Читать книгу Theorizing Crisis Communication - Timothy L. Sellnow - Страница 13

As with the definition of crisis, scholars have also wrestled with definitions of communication and have offered a variety of competing and complementary views. Traditional notions of communication have tended to be more static and emphasize the role of the sender in a process of distributing messages to receivers. Receivers were largely seen as passive participants who were assumed to simply accept and act upon the message. The best-known formulation of this approach is Berlo’s (1960) sender-message-channel-receiver model. This model created a straightforward linear view of communication, a perspective that dominated many early emergency communication conceptualizations and tended to frame crisis communication as a unidirectional process of issuing warnings or alerts through systems such as the emergency broadcast system or community-based weather sirens.

More contemporary notions of communication draw on a much broader set of concepts and describe a much more dynamic and transactive process. Participants are described simultaneously as senders and receivers, transacting and co-creating meaning through the ongoing and simultaneous exchange of a variety of messages using multiple channels. One of the best examples of this approach is Barnlund’s (1970) transactional model, initially developed as a theory of interpersonal communication. This approach emphasized the view that communication is a complex process that is dynamic, continuous, circular, and unrepeatable. Communication involves encoding and decoding systems, ongoing feedback loops, and the ongoing, co-creation of meaning.

Other views of communication emphasize different aspects of the process and many of these conceptualizations have direct application to communication in crisis contexts. Dance (1967), for example, argued that communication is both dynamic and cumulative in that it is heavily influenced by past experiences. Thus, previous experiences with a crisis influence the interpretations and communicative choices one makes. During the response to Hurricane Katrina, for example, the agencies responsible for crisis management made mistakes that damaged their reputations. This undermined their credibility, making subsequent efforts more difficult. Cushman and Whiting (2006) developed a framework that suggested much of the meaning derived through communication is created through the rules governing the communication process. During a crisis, some of these rules may no longer function and involve new actors in new contexts; thus, communication may become more complex and less effective. In other cases, new rules may surface or be imposed, influencing how meaning is created. Many theorists emphasize the symbolic nature of the process. Communication relies on symbols or an arbitrary but agreed-upon system of labels and representations that carry or encode the message and connect the message to larger systems of meaning. During crises, symbols, such as warning signs and sirens, can play an important role. In fact, many crises, like 9/11, become their own meaning systems, conveying values, ideologies, and specific views of power.

Ultimately, communication is about the construction of meaning, sharing some interpretation or consensual understanding between senders/receivers, audiences, publics, stakeholders, or communities. Scholars differ on the locus of that meaning. The mass communication theorist McLuhan (1964) offered the view that the medium is the message, suggesting that any technology (medium) used to distribute meaning directly affects the meaning that arises. Thus, the warning siren becomes the message.

Contrasting this view are the general semanticists who argue that meaning is in people’s interpretation of symbols and thus exist in the communicators’ cognitive processes. People who have experienced the pain and trauma of a disaster, for example, carry an interpretive system of meaning associated with disasters that is not available to others. Communication can also be understood to occur within a larger ecology (Foth & Hearn, 2007). This may include the media used, relationships, networks, history, and the larger social, political, cultural, and economic context. Communication both influences and is influenced by the context and ecology. A crisis, for example, creates a specific context, which influences communication activities, and the communication activities also influence the context. Digital communication technology, including social media and handheld devices, has significantly altered the ecology of crisis communication. Some researchers argue that these technologies have repositioned those who are at the center of the crisis as active sources and senders of information rather than as passive receivers (Pechta et al., 2010).

An additional view of communication important in consideration of crises is the communicative constitution of organizations (CCO) perspective. This view, developed initially by McPhee and Zaug (2000) and expanded by others, suggests that organizations are constituted in and through human communication. Communication is the fundamental process whereby organizations are created by individual actors and actions. Organizations are “ongoing and precarious accomplishments realized, experienced, and identified primarily – if not exclusively – in communication processes” (Cooren et al., 2011, p. 1151). The CCO perspective unifies a number of views from systems theory, narrative theory, social constructivism, and critical theory, among others (Putnam et al., 2009). CCO also foregrounds a number of competing views regarding what constitutes an organization. Some perspectives, for example, emphasize the material and substantive nature of an organization, while others emphasize organizing as an ongoing process. Still others suggest that an organization is simply the coordinated behaviors of individuals. Communicative processes and outcomes may play roles in each of these views of organizations.

One of the widely used approaches to CCO is the concept of the four flows of communication introduced by McPhee and colleagues. The four flows include organizational self-structuring, membership negotiation, activity coordination, and institutional positioning. These are described as “flows” because they are interactive yet enduring, take many forms, and occur in many contexts by many participants (McPhee, 2015). Organizational self-structuring is a deliberative, reflexive process whereby the structuring processes, such as norms, rules, and hierarchies, are created and communicated. Membership negotiation concerns the ways in which individuals are recruited to become part of the organization, establish and maintain relationships, and are socialized into the organizational culture. Activity coordination involves the collective coordination of member activity. The activities of individuals in organizations are interdependent and must be coordinated and assembled in a unified way. The final flow concerns the macro-level positioning of the organization in relation to the larger environment. This form of communication is necessary for organizations to have an independent and recognizable identity (see McPhee & Zaug, 2008; McPhee et al., 2014).

The CCO perspective may be especially relevant to crisis contexts because crises often disrupt these flows and the resulting organizational processes. Crises can change identity, disrupt patterns of coordination; shift roles, hierarchies, and responsibilities, and change membership patterns. In addition, crises often give rise to emergent organizations that respond to the crisis, such as volunteer and support groups and search and rescue groups. Crises are important forces in shaping and creating organizations and CCO can help explain these developments.

Finally, communication scholars have also described the functions of communication. These approaches, such as functional decision theory (Gouran, 1982) and media uses and gratifications theory (McQuail, 1983), emphasize the instrumental nature of communication; that is, communication allows for the intentional creation of certain outcomes. Functional approaches focus on the results or outcomes of communication behaviors and processes. This perspective sees communication as a tool senders and receivers use to accomplish goals, solve problems, make decisions, influence others, and coordinate actions. Communication may be more or less effective in accomplishing these outcomes depending on its structure, how it is used, what audiences it targets, and what channels are employed, among many other factors. Managing a crisis often requires the cooperation of various agencies, groups, and community members. In many cases, this cooperation requires communication; thus, communication is an instrument of cooperation.

Dance and Larson (1976) described three broad functions of communication: (1) regulating the behavior of self and others; (2) linking individuals with others and their environment; (3) developing higher mental processes and capacity. Regulating behavior primarily through persuasive processes is a fundamental communication function and represents an important tradition in communication inquiry extending back to the Greek rhetoricians. In fact, some views suggest that all communication is persuasive. Linking functions include both information exchange and linking to one’s environment but also the development of relationships. Information about the environment is necessary to make choices about how to behave. Finally, Dance and Larson suggest that communication processes are closely associated with cognitive processes and capacity. In other words, communication is an epistemology, a way of knowing and thinking. We have suggested that this functional approach may be particularly useful in understanding the communication activities associated with crisis management. These are outlined in Table 1.3.

Table 1.3 Functions of Crisis Communication.

Scanning	(Monitoring and maintaining external relationships:and Spanning collecting information, building relationships with external stakeholders)Sensemaking of informationIssue managementSpanning agency, organization, and community boundariesRisk communication
Crisis Response	(Planning for and managing crises)Uncertainty reduction, providing information and interpretations, warnings, evacuations notices, product recallsCoordination with key stakeholder and response agenciesInformation disseminationPromoting strategic ambiguity
Crisis Resolution	(Restructuring, repairing, and maintaining relationshipsafter a crisis)Defensive messagesExplanatory messagesImage restorationRenewalGrieving and memorializing
Organizational Learning	(Emerging from a crisis with enhanced knowledge, relationships, and capacity)DialogueNetworks and relationshipsUnderstanding and norms

These functions, critical to effective response, suggest that communication is associated with a wide range of instrumental outcomes during a crisis. For example, communication is necessary to persuade people to prepare a personal crisis plan. In fact, the website Ready.gov promotes preparedness through a public communication campaign. A successful communication of evacuation notice is necessary to manage the harm of floods, hurricanes, and some forms of toxic spills. Public health officials sometimes describe communication as a form of “social Tamiflu,” referring to the antiviral medication used to treat influenza. Communication is the primary way public health officials can influence the behavior of publics in ways that can limit the spread of this infectious disease.

Given this range of definitions, concepts, and complexity of communication, is it possible to fully define crisis communication? Crisis communication could simply be understood as the ongoing process of creating shared meaning among and between groups, communities, individuals, and agencies within the ecological context of a crisis for the purpose of preparing for and reducing, limiting, and responding to threats and harm. This definition points to the diversity of communicators – both senders and receivers – involved and the instrumental and functional elements of communication during a crisis. Beyond this definition, however, is the fact that communication processes are sensemaking methodologies allowing individuals, groups, communities, and agencies to co-create frameworks for understanding and action even within the highly uncertain, demanding, and threatening context of a crisis. These events shatter the fundamental sense of normalcy, stability, and predictability we all count on in living our daily lives. They are disruptive, confusing, shocking, and intense events and making sense of them and reestablishing some new normal requires communication. Crisis communication processes are also made significantly more complex by the diversity of audiences, cultures, backgrounds, experiences, new technologies, and forms of crises. In addition, effective communication in these cases can literally be a life and death matter. Understanding the role of communication in these events, therefore, is critical.

The effort to do so has been driven by dramatic crisis events and has involved several research traditions. In its earliest iteration, crisis communication practice was a subfield of public relations and was directed toward identifying strategies to protect organizations facing accusations of wrongdoing. One of the first professional practitioners of public relations, Ivy Lee, helped manage press coverage of the 1906 Pennsylvania Railroad disaster involving a passenger train derailing on a bridge in Atlantic City. The disaster caused more than 50 deaths (Hallahan, 2002; Heibert, 1966). The principles of crisis communication were drawn largely from anecdotal insights, “war stories,” and later more formalized case studies (Coombs, 2010, p. 23). Although these early principles of crisis communication were anecdotal and did not draw on any established theory, they laid the groundwork for subsequent investigations, which began to develop in the 1980s. More systematic case studies and the application of rhetorical theory added to the earlier principles of practice and a coherent field of crisis communication began to emerge (Lachlan et al., in press). Erikson’s (1976) examination of the Buffalo Creek disaster, Fink’s (1986) analysis of the Three Mile Island Disaster, Seeger’s (1986) analysis of the Challenger Disaster, and Snyder’s (1983) and Benson’s (1988) investigation of the Tylenol poisoning and subsequent responses helped developed the case study approach to crisis. Much of the work was still descriptive and critical and depended largely on descriptive and rhetorical methods (Benoit, 1995).

As the field developed coherence, investigators began employing empirical methods to study crisis communication. This included both field studies of crises and disasters using survey questionnaires and laboratory investigations. Investigations of Hurricane Katrina (Spence et al., 2007), the terrorist attacks of 9/11 (Lachlan et al., 2009) as well as investigations of organizational responses to crisis (Coombs & Holliday, 2010) were often grounded in more formal theories, utilizing approaches that could be replicated to confirm results.

Other fields, including management, sociology, political science, anthropology, and public health also explored questions of crisis and communication. Of these, the work of Quarantelli (1988), Mileti and O’Brien (1992), and Wenger (1985) was especially relevant, focusing on questions of communication, coordination, warning messages, and media coverage. Disaster sociology in particular has developed a comprehensive body of work in communication. Investigators in management and organizational behavior approached crisis as an issue of strategic management responses. This included Shirvastava’s (1984) case study of the Bhopal Union Carbide Disaster, Perrow’s (1984) analysis of Three Mile Island, and Weick’s (1993) examination of the Mann Gulch disaster. Finally, the field of political science has explored government response to crisis. This includes Birkland’s (1997) work on disasters and the subsequent development of public policy agendas and Comfort’s (1994) examination of the Northridge earthquake resilience and coordination. Other fields, such as anthropology, public health, nursing, chemistry, tourism, agriculture, geology, and engineering have their own niche interests in crisis communication.

Today, crisis communication is a robust, interdisciplinary field with important areas for the application of research and theory. Crisis managers make use of the result of research and use theory to inform their decisions. Response agencies commission studies to answer specific questions. Researchers employ a wide range of methods and approaches to explore the preparation and planning, risk recognition, response, and recovery. An important part of this process has been the development of theories of crisis communication. Theory helps researchers organize and make sense of observations and provides focus to investigations. Theory can help expand our understanding and conceptualization of crisis communication. Practitioners can use theory to help predict and control what is often a very uncertain crisis condition. Finally, theories can challenge assumptions about crisis and the role communication plays.