Читать книгу The History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic (Vol. 1-3) - William Hickling Prescott - Страница 19

[1]

"Nil pudet assuetos sceptris: mitissima sors est

Regnorum sub rege novo." Lucan, Pharsalia, lib. 8.

[2] Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 1, dial. 8.—Rodericus Sanctius, Historia Hispanica, cap. 38, 39.—Pulgar, Claros Varones, tit. 1.—Castillo, Crónica, i. 20.—Guzman, Generaciones, cap. 33.—Although Henry's lavish expenditure, particularly on works of architecture, gained him in early life the appellation of "the Liberal," he is better known on the roll of Castilian sovereigns by the less flattering title of "the Impotent."

[3] Zuñiga, Anales Eclesiasticos y Seculares de Sevilla, (Madrid, 1667,) p. 344.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 20.—Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. pp. 415, 419.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 1, cap. 14 et seq.—The surprise of Gibraltar, the unhappy source of feud between the families of Guzman and Ponce de Leon, did not occur till a later period, 1462.

[4] Such was his apathy, says Mariana, that he would subscribe his name to public ordinances, without taking the trouble to acquaint himself with their contents. Hist. de España, tom. ii. p. 423.

[5] Pulgar, Crónica de los Reyes Católicos, (Valencia, 1780,) cap. 2.— Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 1, cap. 4.—Aleson, Anales de Navarra, tom. iv. pp. 519, 520.—The marriage between Blanche and Henry was publicly declared void by the bishop of Segovia, confirmed by the archbishop of Toledo, "por impotencia respectiva, owing to some malign influence"!

[6] La Clède, Hist. de. Portugal, tom. iii. pp. 325, 345.—Florez, Reynas Cathólicas, tom. ii. pp. 763, 766.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 1, cap. 20, 21.—It does not appear, however, whom Beltran de la Cueva indicated as the lady of his love on this occasion. (See Castillo, Crónica, cap. 23, 24.) Two anecdotes may he mentioned as characteristic of the gallantry of the times. The archbishop of Seville concluded a superb fête, given in honor of the royal nuptials, by introducing on the table two vases filled with rings garnished with precious stones, to be distributed among his female guests. At a ball given on another occasion, the young queen having condescended to dance with the French ambassador, the latter made a solemn vow, in commemoration of so distinguished an honor, never to dance with any other woman.

[7] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., cap. 42, 47.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 23.

[8] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., cap. 35.—Sempere, Hist. del. Luxo, tom. i. p. 183.—Idem, Hist. des Cortès, ch. 19.—Marina, Teoría, part. 1, cap. 20.—part. 2, pp. 390, 391.—Zuñiga, Anales de Sevilla, pp. 346, 349.—The papal bulls of crusade issued on these occasions, says Palencia, contained among other indulgences an exemption from the pains and penalties of purgatory, assuring to the soul of the purchaser, after death, an immediate translation into a state of glory. Some of the more orthodox casuists doubted the validity of such a bull. But it was decided, after due examination, that, as the holy father possessed plenary power of absolution of all offenses committed upon earth, and as purgatory is situated upon earth, it properly fell within his jurisdiction, (cap. 32.) Bulls of crusade were sold at the rate of 200 maravedies each; and it is computed by the same historian, that no less than 4,000,000 maravedies were amassed by this traffic in Castile, in the space of four years!

[9] Saez, Monedas de Enrique IV., (Madrid, 1805,) pp. 2–5.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., cap. 36, 39.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 19.

[10] Pulgar, Claros Varones, tit. 6.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 15.— Mendoza, Monarquía de España, tom. i. p. 328.—The ancient marquisate of Villena, having been incorporated into the crown of Castile, devolved to Prince Henry of Aragon, on his marriage with the daughter of John II. It was subsequently confiscated by that monarch, in consequence of the repeated rebellions of Prince Henry; and the title, together with a large proportion of the domains originally attached to it, was conferred on Don Juan Pacheco, by whom it was transmitted to his son, afterwards raised to the rank of duke of Escalona, in the reign of Isabella. Salazar de Mendoza, Dignidades de Castilla y Leon, (Madrid, 1794,) lib. 3, cap. 12, 17.

[11] Pulgar, Claros Varones, tit. 20.—Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 10, 11.

[12] At least these are the important consequences imputed to this interview by the French writers. See Gaillard, Rivalité, tom. iii. pp. 241–243.—Comines, Mémoires, liv. 3, chap. 8.—Also Castillo, Crónica, cap. 48, 49.—Zurita, Anales, lib. 17, cap. 50.

[13] Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. ii. p. 122.—Zurita, Anales, lib. 17, cap. 56.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 51, 52, 58.—The queen of Aragon, who was as skilful a diplomatist as her husband, John I., assailed the vanity of Villena, quite as much as his interest. On one of his missions to her court, she invited him to dine with her tête-à-tête at her own table, while during the repast they were served by the ladies of the palace. Ibid., cap. 40.

[14] See the memorial presented to the king, cited at length in Marina, Teoría, tom. iii. Apend. no. 7.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 58, 64.—Zurita, Anales, lib. 17, cap. 56.—Lebrija, Hispanarum Rerum Ferdinando Rege et Elisabe Reginâ Gestarum Decades, (apud Granatam, 1545,) lib. 1, cap. 1, 2.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 1, cap. 6.—Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 9.

[15] Castillo, Crónica, cap. 65.

[16] See copies from the original instruments, which are still preserved in the archives of the house of Villena, in Marina, Teoría, tom. iii. part. 2, Ap. 6, 8.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 66, 67.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 1, cap. 57.

[17] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 1, cap. 62.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 68, 69, 74.

[18] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 1, cap. 63, 70.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 75, 76.

[19] The celebrated marquis of Santillana died in 1458, at the age of sixty. (Sanchez, Poesías Castellanas, tom. i. p. 23.) The title descended to his eldest son, Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, who is represented by his contemporaries to have been worthy of his sire. Like him, he was imbued with a love of letters; he was conspicuous for his magnanimity and chivalrous honor, his moderation, constancy, and uniform loyalty to his sovereign, virtues of rare worth in those rapacious and turbulent times. (Pulgar, Claros Varones, tit. 9.) Ferdinand and Isabella created him duke del Infantado. This domain derives its name from its having been once the patrimony of the infantes of Castile. See Salazar de Mendoza, Monarquía, tom. i. p. 219—and Dignidades de Castilla, lib. 3, cap. 17.—Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 1, dial. 8.

[20] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 1, cap. 64.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 78.

[21] Castillo, Crónica, cap. 80, 82.

[22] Rades y Andrada, Chrónica de Las Tres Ordenes y Cavallerías, (Toledo, 1572,) fol. 76.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 85.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 1, cap. 73.

[24] L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 154.-Florez, Reynas Cathólicas, tom. ii. p. 789.-Castillo, Crónica, cap. 37.

[25] Aleson, Anales de Navarra, tom. iv. pp. 561, 562.—Zurita, Anales, lib. 16, cap. 46, lib. 17, cap. 3.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 31, 57.— Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., cap. 55.

[26] Decad. de Palencia, apud Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., tom. vi. p. 65, nota.

[27] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., cap. 73.—Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. p. 450.—Garibay, Compendio, tom. ii. p. 532.

This lady, Doña Beatriz Fernandez de Bobadilla, the most intimate personal friend of Isabella, will appear often in the course of our narrative. Gonzalo de Oviedo, who knew her well, describes her as "illustrating her generous lineage by her conduct, which was wise, virtuous, and valiant." (Quincuagenas, MS., dial. de Cabrera.) The last epithet, rather singular for a female character, was not unmerited.

[28] Palencia imputes his death to an attack of the quinsy. Corónica, MS., cap. 73.

[29] Rades y Andrada, Las Tres Ordenes, fol. 77.—Caro de Torres, Historia de las Ordenes Militares de Santiago, Calatrava, y Alcantara, (Madrid, 1629,) lib. 2, cap. 59.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 85.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., cap. 73.—Gaillard remarks on this event, "Chacun crut sur cette mort ce qu'il voulut." And again in a few pages after, speaking of Isabella, he says, "On remarqua que tons ceux qui pouvoient faire obstacle à la satisfaction ou à la fortune d'Isabelle, mouroient toujours à propos pour elle." (Rivalité, tom. iii. pp. 280, 286.) This ingenious writer is fond of seasoning his style with those piquant sarcasms, in which oftentimes more is meant than meets the ear, and which Voltaire rendered fashionable in history. I doubt, however, if, amid all the heats of controversy and faction, there is a single Spanish writer of that age, or indeed of any subsequent one, who has ventured to impute to the contrivance of Isabella any one of the fortunate coincidences, to which the author alludes.

[30] Lebrija, Rerum Gestarum Decades, lib. 1, cap. 2—Zurita, Anales, lib. 18, cap. 10—Castillo, Cronies, cap. 93, 97.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 1, cap 80.

[31] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica MS., cap. 82.

[32] Zuñiga, Anales de Sevilla, pp. 851, 352.—Carta del Levantamiento de Toledo, apud Castillo, Crónica, p. 109.—The historian of Seville has quoted an animated apostrophe addressed to the citizens by one of their number in this season of discord:

"Mezquina Sevilla en la sangre bañada de los tus fijos, i tus cavalleros, que fado enemigo te tiene minguada," etc.

The poem concludes with a summons to throw off the yoke of their oppressors:

"Despierta Sevilla e sacude el imperio,

que faze a tus nobles tanto vituperio."

See Anales, p. 359.

[33] "Quod in pace fore, sen natura, tune fatum et ira dei vocabatur;" says Tacitus, (Historiae, lib. 4, cap. 26,) adverting to a similar state of excitement.

[34] Saez quotes a MS. letter of a contemporary, exhibiting a frightful picture of these disorders. (Monedas de Enrique IV., p. 1, not.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 83, 87, et passim.—Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. p. 451.—Marina, Teoría, tom. ii. p. 487.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 1, cap. 69.) The active force kept on duty by the Hermandad amounted to 3000 horse. Ibid., cap. 89, 90.

[35] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., cap. 87, 92.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 94.—Garibay, Compendio, lib. 17, cap. 20.

[36] Marina, Teoría, part. 2, cap. 88.

[37] Lebrija, Rerum Gestarum Decad., lib. 1, cap. 3.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 1, cap. 92.—Florez, Reynas Cathólicas, tom. ii. p. 790.

[38] Lebrija, Rerum Gestarum Decad., lib. 1, cap. 3.—Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. vii. p. 218.-Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, part. 1, cap. 92.—part. 2, cap. 5.

[39] See a copy of the original compact cited at length by Marina, Teoría, Apend. no. 11.—Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, part. 1, cap. 2.

[40] So called from four bulls, sculptured in stone, discovered there, with Latin inscriptions thereon, indicating it to have been the site of one of Julius Caesar's victories during the civil war. (Estrada, Poblacion General de España, (Madrid, 1748,) tom. i. p. 306.)—Galindez de Carbaja, a contemporary, fixes the date of this convention in August. Apales del Rey Fernando el Católico, MS., año 1468.

[41] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 4.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 18.—Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. pp. 461, 462.— Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, part. 1, cap. 2.—Castillo affirms that Henry, incensed by his sister's refusal of the king of Portugal, dissolved the cortes at Ocaña, before it had taken the oath of allegiance to her. (Crónica, cap. 127.) This assertion, however, is counterbalanced by the opposite one of Pulgar, a contemporary writer, like himself. (Reyes Católicos, cap. 5.) And as Ferdinand and Isabella, in a letter addressed, after their marriage, to Henry IV., transcribed also by Castillo, allude incidentally to such a recognition as to a well-known fact, the balance of testimony must be admitted to be in favor of it. See Castillo, Crónica, cap. 114.

[42] Isabella, who in a letter to Henry IV., dated Oct. 12th, 1469, adverts to these proposals of the English prince, as being under consideration at the time of the convention of Toros de Guisando, does not specify which of the brothers of Edward IV. was intended. (Castillo, Crónica, cap. 136.)

Mr. Turner, in his History of England during the Middle Ages, (London, 1825,) quotes part of the address delivered by the Spanish envoy to Richard III., in 1483, in which the orator speaks of "the unkindness, which his queen Isabella had conceived for Edward IV., for his refusal of her, and his taking instead to wife a widow of England." (Vol. iii. p. 274.) The old chronicler Hall, on the other hand, mentions, that it was currently reported, although he does not appear to credit it, that the earl of Warwick had been despatched into Spain in order to request the hand of the princess Isabella for his master Edward IV., in 1463. (See his Chronicle of England, (London, 1809,) pp. 263, 264.)—I find nothing in the Spanish accounts of that period, which throws any light on these obvious contradictions.

[43] The territories of France and Castile touched, indeed, on one point (Guipuscoa), but were separated along the whole remaining line of frontier by the kingdoms of Aragon and Navarre.

[44] Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 8.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 10.

[45] Isabella, in order to acquaint herself more intimately with the personal qualities of her respective suitors, had privately despatched her confidential chaplain, Alonso de Coca, to the courts of France and of Aragon, and his report on his return was altogether favorable to Ferdinand. The duke of Guienne he represented as "a feeble, effeminate prince, with limbs so emaciated as to be almost deformed, and with eyes so weak and watery as to incapacitate him for the ordinary exercises of chivalry. While Ferdinand, on the other hand, was possessed of a comely, symmetrical figure, a graceful demeanor, and a spirit that was up to anything;" mui dispuesto para toda coga que hacer ginsiese. It is not improbable that the queen of Aragon condescended to practise some of those agreeable arts on the worthy chaplain, which made so sensible an impression on the marquis of Villena.

[46] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 5.

[47] See ante, note 10.

[48] Faria y Sousa, Europa Portuguesa, tom. ii. p. 391.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 121, 127.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 7.—Lebrija, Rerum Gestarum Decad., lib. 1, cap. 7.

[49] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 7.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 7.

[50] Pulgar, Claros Varones, tit. 2.

[51] L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 154.—Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. fol. 162.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 7.—Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 9.

[52] Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. fol. 157, 163.

[53] See the copy of the original marriage contract, as it exists in the archives of Simancas, extracted in tom. vi. of Memorias de la Acad. de Hist., Apend. no. 1.—Zurita, Anales, lib. 18, cap. 21.—Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. vii. p. 236.

[54] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 12.—Castillo, Crónica, cap. 128, 131, 136.—Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. fol. 162.—Beatrice de Bobadilla and Mencia de la Torre, the two ladies most in her confidence, had escaped to the neighboring town of Coca.

[55] Castillo, Crónica, cap. 136.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 12.—Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 69.

[56] This cavalier, who was of an ancient and honorable family in Castile, was introduced to the princess's service by the archbishop of Toledo. He is represented by Gonzalo de Oviedo as a man of much sagacity and knowledge of the world, qualities with which he united a steady devotion to the interests of his mistress. Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 2, dial. 1.

[57] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., cap. 14.-The bishop told Palencia, that "if his own servants deserted him, he would oppose the entrance of Ferdinand into the kingdom."

[58] Zurita, Anales, lib. 18, cap. 26.—The enrique was a gold coin, so denominated from Henry II.

[59] Zurita, Anales, lib. 18, cap. 26.—Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. p. 273.

[60] Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., tom. vi. p. 78, Ilust. 2.

[61] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 14.—Zurita, Anales, loc. cit.

[62] This letter, dated October 12th, is cited at length by Castillo, Crónica, cap. 136.

[63] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 15.

[64] Gutierre de Cardenas was the first who pointed him out to the princess, exclaiming at the same time, "Ese es, ese es," "This is he;" in commemoration of which he was permitted to place on his escutcheon the letters SS, whose pronunciation in Spanish resembles that of the exclamation which he had uttered. Ibid., part. 2, cap. 15.—Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 2, dial. 1.

[65] L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 182.—Garibay, Compendio, lib. 18, cap. 1.—"Tan amigo de los negocios," says Mariana, "que parecia con el trabajo descansaba." Hist. de España, lib. 25, cap. 18.

[66] "En hermosura, puestas delante S. A. todas las mugeres que yo he visto, ninguna vi tan graciosa, ni tanto de ver corao su persona, ni de tal manera e sanctidad honestísíma." Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.

[67] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 201.—Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. p. 362.—Garibay, Compendío, lib. 18, cap. 1.

[68] Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. p. 465.

[69] Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1469.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 16.—Zurita, Anales, lib. 18, cap. 26.—See a copy of the official record of the marriage, Mem. de la Acad., tom. vi. Apend. 4. See also the Ilust. 2.

[70] The intricacies of this affair, at once the scandal and the stumbling-block of the Spanish historians, have been unravelled by Señor Clemencin, with his usual perspicuity. See Mem. de la Acad., tom. vi. pp. 105–116, Ilust. 2.

[71] Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 16.—A lively narrative of the adventures of Prince Ferdinand, detailed in this chapter, may be found in Cushing's Reminiscences of Spain, (Boston, 1833,) vol. i. pp. 225–255.

[72] Castillo, Crónica, cap. 137.—Alonso de Palencia, Corónica, MS., part. 2, cap. 16.