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[165] 1 John (1200). Rot. Cart. p. 53.

[166] 1 John (1200). Rot. Cart., pp. 5, 56.

[167] See note to No. 8.

5. Dispute With a Lord Touching a Gild Merchant [Curia Regis Rolls, Mich. 8 Henry III, m. 6], 1223–4.

Buckingham.—Alan Basset was summoned to answer the burgesses of Wycombe wherefore he permits them not to have their gild merchant with its appurtenances, as they were wont to have it in the time of the lord King John, when he had that manor in his hand; whereof the burgesses say that in the time when the lord King John had that manor in his hand, and when the lord the King gave it to the same Alan, they had a gild merchant and a liberty which the same Alan has taken away from them, wherefore they are much injured, for by that gild merchant they had this liberty, that no merchant within their town could sell cloths at retail, neither linens nor woollens, unless he were in the gild merchant or by licence of the bailiffs of the burgesses who were in the gild merchant, and furthermore in the same manner could not sell fells or wood or broom[168] or such merchandise, unless he were in the gild or by licence, as aforesaid; and the same Alan contravened this liberty and granted to all merchants and others that they might sell cloths at retail and fells and such wares as they please, and takes 3d. toll; and they used to give for the farm of the lord the King half a mark yearly to have that liberty; and because he has taken away that liberty from them, they are injured and suffer damage to the value of 40 marks, and thereof they produce suit, and if this suffices not, they offer to prove that they had such seisin by the evidence of witnesses (per vivam vocem), if they ought, or by the body of a man,[169] or by the country,[170] and they offer 20 marks to have an inquisition thereon.

And Alan comes and defends force and tort and says that he has taken no liberties from them, but will speak the truth; the lord King John gave him that manor with all its appurtenances for his homage and service for 20l. a year and for the service of one knight, so that never afterwards did they have a gild merchant, although they often sued for it and murmured among themselves, so that he often asked of them their warrant, if they had any, and they show him none; and the town is amended in that merchants and others can sell their merchandise; and so they ought to have no gild.

And the burgesses say that his statement is contrary to right, because after his time, when he had that manor, they had that liberty, both before his time and after, and they offer as before 20 marks to have an inquisition thereon. Touching their warrant they say that they had a charter of King Henry, grandfather of the lord the King, and it was deposited in the church of Wycombe, and there in the time of war was burned in the church, and thereof they put themselves on a jury.

And Alan defends that they had no charter thereof nor any warrant, nor ever had seisin of that gild in his time, nor can he admit nor will he admit any inquisition without the lord the King; but indeed it may be true that when they had the manor of the King at farm, then they did what they pleased.

A day is given to them on the morrow of Martinmas to hear their judgment, and the burgesses put in their place William son of Harvey and Robert le Taillur.[171]

[168] Genista tinctoria (dyer's greenweed); "genetein "in MS.

[169] i.e. Trial by battle.

[170] i.e. Trial by jury.

[171] The case was again adjourned and the judgment has not been found.

6. The Affiliation of Boroughs [Charter Roll,11 Henry III, p. 1, m. 13, No. 117], 1227.

The King to all, etc., greeting. Know ye that we have granted and by our present charter confirmed to our burgesses of Bedford all their liberties and customs and laws and quittances, which they had in the time of the lord King Henry, our grandfather, specially their gild merchant with all their liberties and customs in lands and islands, in pastures and all other their appurtenances, so that no one who is not in that gild do any trafficking with them in city or borough or town or soke. Moreover we have granted and confirmed to them that they be quit of toll and pontage and stallage and lastage and passage, and of assarts and every other custom throughout the whole of England and Normandy by land and water and by the seashore, "bilande and bistrande," and have all other customs throughout the whole of England and their liberties and laws which they have in common with our citizens of Oxford,[172] and do their trafficking in common with them within London and without and in all other places. And if they have any doubt or contention touching any judgment which they ought to make, they shall send their messengers to Oxford, and what the citizens of Oxford shall adjudge hereon, that they shall hold firm and fixed and certain without doubt, and do the same. And we forbid that they plead without the borough of Bedford in aught whereof they are charged, but of whatsoever they be impleaded, they shall deraign themselves according to the laws and customs of our citizens of Oxford, and this at Bedford and not elsewhere; because they and the citizens of Oxford are of one and the same custom and law and liberty. Wherefore we will and straitly command that our aforesaid burgesses of Bedford have and hold their aforesaid liberties and laws and customs and tenures well and in peace, freely and quietly, fully and honourably, with soc and sac and tol and theam and infangenethef,[173] and with all other their liberties and free customs and quittances, as well and entirely as ever they had them in the time of King Henry, our grandfather, and as fully and freely and entirely as our citizens of Oxford have those liberties and as the charter of King Richard, our uncle, which they have thereof, reasonably testifies. Witnesses as above. Given [at Westminster on 24 March in the 11th year of our reign].

[172] Oxford was also affiliated to London by charter of 13 Henry III. [Charter Roll, 13 Henry III., p. 1, m. 12.]

[173] i.e. General rights of jurisdiction.

7. Bondman Received in a Borough [Bracton's Notebook, III, 243, No. 1228], 1237–8.

Order was made to the bailiffs of Andover that at the first coming of the lord the King to Clarendon they shew cause to the lord the King, wherefore they have detained from Everard le Tyeis William of Amesbury, his bondman and fugitive, inasmuch as he claims him at the time and hours, as he says, etc.

And Adam de Marisco and other bailiffs of Andover come and say that the aforesaid William was at one time dwelling at Wilton and was a travelling merchant and married a woman in the town of Andover, and within the year in which he married the same Everard came and sought him as his bondman and fugitive, but they refused to deliver him to him and dared not without the lord the King's command.

Afterwards the same Everard comes, and remits and quit-claims to the lord the King and his heirs the aforesaid William with his whole brood, etc.

8. An Inter-municipal Agreement in Respect of Toll [Charter Roll, 23 Henry III, m. 3], 1239.

The King to archbishops, etc. greeting. Know ye that whereas a dispute was raised in our Court before us between our good men of Marlborough, complainants, and our good men of Southampton, deforciants, of toll which the aforesaid men of Southampton took from our men of Marlborough against their liberties which they have by charter of King John, our father, and by our charter, as they asserted; at length by our licence it is covenanted between them on this wise, that all our men of Marlborough, who are in the gild merchant of Marlborough and will establish the same, be quit for ever of all custom and all manner of toll in the town of Southampton and in all the appurtenances thereof, whereof the men of Southampton within their liberty can acquit the said men of Marlborough, notwithstanding that the charter of the same men of Southampton is prior to the charters of the aforesaid men of Marlborough;[174] and in like manner that the men of Southampton be quit of all custom and toll in the town of Marlborough. We, therefore, willing that the aforesaid covenant be firm and stable for ever, grant and confirm it for us and our heirs. Witnesses:—Richard, count of Poitou and earl of Cornwall, our brother, etc., as above [17 June, Westminster].

[174] The legal rule evolved in the thirteenth century for cases where the crown granted to one town freedom from toll, and to another town the right to exact toll, was that priority of grant prevailed; cf. Bracton f. 56b. By grants of incompatible charters the crown obtained fees from two sets of petitioners, and also costs from the subsequent litigation.

9. Enforcement of Charter Granting Freedom From Toll Throughout the Realm [Chancery Files], 1416.

Henry by the grace of God King of England and France and Lord of Ireland to John Kerde of Ware Toller, greeting. Whereas among the rest of the liberties and quittances granted to our beloved citizens of our city of London by charters of our progenitors, sometime Kings of England, which we have confirmed by our charter with the clause "licet,"[175] it is granted to the same that they and their successors, citizens of the same city, be quit for ever of pavage, pontage, murage,[176] toll and lastage[177] throughout the whole of our realm and the whole of our land and power, as is more fully contained in the charters and confirmation aforesaid: We command you, as we have commanded before, that you permit Thomas Sabarn, citizen of the city aforesaid, as it is said, to be quit of such pavage, pontage, murage, toll and lastage, according to the tenour of the charters and confirmation aforesaid, not molesting or aggrieving him in aught contrary to the tenour of the same, or that you signify to us the cause wherefore you have not obeyed our command before directed to you thereon. Witness myself at Westminster, 25 March in the 4th year of our reign.

Sotheworth.

[Endorsed.] The answer of John Kerde withinwritten.

I certify to you that I have permitted and will hereafter permit Thomas Sabarn withinwritten to be quit of pavage, pontage, murage, toll and lastage, as is commanded me by this writ, and have not molested or aggrieved him on the same accounts, and will not molest or aggrieve him hereafter.

[175] Charter Roll, 2 Henry V., p. 2, No. 11. The clause "licet "is a provision for the preservation of liberties in spite of non-user.

[176] i.e. Tolls for the repair of streets, bridges, and walls.

[177] i.e. A toll on cargoes and on wares entering a market or fair.

10. Licence for an Alien To Be of the Gild Merchant Of London [Charter Roll, 37 Henry III, m. 21], 1252.

The King to archbishops, etc., greeting. Know ye that we have granted and by this our charter confirmed to Deutayutus Willelmi, merchant of Florence, that he and his heirs for ever may have this liberty, to wit, that in any tallage to be assessed on the community of our city of London by our command they be not tallaged at more than one mark of silver, and that they, with their own household, may buy, sell and traffic without unlawful gain as freely and quietly throughout the whole of our power as any of our citizens of London; and that the same Deutayutus and his heirs be in the gild merchant of the same city and have all other liberties and free customs, as well within the said city as without, which the same citizens have or shall have or obtain hereafter. Wherefore we will and straitly command for us and our heirs that the aforesaid Deutayutus and his heirs have all the liberties, free customs and quittances aforesaid for ever, as is aforesaid. These witnesses:—Geoffrey de Lezinan, our brother, Peter de Sabaudia, John de Grey, John de Lessinton, Peter Chaceporc, archdeacon of Wells, Master W. de Kilkenny, archdeacon of Coventry, Artald de Sancto Romano, Robert de Muscegros, Robert Wallerand, Stephen Bauzan, Robert le Norreys, Ralph de Bakepuz, Imbert Pugeys and others. Given by our hand at Windsor, 3 November.[178]

[178] In the thirteenth century aliens were commonly burgesses of English towns (for an instance see below, Section VI, No. 30), and Englishmen were members of foreign communities. In 1326 the Mayor and commonalty of London deprived such aliens of the freedom of the city (Riley Memorials, 151). This document furnishes the sole extant reference to a gild merchant in London. See, however, Crump, in E.H.R., xviii. 315.

11. Dispute Between the Merchant Gild and the Abbot Of Bury St. Edmunds [B.M. Add. MSS. 17391, ff. 61–65], 1304.

Pleas at the town of St. Edmund before William de Bereford, W. Howard and W. de Carleton, appointed justices of the lord the King, on Tuesday next after the feast of St. Lucy the Virgin[179] in the thirty-third year of the reign of King Edward son of King Henry.

Nicholas Fouk and others by conspiracy premeditated among them at the town aforesaid, and by oath taken among them, making unlawful assemblies of their own authority on Monday next after the feast of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the thirtieth year of the lord the King that now is,[180] ordained and decreed that none should remain among them in the said town having chattels worth 20s. who would not pay them 2s. 1d., which payment they call among themselves hansing-silver, which money they took on that pretext respectively from Reynold del Blackhouse and Robert the Carpenter, men dwelling in the town aforesaid, and also beyond this 12d. of gersom from each of the said Reynold and Robert. And likewise … they decreed among themselves that every man of the same town having chattels to the value of 10 marks should pay them 46s. 8d., which by that authority they took from Robert Scot, a man dwelling in the aforesaid town. And also the same day and year they decreed among themselves that no man should stay in the aforesaid town beyond a year and a day without being distrained to take oath to maintain their aforesaid assemblies and ordinances. …

The aforesaid Nicholas Fouk and others readily acknowledge that the Abbot is lord of the whole town aforesaid, and ought to appoint his bailiffs to hold his court in the same town. But as for the conspiracy aforesaid, etc., they make stout defence that they are not guilty of the aforesaid conspiracy, etc. And as for the Abbot's charge against them that they have made unlawful assemblies in the aforesaid town, decreeing and ordaining that every man dwelling in the same town having chattels to the value of 20s., etc. as above, they say that the aforesaid Abbot makes plaint unjustly, for they say that they have an alderman and a gild merchant in the aforesaid town and are free burgesses, etc., rendering judgments by their alderman of pleas pleaded in the court of the same abbot before his bailiffs in the town aforesaid. And that without any trespasses or unlawful assemblies they meet at their Gildhall in the same town, as often as need be, to treat of the common profit and advantage of the men and burgesses of the aforesaid town, as is quite lawful for them. And that they and their ancestors and predecessors, burgesses, etc., have used such a custom from time whereof no memory is, to wit, of taking 2s. 1d. from every man dwelling in the aforesaid town, being in the tithing of the Abbot of the place aforesaid, having chattels to the value of 20s., that he may trade among them and enjoy their market customs in the same town, and likewise of receiving 46s. 8d. from every man of the town aforesaid having chattels to the value of 10 marks to keep[181] their gild merchant. And that there is the following custom among them beyond this, to wit, that twelve burgesses of the aforesaid town have been accustomed to elect four men of the same town yearly to keep their gild merchant, each of whom shall have chattels to the value of 10 marks. Which four men so elected have been accustomed to be forewarned by two burgesses of the gild aforesaid, who are called les Dyes, to keep their gild aforesaid; and the same men so elected have been accustomed to find pledges before the alderman and burgesses in the Gildhall aforesaid to keep the gild aforesaid, or that each of them would pay 46s. 8d., who should refuse to keep that gild. And for the doing hereof the alderman and burgesses in the town aforesaid have been accustomed to distrain every man in the same town having chattels to the value of 10 marks, wishing to trade among them and to enjoy their market customs. And thus then each of the aforesaid four men so elected should enjoy burgess-ship among them and their custom hereafter, and the burgesses of the aforesaid town in form aforesaid have been used to receive 2s. 1d., etc. And this they are ready to verify, whereof they crave judgment, etc. …

The jurors say, etc. that … the Abbot must answer whether the aforesaid Nicholas Fouke and others have a gild merchant in the aforesaid town or not, etc. The abbot says that they have not a gild merchant nor cognisances of pleas pertaining to a gild merchant, nor a commonalty nor a common seal nor a mayor; but they hold a gild at the feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist in a certain place to feast and drink together, there holding their unlawful assemblies and taking from every man dwelling in the said town the aforesaid 2s. 1d. and also 46s. 8d., levying such money from the men aforesaid, that the payers thereof may be of their fellowship, by distraints made upon them; and he does not deny that the ancestors of the aforesaid Nicholas and others have been long accustomed to receive such extortions of 2s. 1d. and 46s. 8d., but against the Law Merchant and against the will of the aforesaid payers and against the peace, etc., and beyond the amount of a third part of their goods; and by such extortions and ransoms they claim to make burgesses within his liberty and lordship, which there pertains to the Abbot himself and to no other to be done, etc.

A day is given. … It is awarded that the aforesaid Abbot [recover] his damages of 199l. 13s. 4d. against the aforesaid Nicholas and others. … And let the same Nicholas and others be committed to gaol, etc. Afterwards the aforesaid Nicholas and others came and made fine, etc. And let certain others in the dispute be imprisoned for a month owing to their poverty, etc. And the aforesaid Nicholas and others came before the justices and satisfied the lord Abbot, etc.; therefore let them be delivered from prison, etc.

[179] Tuesday after December 13.

[180] Monday after September 8, 1302.

[181] i.e. To uphold.

12. Complaints of the Men of Leicester Against The Lord [Inquisitions Miscellaneous, 87, No. 46], 1322.

Inquisition taken at Leicester on Saturday next after the feast of St. Barnabas the Apostle[182] in the 15th year of the reign of King Edward, son of King Edward, before Roger Beler, guardian of the castles, lands and tenements of Thomas, late earl of Lancaster,[183] and other enemies and rebels of the lord the King in the County of Leicester, in the hand of the lord the King by their forfeiture, by the oath of William le Palmere of Leicester.[184]. …

Who say on their oath that in the time of Edmund, late earl of Leicester, uncle of the lord the King that now is, while he had the lordship of the town aforesaid, the men of the same town who were in the gild of the same town gave nothing for the retailing or sale of cloth or other merchandise, but in the time of Thomas, late earl of Leicester, by distraints of farmers[185] and extortions they were compelled to make heavy fines yearly.

Further, in the time of the aforesaid Edmund, the fullers dwelling in the same town gave nothing to any man for exercising that craft, but in the time of Thomas they were compelled to pay 40s. a year, so that the aforesaid farmers would not permit other fullers to come into the same town, whereby none remains in the same town save one only, and he is poor.

Further, in the time of Edmund, the butchers of the same town used to give nothing to any man for exercising their trade, but in the time of Thomas they were compelled to give 10s. a year to the farmers.

Further, in the time of Edmund, for four days at Christmas no court of pleas of the Portmanmoot used to be holden, but in the time of Thomas by extortions and distraints the farmers[185] used to compel those who owed to others any debt, upon plaint made against them, to pay their debts within the aforesaid four days, or to imprison their bodies until they should have paid.

In the time of Edmund vendors of oatmeal sold their meal, giving nothing to any man except toll; in the time of Thomas they were not permitted to sell the aforesaid meal except by great measures, and then the beadles of the farmers of the same town took by extortion from the buyers a great quantity for measuring it, and to have that profit the said beadles gave to the farmers 40s. a year.

Further, in the time of Edmund, the farmers of the demesne lands of the same Edmund used to have the dung found in the four high roads and not elsewhere in the lanes; in the time of Thomas, by force and might they collected and took the dung in all the lanes, against the will of the burgesses.

Further, in the time of Edmund, from payers of toll the farmers used to take nothing by way of a double toll, and that by view of any of the jurors of the same town; in the time of Thomas the farmers took from payers of toll the heaviest ransoms at their will, exceeding the value of the thing whereon the toll was so paid, and often more than the true value.

Further, in the time of Edmund, the porters of the castle of the town of Leicester meddled not in the town of Leicester with the making of any attachments, except with a bailiff of the same town; in the time of Thomas, by force and might they made attachments and other executions without any bailiff of the town, and wrought great wrongs in the said town, whereby the burgesses suffered great grievances.

In the time of Edmund, if any burgess were impleaded in the court of the castle, the mayor and bailiffs of the same town used to claim their court and freely have it at the Portmanmoot; in the time of Thomas the farmers refused to admit their claims or to grant their court, but compelled burgesses to answer there by various and heavy distraints.

Further, in the time of Edmund, buyers of wool used to hire carts to carry their wool at their will; in the time of Thomas they were compelled to give to the farmers 1d. on each sack and could hire carts only at the will of the said farmers.

Further, in the time of Edmund, the foresters of "le Fruth" used not to make attachments in the town of Leicester nor meddle there for any trespasses of dry wood committed; in the time of Thomas, by extortion, force and might, they made attachments both upon those who bought at their doors from poor women carrying dry sticks on their heads, and upon others, and caused the buyers to be amerced at the court of "le Hethilegh."

In the time of Edmund, the brewers of the same town used to be amerced once a year according to the measure of their guilt and at the rate of 6d. or 12d. at most; in the time of Thomas, the farmers levied from the same by extortions and heavy ransoms at their will from one half a mark and from another 10s., which they call farms of "Cannemol."

Further, in the time of Edmund, the weavers of the same town used to give nothing to any man for exercising their trade; in the time of Thomas the said farmers took by extortion from every weaver 40d. for permission to work in broad cloth.

Further, in the time of Edmund the vendors of salt herrings and fish could sell such their merchandise by themselves and their servants (servos) with their own hands, giving nothing of their own except toll; in the time of Thomas they were not permitted to sell their merchandise, but the ministers of the farmers deputed hereto sold the same and took great sums of money by extortion.

Further, in the time of Edmund, retailers of cloth selling in their windows used not to be amerced except by view of jurors of the same town and once a year at 12d.; in the time of Thomas they were compelled by heavy extortions to make fines at his will.

In witness whereof the jurors have set their seals to this inquisition.

[182] June 11.

[183] The necessities of Earl Thomas, leader of the opposition to Edward II., had evidently reacted upon his tenants.

[184] And 23 others named.

[185] The lord's lessees, responsible for the farm of the town.

13. Grant of Pavage To the Lord of a Town [Patent Roll, 2 Edward III, p. 1, m. 5], 1328.

The King to the venerable father in Christ H. by the same grace bishop of Lincoln, greeting. Know ye that we have granted to you, in aid of paving your town of Newark, that from the day of the making of these presents to the end of three years completed next following you take in the same town, by those whom you shall think fit to depute hereto and for whom you will be answerable, the underwritten customs on things for sale coming to the same town, to wit, on each quarter of corn for sale ¼d., on each horse and mare for sale ½d., on each hide of horse and mare, ox and cow, fresh, salted and tanned, for sale,¼d., on each cart carrying meat, salted or fresh, for sale, 1½d., on 5 bacons for sale ½d., on each salmon, fresh or salt, for sale,¼d., on each 100 mackerel for sale ½d., on each lamprey for sale ½d., on 10 sheep, goats or swine for sale 1d., on 10 fleeces for sale ½d., on each 100 woolfells of sheep, goats, stags, hinds, bucks and does for sale 1d., on each 100 fells of lambs, kids, hares, rabbits, foxes, cats and squirrels ½d., on each cart-load of sea-fish for sale 2d., on each horse-load of sea-fish for sale ½d., on each truss of cloths brought by cart 3d., on each horse-load of cloth for sale or other diverse and minute things for sale coming to the same town ½d., on each cart-load of iron for sale 1d., on each 100 of steel for sale ¼d., on each cart-load of tin for sale ½d., on each quarter of woad 2d., on each tun of wine for sale 2d., on each sack of wool for sale 2d., on each horse-load of wool 1d., on each horse-load of apples, pears or nuts for sale ¼d., on each 100 of linen web and canvas for sale ½d., on each 100 of linen for sale ¼d., on each new cart for sale ¼d., on each cart laden with timber for sale ½d., on each 1000 laths 1½d., on each 100 stockfish and Aberdeen fish ½d., on each cart laden with hay or grass for sale ¼d., on each cart carrying rushes for sale 1d., on each cart-load of heath for sale ½d., on each truss of chalons[186] for sale ½d., on each horse-load of glass (verro) ½d., on each horse-load of garlic for sale ½d., on each 1000 herrings for sale ¼d., on each 100 boards for sale 1d., on each cart-load of faggots for sale ¼d., on each quarter of salt for sale ¼d., on each dozen horse-loads of coals for sale ½d., on each cart-load of coals for sale ½d., on each cart-load of brushwood for sale ½d., on each horse-load of brushwood for sale by the week ¼d., on each 1000 nails for house gables (ad cumilum domus) for sale ¼d., on each 100 horse shoes for horses and clout-nails for carts ½d., on 2000 of all manner of nails for sale except nails for carts and house gables ¼d., on each truss of every kind of ware for sale coming to the same town and exceeding the value of 2s.d. And therefore we command you that you take the customs aforesaid until the end of the said three years in the form aforesaid, and that after the term of the said three years be complete the said customs wholly cease and be annulled. In witness whereof, etc., to endure for the aforesaid three years. Witness the King at Northampton, 8 May.

By the King himself.

[186] Coverlets made at Chalons-sur-Marne.

14. Misappropriation of the Tolls Levied for Pavage [Fine Roll, 10 Edward III, m. 22], 1336.

The King to his beloved and faithful John de Mounteny, Nicholas de Beaulu, Robert Scuffyn, and William de Merston, greeting. Know ye that whereas on the 8th day of May in the second year of our reign by our letters patent we granted unto the venerable father Henry, bishop of Lincoln, that he should have in the town of Newark pavage for the term of three years next following, and afterwards, wishing to do further grace to the same bishop in this behalf, we granted unto him that from the end of the term aforesaid he should take in the town aforesaid such pavage until the end of four years then next following, the collection of which pavage amounts to no small sum, as it is said; and we have received a petition shown before us and our council, containing that the collectors of the pavage aforesaid in the time aforesaid have detained by them the money which they have collected from that pavage by virtue of the grants aforesaid, and still detain the same, converting it to other uses than to the repair and amendment of that town, as would be fitting, to the deception of us and contrary to the form of the grants aforesaid: We, wishing to apply a remedy in this behalf, as well for us as for the safety of the town aforesaid in times to come, as we are bound, have appointed you, three and two of you, to survey all works, if any have been done by the collectors aforesaid from such money levied and collected during the time of the grants aforesaid in the same town, and to enquire, if need be, of the names of the collectors aforesaid, and to cause those collectors to come before you, three or two of you, and to hear and determine finally the account of all the same collectors of all their receipts from the time aforesaid for such cause, and to distrain the same collectors to apply without delay in such repair all money levied on account of the premises and not applied in the repair aforesaid, and to appoint and depute certain fit collectors of the pavage aforesaid in the town aforesaid of the same town, to collect and levy the money there and to apply the same in the repair and amendment of the pavage aforesaid in times to come, as you shall deem best to be done according to your discretions for our advantage and the safety of the town aforesaid. And therefore we command you that at certain days which you, three or two of you, shall provide herefor, you hear and determine the account aforesaid, and do and accomplish all and singular the premises in the form aforesaid; for we have commanded our sheriff of Nottingham that at certain days which you, three or two of you, shall cause him to know, he cause to come before you, three or two of you, the collectors aforesaid, and as many and such good and lawful men of his bailiwick by whom the truth of the matter in the premises may the better be known and enquired of. In witness whereof, etc. Witness the King at Walsingham, 15 February. By petition of the Council.

15. Ordinances of the White Tawyers of London [Guildhall Letter-Book F, f. 126], 1346.

In honour of God, of Our Lady, and of all Saints, and for the nurture of tranquillity and peace among the good folks the Megucers, called "Whittawyers," the folks of the same trade have, by assent of Richard Lacer, Mayor, and of the Aldermen, ordained the points underwritten.

In the first place, they have ordained that they will find a wax candle, to burn before Our Lady in the Church of All Hallows near London Wall. Also, that each person of the said trade shall put in the box such sum as he shall think fit, in aid of maintaining the said candle.

Also, if by chance any one of the said trade shall fall into poverty, whether through old age, or because he cannot labour or work, and have nothing with which to help himself; he shall have every week from the said box 7d. for his support if he be a man of good repute. And after his decease, if he have a wife, a woman of good repute, she shall have weekly for her support 7d. from the said box, so long as she shall behave herself well, and keep single.

And that no stranger shall work in the said trade, or keep house [for the same] in the city, if he be not an apprentice, or a man admitted to the franchise of the said city.

And that no one shall take the serving man of another to work with him, during his term, unless it be with the permission of his master.

And if any one of the said trade shall have work in his house that he cannot complete, or if for want of assistance such work shall be in danger of being lost, those of the said trade shall aid him, that so the said work be not lost.

And if any one of the said trade shall depart this life, and have not wherewithal to be buried, he shall be buried at the expense of their common box; and when any one of the said trade shall die, all those of the said trade shall go to the Vigil, and make offering on the morrow.

And if any serving-man shall conduct himself in any other manner than properly towards his master, and act rebelliously towards him, no one of the said trade shall set him to work, until he shall have made amends before the Mayor and Aldermen; and before them such misprision shall be redressed.

And that no one of the said trade shall behave himself the more thoughtlessly, in the way of speaking or acting amiss, by reason of the points aforesaid; and if any one shall do to the contrary thereof, he shall not follow the said trade until he shall have reasonably made amends.

And if any one of the said trade shall do to the contrary of any point of the Ordinances aforesaid, and be convicted thereof by good men of the said trade, he shall pay to the Chamber of the Guildhall of London, the first time 2s., the second time 40d., the third time half a mark, and the fourth time 10s., and shall forswear the trade.

Also, that the good folks of the same trade shall once in the year be assembled in a certain place, convenient thereto, there to choose two men of the most loyal and befitting of the said trade, to be overseers of work and all other things touching the trade, for that year, which persons shall be presented to the Mayor and Aldermen for the time being, and sworn before them diligently to enquire and make search, and loyally to present to the said Mayor and Aldermen such defaults as they shall find touching the said trade without sparing any one for friendship or for hatred, or in any other manner. And if any one of the said trade shall be found rebellious against the said overseers, so as not to let them properly make their search and assay, as they ought to do; or if he shall absent himself from the meeting aforesaid, without reasonable cause, after due warning by the said overseers, he shall pay to the Chamber, upon the first default, 40d.; and on the second like default, half a mark; and on the third, one mark; and on the fourth, 20s. and shall forswear the trade for ever.

Also, that if the overseers shall be found lax and negligent about their duty, or partial to any person, for gift or for friendship, maintaining him, or voluntarily permitting him [to continue] in his default, and shall not present him to the Mayor and Aldermen, as before stated, they are to incur the penalty aforesaid.

Also, that each year, at such assemblies of the good folks of the said trade, there shall be chosen overseers, as before stated. And if it shall be found that through laxity or negligence of the said governors such assemblies are not held, each of the said overseers is to incur the said penalty.

Also, that all skins falsely and deceitfully wrought in their trade, which the said overseers shall find on sale in the hands of any person, citizen or foreigner, within the franchise, shall be forfeited to the said Chamber, and the worker thereof amerced in manner aforesaid.

Also, that no one who has not been an apprentice, and has not finished his term of apprenticeship in the said trade shall be made free of the same trade; unless it be attested by the overseers for the time being or by four persons of the said trade, that such person is able, and sufficiently skilled to be made free of the same.

Also, that no one of the said trade shall induce the servant of another to work with him in the same trade, until he has made a proper fine with his first master, at the discretion of the said overseers, or of four reputable men of the said trade. And if any one shall do to the contrary thereof, or receive the serving workman of another to work with him during his term, without leave of the trade, he is to incur the said penalty.

Also, that no one shall take for working in the said trade more than they were wont heretofore, on the pain aforesaid, that is to say, for the dyker[187] of Scottes stagges, half a mark; the dyker of Yrysshe, half a mark; the dyker of Spanysshe stagges 10s.; for the hundred of gotesfelles, 20s.; the hundred of rolether, 16s.; for the hundred skins of hyndescalves, 8s.; and for the hundred of kiddefelles, 8s.[188]

English Economic History: Select Documents

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