiments, five of them to be infantry and one each of riflemen, cavalry, and artillery. The government began moving troops to its frontier along the St. Lawrence River, ostensibly to enforce the trade embargo; as well, it was putting heavy armaments on ships being built at Oswego, a port on the southern shore of Lake Ontario almost across from Kingston, the major British naval base on the lake.[7] It is not surprising that those responsible for Canadian defence wondered about the Americans’ real intentions.

An incident in May 1809 highlights how tense was the situation along the United States-Canadian border.[8] An American deserter, Isaac Underhill, a teacher in a school in Elizabethtown on the St. Lawrence River, was shot and killed by a band of United States troops who were trying to return him across the border. Captain William Bennett and some of his men of the Sixth Regiment of U.S. Infantry were on board an American schooner that was forced to shelter in a bay near Elizabethtown when they learned of Underhill’s presence nearby. Bennett, on his own authority, sent men to arrest Underhill. He was shot trying to escape his would-be captors. The local justice of the peace, Henry Arnold, and other local people were outraged at this unauthorized invasion of their town and the killing of a man who was regarded as under the protection of British law. Upper Canadian authorities were unable to get Bennett extradited, but Arnold wrote to the Montreal Canadian Courant and other Canadian and American papers picked up the story. The United States government learned about Bennett’s unlawful action and responded by apologizing to the Canadians, offering reparations, and court martialling their over-zealous officer. Bennett was found guilty of conduct unbecoming an officer but given only a reprimand. The author of the article assumes he received this light punishment because he was probably doing what was common practice along the frontier — namely, pursuing a deserter across the border and trying to return him to his home country. In other words, both British and American troops responded in this way to desertion — a serious problem for both their armies and naval vessels on the lakes. Despite this incident, and others along the Canadian-United States border, trade continued to flow and people moved back and forth for business or pleasure. It was something that the authorities could not stop or even really control. When war came, it was no easy task for governments to impose security to prevent desertion and spying along this border.

Whatever happened in North America, for army officers hoping for advancement and glory, the place to be was Europe in the struggle against Napoleon. The army was Brock’s life and he accepted its discipline. If that required him to stay in the Canadas, he would make the best of it. He expressed this sentiment in a letter to his sister-in-law in London (William’s wife) and asked her to call on the wife of Captain Thomas Manners of the 49th. This lady was the sister of the wife of James Ross Cuthbert, whom Brock described as his “most intimate friend, with whom I pass a great part of my leisure hours.”[9] James had inherited the seigneury of Berthier from his father, was a militia officer, and was well-known as a supporter of the social hierarchy under British rule.[10]

A month later Isaac wrote to his brother, Irving, thanking him for sending out various articles that were needed. Everything had arrived but the cocked hat, and the lack of this caused him some inconvenience because, he complained, “from the enormity of my head, I find the utmost difficulty in getting a substitute in this country.”[11] That hat took two years to reach Upper Canada, arriving after Brock’s death! It may be seen in the Niagara Historical Museum.

In that same month, Craig told Brock he would be sent to command the troops in Upper Canada. Craig wanted him to move there without delay, as Major-General Baron Francis de Rottenburg was on his way from England to take command of the Quebec garrison.[12] Brock did not know if this move would be lasting or only brief and he was not pleased, for he would have to leave his garden “with abundance of melons and other good things.” He had an unflattering opinion of the upper province: “Unless I take everything with me, I shall be miserably off, for nothing beyond eatables is to be had there; and in case I provide the requisites to make my abode in the winter in any way comfortable, and then be ordered back, the expense will be ruinous.” [13]

Governor Craig felt it necessary to have an officer like Brock in Upper Canada so “that a scrutinizing eye may correct the errors and neglect that have crept in, and put all in order again.”[14] It would seem that Brock had acquired a reputation of being able to clear up problems. Moreover, the governor had often urged to the British government the need to have a third general officer on the staff in Canada, particularly because he wanted to station an officer of that rank in the upper province. Colonel Baynes, who informed Brock of these circumstances, also mentioned Craig’s admiration for the general: “If he liked you less, he might perhaps be more readily induced to let you go; as matters stand, I do not think he will.”[15] The appeal to Brock’s sense of duty left him no choice. He would have to give up his “grand object of visiting England,” and the obstacle to his leaving was increased when in March he was informed that Craig’s ill-health was forcing him to leave his post and return home (he would depart in June).[16] In Craig’s view his departure meant it was even more necessary that Brock remain where he was. Craig knew that his friend would be disappointed and partly to soften the disappointment, as well as to show his esteem, he offered “as a legacy and mark of his very sincere regard, his favorite horse Alfred …”

No wonder Brock wanted to remain in Quebec, for social life there was lively. In the same letter quoted above, he wrote about “two frigates at anchor, and the arrival of Governor Gore from the Upper Province, have given a zest to society. Races, country and water parties, have occupied our time in a continued round of festivity.” Brock had contributed in the form of “a grand dinner given to Mrs. Gore, at which Sir James Craig was present, and a ball to a vast assemblage of all descriptions.” Lieutenant-Colonel Green wrote about the dinner and ball enjoyed by “as many Ladies as his [Brock’s] rooms could conveniently contain.” They danced in two rooms to the band of the 89th Regiment, “which unquestionably is the best Military Band I ever saw.”[17] Knowing he was going to a much less sophisticated social setting, Brock commented cryptically in his letter, “Such stimulus is highly necessary to keep our spirits afloat.” He concluded, “Heaven preserve you. I shall probably begin my journey upwards in the course of a few days.” He was not going in a cheerful or optimistic mood. His next letter is dated Fort George, September 13, 1810. A new chapter — preparing Upper Canada for war — was beginning in his life.

At least he was able to take with him a long-time colleague as his military aide-de-camp (ADC), John Baskerville Glegg. He had entered the 49th Regiment June 1, 1797, as an ensign and was present in the same actions as Brock in 1799 and 1801. He had attended the Royal Military College between 1803 and 1805. Brock chose him as ADC in July 1810. He would serve at Detroit and, as a result, would be promoted to “Rank of Major in the Army” on October 7, 1812.[18] He was in the thick of the fighting at Queenston Heights on October 13, for which Sheaffe would praise his services. After Brock’s death, Glegg sought to become an aide to Prevost who agreed but there is no record of his taking up the post. He acted briefly as ADC to Sheaffe before serving as major of brigade to Generals Sheaffe, Rottenburg, Vincent, and Drummond. He returned to England and in 1826 went on half-pay. He served briefly as a captain in the Coldstream Guards in 1836 and died April 28, 1861, at Thurstaston Hall. Details of his life are lacking, but what becomes clear is he was a friend as well as an aide to Brock. [19]

Meanwhile, in Quebec City, what seems to have impressed most officers about the new garrison commander, de Rottenburg, was his wife, Julia, thirty years his junior. Colonel Baynes wrote to Brock, September 6, 1810, that Julia de Rottenburg “has made a complete conquest of all hearts. She is in reality remarkably handsome, both in face and figure, and her manners uncommonly pleasing, graceful, and affable.” Several weeks later, Lieutenant-Colonel Thornton wrote to Brock enthusing over the baron’s “cara et dolce sposa: she is young (twenty-three), fair, beautiful, lively, discreet, witty, affable — in short, so engaging, or rather so fascinating, that neither the courier nor my paper will admit of my doing her justice; however from what I have said it is necessary further to add and explain, that it is not my opinion alone but that of the public.” This correspondence would hardly lift the spirits of an officer who enjoyed the company of women. Perhaps that is why on October 4, Baynes wrote to him, “The charms of Mrs. de Rottenburg have not effaced you from the recollection of your friends, who very sincerely regret your absence.”[20]

NOTES

1. Tupper, Life and Correspondence, 38, 70. Brock wrote to his brothers, July 20, 1808, that his promotion to brigadier was first announced in the March mail. Turner, “Career,” 61.

2. Sutherland, His Majesty’s Gentlemen, 7, refers to brigadier-general as an appointment rather than a rank for the purpose of enabling colonels “to function as general officers as circumstances demanded.”

3. DCB, 2, 545–48.

4. Tupper, Life and Correspondence, 69, Thornton to Brock, April 7, 1808. See also, Edgar, General Brock, 99–101. On the roles and status of the Frobishers see biography of Joseph in DCB, 5, 331–34.

5. Tupper, Life and Correspondence, 72, Brock to his brothers, September 5, 1808. On Drummond see Turner, British Generals, 113–16; DCB, 8, 236–39.

6. LAC, RG8, C289, 6–7, Drummond to Lieutenant-Colonel Thornton, May 17, 1810; C549, 52–4, Drummond to Thornton, July 22.

7. Richard Cartwright to Major McKenzie, November 2, 1808, C.E. Cartwright, ed., Life and Letters of Hon R. Cartwright, 144–45. The major is not identified but may have been Holt McKenzie of the 41st Foot.

8. H. Strum, “A Most Cruel Murder: The Isaac Underhill Affair, 1809,” Ontario History, 53 (December 1988), 293–310. Taylor, Civil War of 1812, 109–10.

9. Tupper, Life and Correspondence, 76–7, letter dated June 8, 1810.

10. There is little information about him. His father’s biography is in DCB, 4, 190–91. He is mentioned briefly in Ouellet, Lower Canada, 145, 148. On his militia service see L. Lépine, Les officiers de milice du Bas-Canada, 1812–1815 (Montreal: 1996), 96.

11. Tupper, Life and Correspondence, 77–9, letter dated July 9, 1810.

12. Turner, British Generals, 103. On de Rottenburg see DCB, 6, 660–62.

13. Tupper, Life and Correspondence, 79–80, letter dated July 10, 1810.

14. Tupper, Life and Correspondence, 82–3, Colonel Edward Baynes to Brock, October 4, 1810.

15. Tupper, Life and Correspondence, 85, Baynes to Brock, October 11, 1810.

16. Tupper, Life and Correspondence, 92–4, Brock to Irving, February 19, 1811; Ibid., 99–100, Baynes to Brock, March 4.

17. Green to William Claus, July 5, 1810, NHS, Records of Niagara, #42, 103–04. Winter picnics were another social activity. See Venning, Following the Drum, 193–94.

18. SBD, I, 528–29, Duke of York to Prevost, October 7, 1812.

19. Turner, British Generals, 80 and n. 102. Sutherland, His Majesty’s Gentlemen, 163. Prevost wrote that he was willing to take Glegg “into my family.” LAC, RG8, C1220, 8, Prevost to Sheaffe, October 21, 1812.

20. Tupper, Life and Correspondence, 81, 83–84 for the three letters. Graves, The War of 1812 Journal of Le Couteur, 224; DCB, 6, 660.