Читать книгу TOGETHER THEY HOLD UP THE SKY - Martin Macmillan - Страница 6

Jiang Qin was ready to bite. None of those impressionable young Red Guards of high- ranking backgrounds really knew what was going on. For them the Cultural Revolution seemed like a “Gap Year”. In the name of the revolution, they were leaving Beijing to do good works. The fanatic ones went to Vietnam to spread the “revolutionary” seeds and many were killed there. But many of them were just travelling. So it was for Xi Jinping and his mates. While millions of rural Chinese were desperately trying to get to Beijing in order to have a glimpse of Mao, these youngsters were leaving Beijing for anywhere they thought could be more attractive.

For a short time travel on the Chinese railway system was free-of-charge to encourage the people making revolution to also make a pilgrimage to Beijing to see Mao. Revolution can be portrayed as a holy matter, even in an atheist society. Many took advantage of this free travel scheme, whether on holy pilgrimages or not, and the Chinese trains were never so fully packed, coming to resemble the stereotypical Indian railways. Travel chaos could not be avoided!

Many years later Xi Jinping revealed that he went to Guilin, a top tourist city in southern China. For a thirteen year-old boy it was a brave adventure and also a luxurious one. Not many poor Chinese dared to even imagine such a trip for their young children, especially on their own. Yet here was a boy from an elite family in Beijing, barely a teenager, taking such a jaunt. He was going against the tide in more ways that just the direction of his travels.

While they were travelling, the situation in Beijing had changed dramatically. Jiang Qin was fully aware her new position gave her the chance to say what Mao couldn’t; if it was proved wrong, she would take the blame for him. For this “hatchet woman” job she was nominated as a member of the Leading Group of the Cultural Revolution. The group was small, but very powerful. Their power extended over the Central Government and Party and it was directly under Mao’s reign. This position Mao gave to his wife was extraordinary. It made up for all the years of her enforced silence. It satisfied her own strong need to be powerful, respected and influential as a woman in her own right. She reported everything to Mao; she was to be his eyes and ears. Most importantly Jiang Qin barked and bit like an attacking mad dog, and this she did in her own name as Mao’s Rottweiler. Maybe she enjoyed her position too much for if she was on a leash held by Mao, it certainly was a very long leash.

To overthrow the current President Liu Shaoqi and his ilk, Mao invented a new term: “the power holder on the capitalist road”. Until now the Chinese had never heard such a term. But as a poet, Mao was a gifted wordsmith and knew how to turn a phrase to his advantage. He made it clear enough with this catch-phrase that he was not interested in people without any real power. Rich landowners or shop owners had been made powerless for a long time now. After the Communists moved from the countryside into the cities, these old foes were not worthy of mention. Mao had no need to declare war against them. He had something bigger in mind. He was now targeting the people with real power in society: intellectuals, Party officials, and top military officers.

The problem for Mao of course was this would be an attack on his own veterans, many of whom had been loyal to the Communist revolutionary cause for as long as he had been. As such, they had their own loyal followers and bases of power within the Party and society. But Mao had Jiang Qin and those naïve Red Guards so he took the biggest political gamble of his life on them to mount an assault that literally came out of left field.

Xi Jinping was one of the young boys who directly experienced the cruelty of the Cultural Revolution first hand. On the campus of the Central Party Academy where his mother worked and the whole family had been forced to live in her single accommodation, he was caught having said something seriously unfashionable and was accused of not supporting the Red Guards, and by implication, Mao himself.

It was a time of inquisition. Anyone could find himself facing some kind of allegations if they were just not careful enough. What Xi Jinping said exactly, we don’t know. But he was arrested by the local Red Guards and displayed on the stage at the school for public criticism at the age of thirteen alongside other prominent adults.

It was all about public humiliation. People from all walks of life experienced the same things: standing on a stage where they could be seen from all directions. The location could be in a public square or stadium, it could be in a theater or on the bed of a pickup truck, the accused had to face the people gathering around and listening to what their supposed crime was. It could be political or personal accusation, it could be adultery, could be being born into a rich family, even drawing a nude figure could be reason enough to be brought to the public gathering, where the offense would be a charge of spreading pornography and weakening the morality of the entire country.

When Xi Jinping was displayed on the stage as a bad boy, his mother had to watch from the crowd. If she didn’t want to bring more trouble to her family, she had just to follow the tide and ride it out. During his time in custody, Xi Jinping ran away once because he was starving. He went home and just wanted some food. But his mother had to report it to the Red Guards and turn him in. She had to. She was aware that her husband was already a well-know public figure of previous high stature, and she had other children to look after as well; any more troubles would potentially destroy the family, and in terms of Chinese family values, it is all about family preservation. Xi Jinping left and was soon re-arrested. Later on he was forced to do some labor on Beijing’s sewage pipeline construction as part of his punishment.

The worst thing about this story may be the aftermath. Once arrested the incident would be recorded in Xi Jinping’s personal files. In every city, Chinese citizens had a personal file which would follow them their entire life. Bad records would have huge impacts on employment, education, joining the Party, housing, marriage, and without a clean record, one couldn’t be accepted hardly anywhere. As this story was put in Xi Jinping’s files, this episode would haunt him for quite some time.

With the emerging of Jiang Qin, a new breed of Red Guards came into being, this time they were from the ordinary families of China. She knew how to relate to these young people who were not the elitist sons and daughters of the existing power structure that had excluded her for some many years. These teenagers were as removed from the inner circle as she had been, so of course they were loyal supporters of Jiang Qin, and she assumed the role as their patron with relish.

Very soon the general attack started. President Liu Shaoqi was openly criticized in the media as a ‘capitalist roadster’. This first confused the privileged class, but now suddenly they realized that they were the enemy Mao was after. The clash between the two different sets of Red Guards was unavoidable.

Jiang Qin definitely didn’t stand on the side of the privileged. She attacked anyone with privilege, including their children, and gave all her support to the new breed of Red Guards she had fostered. No matter that she was Mao’s wife; the privileged disrespected her and dared to shout in public, “Deep Fry Jiang Qin!”

Jiang Qin was not a soft target, and she developed Mao’s ideas further by saying: “Civilized attack and violent defense.”

Her language split the Red Guards further and opened a Chinese Pandora’s Box. Violence soon broke out like wildfire. Both factions treated each other like sworn enemies. The youth did not just verbally attack each other; they were literally trying to kill each other. The streets went wild. The Red Guards of high-ranking officials seemed even more violent that the others, perhaps because they could somehow fathom what was happening to the world that they knew and were likely to lose.

Xi Jinping was right in the middle of the violence. We shouldn’t forget that in 1966 he was a school boy in the well-known 1st August School and was just 13 years old. There is no record that anyone was attacked by him. Under the circumstances it would be impossible to make such record, but his schoolmate Nie Wenping, one of the top Go-players in China, remembered that he was with him during that time.

One day they were out together with a group of fellow students for a spree of vandalism. Fortunately for them, they found out the other side had more youth in their gang, so they ran away. What developed between these teenagers was fight for life or death. One of their mates, Liu Weiping whose father was the Vice-commander of the Chinese Marines was hit on his head and suffered serious brain damage. So Xi Jinping most definitely had first-hand knowledge of the brutality happening between his classmates and others from less privileged backgrounds.

The young people of the 1st August School were well-known for their pride and aggression. But their days were numbered. On the 25th of January 1967 there was a turning point for the Red Guards. On that day the 1st August School was surrounded by 30,000 young supporters of Mao’s wife Jiang Qin. Hundreds of Red Guards from the 1st August School were arrested and put in jail for four months. They were not deemed to be revolutionary Red Guards any longer; these children of the government’s elite cadre were treated as the enemies of the proletariat dictatorship. In fact, they were proxies for their parents.

After that massive event, an exhibition was put on inside the 1st August School to showcase the crimes the students and their supporters allegedly committed. It showed that the school facilities were all destroyed; the students were accused of turning their school into an inquisition institution; anyone who was not so called “red” would be tortured, beaten and humiliated. The worst thing was they were accused of stealing from the people they attacked for their own gain. Golden bars or watches were allegedly found with them during the raid and shown as evidence of their unpatriotic motives.

The raid action and following exhibition at the 1st August School shocked Beijing. The Party newspapers denounced the whole school as a counter-revolutionary institution. One of the top leaders of the Committee of the Cultural Revolution, Che Boda said very clearly:

“The schools for officials’ children will not operate. This is something that Mao had already criticized after entering the cities. The schools for officials’ children is the poisonious trait of the old society that has been adopted .……looking at what kind of car, big one or small one, different ranks; all these are feudal ideas, left by the feudal society.”

If the children were under such a direct and brutal attack, so their parents wouldn’t be spared. The President Liu Shaoqi, his colleague Deng Xiaoping and other high ranking officials were summarily removed from their posts and humiliated in public along with their wives and children. Deng Xiaoping’s son was forced to jump out of a window and broke his neck. Seeing he was gravely injured, he was refused any medical treatment which caused him to be paralyzed for life.

Seeing who was in charge, the generals realized that Mao was after them as well, but it was too late to do anything. This kind of strategy was nothing new. The Chinese have had a saying for long time: “After the hunting, what use is the hound?”

The purging continued relentlessly, and in just one year’s time Mao, with the help of his wife Jiang Qin and her Red Guards, had brought power back into his hands. The 1st August School was dissolved. When it was open again years later, it was just an ordinary school for everyone. The former students were dismissed and sent to mix in with other ordinary schools. Young Xi Jinping was sent to Junior High School No. 25, close to where his family used to live and a far cry from his privileged former school. Such schools for privileged families disappeared forever in China. Even after the Cultural Revolution ended, they were not restored.

After a few months, the 1st August School Red Guards who had been arrested were released. The Premier Zhou Enlai summoned these students to the People’s Congress Hall and paid a visited to them there. The location was quite unique. The People’s Congress Hall was regarded as a holy place for many Chinese and they never had a chance to be in it. Obviously these children were different. They were still somebody because of their parents. When these young people saw Zhou Enlai, they all began crying. Zhou knew many of them and their parents personally. He had brought them together to the People’s Congress Hall to remind them of who they were and to teach them an important lesson. In reality, it was he and the instigators of this oppression who were about to learn something.

Comrade Jiang Qin was there also, but when she tried to speak, the young people started to sing a song to the memory of Mao’s former wife. They did not bother to hide their disgust towards her. They dared to say what the adults didn’t. They even dared to say that Lin Biao, one of a few military officers who openly helped Mao to start the Cultural Revolution and had been rewarded politically by replacing Liu Shaoqi as Party Deputy Chairman and heir-apparent to Mao, was nothing more than a big thug. The People’s Congress Hall had heard from the people through the voices of their children.

So far Mao had won the battle, but he had now lost the hearts of his generals. From the mouths of children had come the clear truth about this Cultural Revolution and the opportunism of one of their own, General Lin Biao. From now on Mao had to struggle on his own. The only person he could trust was his wife. But for all her strength, Jiang Qin lacked the depth of experience necessary for such a campaign. Mao’s revolution was doomed already.

During this chaotic time between 1966 and 1967, largely caused by Chairman Mao’s wife, the future First Lady, Peng Liyuan, was just 4 years old. Her family had two specific problems. First her mother had relatives in Taiwan which was still occupied by the Nationalists. The relationship itself was already regarded as a crime. She could be a spy! Just this suspicion was bad enough to bring her some trouble. Since the Mainland’s relationship with Taiwan had been cut off for two decades already, Peng Liyuan’s family did not have any contact with Taiwan, so nobody could prove her innocence.

The self-made local Red Guards in rural Shandong would not leave her in peace. They came to Peng’s family home, screaming and shouting revolutionary slogans, and questioned her mother about what kind of relationship she had with Taiwan. They tried to get her to confess that she a spy for the Nationalists. It was a very public interrogation. They searched the house trying to find any evidence of an ongoing relationship with Taiwan. They put revolutionary graffiti everywhere. Big red Chinese charaters decorated every corner of the small town, many denouncing Peng’s mother as a traitor. All these were scary for the four year-old Peng Liyuan.

The second problem for the Peng family was that Peng’s father was in charge of cultural issues and under his leadership the local cultural house brought in quite a few shows. Under the new regime of former actress and First Lady, Jiang Qin, all such forms of entertainment belonged to the old order of feudalism. Peng Longkun as the director was the so-called power holder; even though his position was minuscule by Beijing standards; in Jiang Qin’s eyes, he would belong to the people who should be overthrown. His Party membership could not help him as thousands of Party members were also under attack. The problem of his position was greatly compounded by his other crime: that he married a woman with Nationalist relationships in Taiwan.

As punishment Peng Liyuan’s father was forced to do physical labor, such as cleaning public toilets as the part of his humiliation. He was taken into custody and was not allowed to see his family for some time. The young family had to survive by very little means since both sources of income, the father’s small local government job and the mother’s small supplemental income by singing, were now both gone. On top of that, they had both been publicly humiliated and turned against by their neighbors for no good reason. Such was the craziness of the times.

Peng Liyuan was little, but still older than her sister. She often had the responsibility to look after the younger one. For a short time the Peng family had to leave the small county town and move to the countryside. Their misery compared with the Xi family in Beijing, was rather more material. When Peng Liyuan remembered her childhood, she described it as poor. She had to learn to do everything to try to help the family survive. One thing she remembered very well was that her family could not afford photos. There was only one photo made in 1966 with her younger sister. The only other photo was made in 1969 when she was seven. On the back of the photo was written: “This is the only photo of Peng Liyuan’s childhood.”

By 1969, three years into the Cultural Revolution, the chaos had calmed down slightly. That year Peng Liyuan got a new baby brother, the only son of the family, and a sign that normality and humanity had not completely been eradicated in China by Mao and Jiang Qin.